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THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 


THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  CHICAGO  PRESS 
CHICAGO,  ILLINOIS 


THE  BAKER  &  TAYLOR  COMPANY 

NEW  YORK 

THE  CAMBRIDGE  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

LONDON 

THE  MARUZEN-KABUSHIKI-KAISHA 

TOKYO,  OSAKA,  KYOTO,  FUKUOKA,  SENDAI 

THE  MISSION  BOOK  COMPANY 

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THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 


A  STUDY  OF  RACE  RELATIONS 
AND  A  RACE  RIOT 


BY 

THE  CHICAGO  COMMISSION  ON 
RACE  RELATIONS 


THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  CHICAGO  PRESS 
CHICAGO  ILLINOIS 


Copyright  192  j  By 
The  University  of  Chicago 


All  Rights  Reserved 


Published  September  192a 

Second  Impression  January  1923 

Third  Impression  March  1923 


Composed  and  Printed  By 

The  University  ol  Chicago  Press 

Chicago.  Illinois,  U.S.A. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

List  of  Illustrations ix 

List  of  Maps x 

Foreword  by  Honorable  Frank  O.  Lowden xiii 

Introduction xv 

The  Problem xxiii 

Chapter  I.    The  Chicago  Riot,  July  27-AuGUST  2,1919.       .       .       .  1-52 

Background  of  the  Riot 2 

The  Beginning  of  the  Riot 4 

Chronological  Story  of  the  Riot 5 

Factors  Influencing  Growth  of  the  Riot 9 

Gangs  and  "Athletic  Clubs" 11 

Types  of  Clashes 17 

Crowds  and  Mobs 22 

Rumor 25 

Police 33 

Militia 4° 

Deputy  Sheriffs 43 

Restoration  of  Order 43 

Aftermath  of  the  Riot 46 

Outstanding  Features  of  the  Riot 48 

Chapter  II.    Other  Outbreaks  in  Illinois 53-78 

Clashes  in  Chicago  preceding  the  Riot  of  1919 SS 

Racial  Outbreaks  in  Waukegan,  May  31  and  June  2,  1920      ...  57 

The  "Abyssinian"  Affair,  June  20,  1920 59 

The  Barrett  Murder,  September  20,  1920 64 

The  Springfield  Riot,  August  14-15,  1908 67 

East  St.  Louis  Riots,  May  28,  and  July  2,  191 7 71 

Chapter  III.    The  Migration  of  Negroes  from  the  South  .       .       .     79-105 

Economic  Causes  of  the  Migration 80 

Sentimental  Causes  of  the  Migration 84 

Beginning  and  Spread  of  Migration 86 

The  Arrival  in  Chicago 93 

Adjustments  to  Chicago  Life 94 

Migrants  in  Chicago 97 

Efforts  to  Check  Migration 103 

Chapter  IV.    The  Negro  Population  of  Chicago 106-151 

Distribution  and  Density 106 

Neighborhoods  of  Negro  Residence 108 

V 


5(>^4-iD 


vi  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Adjusted  Neighborhoods io8 

Non-adjusted  Neighborhoods 113 

Neighborhoods  of  Organized  Opposition 115 

Bombings 122 

Trend  of  the  Negro  Population 135 

Outlying  Neighborhoods 136 

The  Negro  Community 139 

Commercial  and  Industrial  Enterprises 140 

Organizations  for  Social  Intercourse 141 

Religious  Organizations 142 

Social  and  Civic  Agencies 146 

Medical  Institutions 150 

Chapter  V.    The  Negro  Housing  Problem 152-230 

General  Living  Conditions 152 

Why  Negroes  Move 154 

Room  Crowding 156 

Rents  and  Lodgers 162 

How  Negro  Families  Live 165 

A  Group  of  Family  Histories .       .       .  170 

Physical  Aspects  of  Negro  Housing 184 

Neighborhood  Improvement  Associations 192 

Efforts  of  Social  Agencies 193 

Negroes  and  Property  Depreciation 194 

Financial  Aspects  of  Negro  Housing 215 

Negroes  as  Home  Owners 216 

Financial  Resources  of  Negroes 227 

Chapter  VI.    Racial  Contacts 231-326 

Legal  Status  of  Negroes  in  Illinois 232 

Discrimination  in  Public  Schools 234 

Contacts  in  Chicago  Public  Schools 238 

Physical  Equipment  of  Schools 241 

Retardation  in  Elementary  Schools 256 

Contacts  in  Recreation 271 

Contacts  in  Transportation 297 

Contacts  in  Other  Relations 309 

"Black  and  Tan"  Resorts 323 

Cultural  Contacts 325 

Contacts  in  Co-operative  Efforts  for  Race  Betterment     ....  326 

Chapter  VII.    Crime  and  Vlbious  Environment 327-356 

Criminal  Statistics 328 

The  Negro  in  the  Courts 332 

Bureau  of  Identification 335 

Probation  and  Parole 335 

Institutional  Inquiry 338 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS  vii 


PAGE 


Negro  Crime  and  Environment 341 

Views  of  Authorities  on  Crime  among  Negroes 345 

Chapter  VIII.    The  Negro  in  Industry 357-435 

Employment  Opportunities  and  Conditions r  "357 

Increase  in  Negro  Labor  since  191 5 362 

Classification  of  Negro  Workers 364 

Wages  of  Negro  Workers 365 

Women  Employees  in  Industrial  Establishments       ....  367 

Railroad  Workers 369 

Domestic  Workers 370 

Employers'  Experience  with  Negro  Labor 372 

Negro  Women  in  Industry 378 

Industries  Excluding  the  Negro 391 

Relations  of  White  and  Colored  Workers 393 

Future  of  the  Negro  in  Chicago  Industries         .....  400 

Organized  Labor  and  the  Negro  Worker 403 

Policy  of  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  and  Other  Federations  405 

Unions  Admitting  Negroes  to  White  Locals 412 

Unions  Admitting  Negroes  to  Separate  Co-ordinate  Locals     .       .  417 

Unions  Excluding  Negroes  from  Membership 420 

The  Negro  and  Strikes 430 

Attitude  and  Opinions  of  Labor  Leaders 432 

Chapter  IX.    Public  Opinion  in  Race  Relations 436-519 

A.    opinions  of  whites  and  negroes 

Beliefs  Concerning  Negroes 437 

Primary  BeUefs 438 

Secondary  Beliefs 443 

Background  of  Prevailing  Beliefs  Concerning  Negroes     ....  445 

Types  of  Sentirrients  and  Attitudes 451 

The  Emotional  Background 451 

Abstract  Justice 454 

Traditional  Southern  Background 456 

Group  Sentiments 456 

Attitudes  Determined  by  Contacts .  '■.       457 

Self -Analysis  by  Fifteen  White  Citizens 459 

Public  Opinion  as  Expressed  by  Negroes     .       .      .."••*       .       .       .  475 

Race  Problems 478 

Abyssinians 480 

A  Negro  and  a  Mob 481 

Defensive  Policies 484 

Race  Consciousness 487 

Opinions  of  Fifteen  Negroes  on  Definite  Racial  Problems       .       .       .  493 

Are  Race  Relations  Improving  ? 494 

Opinions  on  Solution 495 

Social  Adjustments 502 


viii  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

PACE 

Negro  Problems 505 

Defensive  Philosophy 508 

Segregation  and  Racial  Solidarity 509 

Opinion-making 514 

Chapter  X.    Public  Opinion  in  Race  Relations 520-594 

B.    instruments  of  opinion-making 

The  Press 520 

General  Survey  of  Chicago  Newspapers 523 

Intensive  Study  of  Chicago  Newspapers 531 

Newspaper  Pohcy  Regarding  Negro  News 547 

The  Negro  Press 556 

Classification  of  Articles 557 

Negro  Newspaper  Policy 563 

Rumor 568 

Myths 577 

Propaganda 587 

Conclusions 594 

Chapter  XI.    Summary  of  the  Report  and  Recommendations  of  the 

Commission 595-651 

The  Chicago  Riot 595 

The  Migration  of  Negroes  from  the  South 602 

The  Negro  Population  of  Chicago 605 

Racial  Contacts 613 

Crime  and  Vicious  Environment 621 

The  Negro  in  Chicago  Industries 623 

Pubhc  Opinion  in  Race  Relations 629 

Opinions  of  Whites  and  Negroes 629 

Factors  in  the  Making  of  Pubhc  Opinion 634 

The  Recommendations  of  the  Commission 640 

Appendix  .       .       .       .; 652 

Biographical  Data  of  Members  of  the  Commission 652 

The  Staff  of  the  Commission 653 

Epitome  of  Facts  in  Riot  Deaths 655 

Table  Showing  Number  of  Persons  Injured  in  Chicago  Riot  by  Date 

and  by  Race 667 

Index 669 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 

PACING 
PAGE 

Whites  and  Negroes  Leaving  Twenty-ninth  Street  Beach        .       .       .  iii 

Crowds  Armed  with  Bricks  Searching  for  a  Negro 12 

Whites  Stoning  Negro  to  Death 12 

The  Arrival  of  the  Police 12 

Scenes  from  Fire  in  Immigrant  Neighborhood 16,  22,  28 

Negroes  Leaving  Wrecked  House  in  Riot  Zone 16 

Wrecked  House  of  a  Negro  Family  in  Riot  Zone 28 

Negroes  and  Whites  Leaving  the  Stock  Yards 28 

Negroes  Being  Escorted  to  Safety  Zone 34 

Searching  Negroes  for  Arms  in  Police  Station 34 

Negroes  Buying  Provisions  Brought  into  Their  Neighborhood       .       .  40 

The  Militia  and  Negroes  on  Friendly  Terms 40 

Negro  Stock  Yards  Workers  Receiving  Wages 44 

Buying  Ice  from  Freight  Car '44 

Milk  Was  Distributed  for  the  Babies 48 

Provisions  Supplied  by  the  Red  Cross 48 

Propaganda  Literature  Used  by  "Abyssinians" 60 

After  THE  "Abyssinian  Murders" 64 

Typical  Plantation  Homes  in  the  South 80 

Negro  Family  Just  Arrived  in  Chicago 92 

Negro  Church  in  the  South 92 

Racial  Contacts  among  Children 108 

A  Savings  Bank  in  the  Negro  Residence  Area 112 

Children  at  Work  in  a  Community  Garden 112 

Damage  Done  by  a  Bomb 128 

A  Negro  Choral  Society 136 

Olivet  Baptist  Church 140 

St.  Mark's  M.E.  Church 140 

Trinity  M.E.  Church  and  Community  House    .       .       .       ,       .       .       .146 

South  Park  M.E.  Church 146 

Pilgrim  Baptist  Church 146 

The  Chicago  Urban  League  Building 1 5° 

The  South  Side  Community  Service  Bxhlding 150 

Homes  Owned  by  Negroes  on  South  Park  Avenue 188 


X  LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 

FACING 
PAGE 

An  Abandoned  Residence  in  the  Prairie  Avenue  Block     .      .       .       .188 

Homes  Occupied  and  in  Part  Owned  by  Negroes 194 

Homes  Occupied  by  Negroes  on  Forest  Avenue 202 

Rear  View  of  Houses  Occupied  by  Negroes  on  Federal  Street       .       .  202 

MosELEY  School 242 

Farren  School 248 

Wendell  Phillips  High  School 252 

A  Typical  School  Yard  Playground  in  a  White  Neighborhood        .       .  276 

Beutner  Playground 280 

Field  House  Equipment  at  Beutner  Playground 280 

Negro  Athletic  Team  in  City- Wide  Meet 280 

Friendly  Rivalry 280 

Armour  Square  Recreation  Center 286 

Beutner  Playground 286 

A  Negro  Amateur  Baseball  Team 292 

Negro  Women  aistd  Girls  Employed  est  a  Lamp-Shade  Factory    .       .       .378 

Negro  Women  Employed  on  Power  Machines 380 

Negro  Women  and  Girls  in  a  Large  Hat-making  Concern  ....  384 

Officers  of  the  Railway  Men's  Benevolent  Industrial  Association      .  410 


LIST  OF  MAPS 


FACING 
PACK 


The  Chicago  Riot .  8 

Distribution  of  Negro  Population,  1910 106 

Distribution  of  Negro  Population,  1920 no 

Proportion  of  Negroes  to  Total  Population,  1910 116 

Proportion  of  Negroes  to  Total  Population,  1920 120 

Homes  Bombed 124 

Negro  CnxniCHES i44 

Social  Agenqes 148 

Homes  of  White  and  Negro  Employees iS4 

Types  of  Negro  Housing 184 

A  Changing  Neighborhood 212 

Recreation  Facilities 272 

Transportation  Contacts,  Morning  7:00  to  9:00 300 

Transportation  Contacts,  Evening  4:00  TO  6:00 300 

Houses  of  Prostitution,  1916 342 

Houses  of  Prostitution,  191 8 342 

Resorts 346 

Industrial  Plants 360 


FOREWORD 

There  is  no  domestic  problem  in  America  which  has  given  thoughtful  men 
more  concern  than  the  problem  of  the  relations  between  the  white  and  the 
Negro  races.  In  earlier  days  the  colonization  of  the  Negro,  as  in  Liberia,  was 
put  forward  as  a  solution.  That  idea  was  abandoned  long  ago.  It  is  now 
recognized  generally  that  the  two  races  are  here  in  America  to  stay. 

It  is  also  certain  that  the  problem  will  not  be  solved  by  methods  of  violence. 
Every  race  riot,  every  instance  in  which  men  of  either  race  defy  legal  authority 
and  take  the  law  into  their  own  hands,  but  postpones  the  day  when  the  two 
races  shall  live  together  amicably.  The  law  must  be  maintained  and  enforced 
vigorously  and  completely  before  any  real  progress  can  be  made  towards 
better  race  relations. 

Means  must  be  found,  therefore,  whereby  the  two  races  can  live  together 
on  terms  of  amity.  This  will  be  possible  only  if  the  two  races  are  brought  to 
understand  each  other  better.  It  is  believed  that  such  imderstanding  will 
result  in  each  having  a  higher  degree  of  respect  for  the  other,  and  that  such 
respect  will  form  the  basis  for  greatly  improved  relations  between  the  races. 

The  Commission  on  Race  Relations,  composed  of  distinguished  representa- 
tives of  both  races,  has  made  the  most  thorough  and  complete  survey  of  the 
race  situation  that  I  have  seen  anywhere.  WTiile  its  field  of  study  was  neces- 
sarily limited  to  Chicago,  the  conditions  there  may  be  regarded  as  fairly 
typical  of  conditions  in  other  large  cities  where  there  is  a  large  colored  popu- 
lation. 

The  report  does  not  pretend  to  have  discovered  any  new  formula  by  which 
all  race  trouble  will  disappear.  The  subject  is  too  complex  for  any  such  simple 
solution.  It  finds  certain  facts,  however,  the  mere  recognition  of  which  will 
go  a  long  way  towards  allaying  race  feeling.  It  finds  that  in  that  portion  of 
Chicago  in  which  colored  persons  have  lived  longest  and  in  the  largest  nimibers 
relatively  there  has  been  the  minimum  of  friction.  This  is  a  fact  of  the  first 
importance.  For  it  tends  to  show  that  the  presence  of  Negroes  in  large 
numbers  in  our  great  cities  is  not  a  menace  in  itself. 


xiv  FOREWORD 

There  is  one  recommendation  (No.  31)  to  which  I  desire  to  call  special 
attention:  that  a  permanent  local  commission  on  race  relations  be  created. 
When  as  Governor  of  Illinois  I  withdrew  troops  from  Chicago  after  the  riots, 
I  was  not  at  all  persuaded  that  all  danger  of  their  recurrence  was  past.  I  kept 
observers  from  the  Adjutant  General's  office  on  the  ground  to  watch  for  any 
signs  of  fresh  trouble.  The  Commission  on  Race  Relations  was  appointed, 
and  conditions  at  once  began  to  improve.  The  activities  of  this  Commission, 
composed  of  the  best  representatives  of  both  races,  were,  as  I  believe,  the 
principal  cause  for  this  improved  condition. 

Causes  of  friction,  insignificant  in  themselves,  but  capable  of  leading  to 
serious  results,  were  discovered  by  the  Commission  and  by  its  suggestion  were 
removed  in  time  to  avoid  grave  consequences.  Gross  exaggerations  of  some 
fancied  grievance  by  either  the  one  race  or  the  other  were  examined  into  and 
were  found  to  rest  upon  nothing  else  than  idle  rumor  or  prejudice.  In  the  light 
of  truth  which  the  Commission  was  able  to  throw  upon  the  subject,  these  griev- 
ances disappeared.  In  other  words,  misunderstanding,  which  had  been  so 
prolific  a  source  of  trouble  between  the  races,  was  greatly  reduced. 

The  report  contains  recommendations,  which,  if  acted  upon,  will  make 
impossible,  in  my  opinion,  a  repetition  of  the  appalling  tragedy  which  brought 
disgrace  to  Chicago  in  July  of  1919. 

Men  may  differ  as  to  some  of  the  conclusions  reached,  but  all  fair-minded 
men  must  admit,  I  think,  that  the  report  of  the  Commission  on  Race  Relations 
is  a  most  important  contribution  to  this  important  subject. 

Frank  O.  Lowden 


INTRODUCTION 

On  Sunday,  July  27,  1919,  there  was  a  clash  of  white  people  and  Negroes 
at  a  bathing-beach  in  Chicago,  which  resulted  in  the  drowning  of  a  Negro  boy. 
This  led  to  a  race  riot  in  which  thirty-eight  Uves  were  lost — twenty-three 
Negroes  and  fifteen  whites — and  537  persons  were  injured.  After  three  days 
of  mob  violence,  affecting  several  sections  of  the  city,  the  state  miHtia  was 
called  out  to  assist  the  police  in  restoring  order.  It  was  not  until  August  6 
that  danger  of  further  clashes  was  regarded  as  past. 

To  discuss  this  serious  situation  and  means  of  preventing  its  recurrence, 
a  group  of  eighty-one  citizens,  representing  forty-eight  social,  civic,  com- 
mercial, and  professional  organizations  of  Chicago,  met  on  August  i,  1919, 
at  the  Union  League  Club.  Mr.  Charles  W.  Folds,  president  of  the  Club, 
presided.  Brief  addresses  were  made  by  Mr.  H.  H.  Merrick,  president  of  the 
Chicago  Association  of  Commerce,  Dr.  Graham  Taylor,  Miss  Harriet  Vittum, 
Major  John  S.  Bonner,  Mr.  Charles  J.  Boyd,  and  Rev.  WiUiam  C.  Covert. 

Resolutions  were  passed  and  given  to  the  press,  an^  the  following  letter 
to  the  Governor  of  Illinois  was  authorized : 
To  His  Excellency,  Frank  0.  Lowden 
Governor  0}  Illinois 

Dear  Sir:  A  meeting  was  held  today  at  the  Union  League  Club  to  take  up  the 
matter  of  the  present  race  riots. 

This  meeting  was  attended  by  81  representatives  of  48  prominent  civic,  profes- 
sional and  commercial  organizations,  such  as  Chicago  Medical  Association,  Chicago 
Bar  Association,  Federation  of  Churches,  Association  of  Commerce,  Packing  House 
Industries,  Urban  League,  Woman's  City  Club,  Chicago  Woman's  Club,  Foreign 
Language  Division,  representing  foreign-bom  population,  etc. 

A  resolution  was  adopted  imanimously,  appointing  the  tmdersigned  as  a  com- 
mittee to  wait  upon  you  and  ask  that  you  appoint  at  your  earliest  convenience  an 
emergency  state  committee  to  study  the  psychological,  social  and  economic  causes 
underlying  the  conditions  resiiltuig  in  the  present  race  riot  and  to  make  such  recom- 
mendations as  will  tend  to  prevent  a  recurrence  of  such  conditions  in  the  future. 

The  committee  would  welcome  an  opportunity  to  meet  you  at  any  time  convenient 
to  yourself  and  to  talk  over  with  you  details  and  give  you  such  information  as  has 
been  gathered  through  these  various  organizations. 

Respectfully, 

Charles  W.  Folds 
Graham  Taylor 
William  C.  Graves 
Harriet  E.  Vittum 
T.  Arnold  Hill 
Felix  J.  Streyckmans 

XV 


xvi  INTRODUCTION 

In  response  to  this  and  other  urgent  requests  by  various  citizens  and 
organizations,  and  pursuant  to  his  personal  knowledge  of  the  situation  derived 
from  investigations  made  by  him  in  Chicago  during  the  period  of  the  riot, 
Governor  Lowden  announced  on  August  20,  1919,  the  appointment  of  a 
Commission  on  Race  Relations,  consisting  of  twelve  members,  six  from  each 
race,  as  follows — Mr,  Bancroft  being  designated  by  him  as  chairman: 

Representing  the  white  people:  Edgar  A.  Bancroft,  WilUam  Scott  Bond, 
Edward  Osgood  Brown,  Harry  Eugene  Kelly,  Victor  F.  Lawson,  JuUus  Rosen- 
wald. 

Representing  the  Negro  people:  Robert  S.  Abbott,  George  Cleveland 
Hall,  George  H.  Jackson,  Edward  H.  Morris,  Adelbert  H,  Roberts,  Lacey 
Kirk  Wilhams.^ 

In  announcing  the  appointment  of  this  Commission,  Governor  Lowden 
made  public  the  following  statement: 

I  have  been  requested  by  many  citizens  and  by  many  civic  organizations  in 
Chicago  to  appoint  a  Commission  to  study  and  report  upon  the  broad  question  of 
the  relations  between  the  two  races.  These  riots  were  the  work  of  the  worst  element 
of  both  races.  They  did  not  represent  the  great  overwhelming  majority  of  either  race. 
The  two  are  here  and  wiU  remain  here.  The  great  majority  of  each  realizes  the 
necessity  of  their  living  upon  terms  of  cordial  good  will  and  respect,  each  for  the  other. 
That  condition  must  j^e  brought  about. 

To  say  that  we  cannot  solve  this  problem  is  to  confess  the  failure  of  self- 
government.  I  offer  no  solution  of  the  problem.  I  do  know,  however,  that  the 
question  cannot  be  answered  by  mob  violence.  I  do  know  that  every  time  men, 
white  or  colored,  take  the  law  into  their  own  hands,  instead  of  helping  they  only 
postpone  the  settlement  of  the  question.  When  we  admit  the  existence  of  a  problem 
and  courageously  face  it,  we  have  gone  half-way  toward  its  solution. 

I  have  with  the  utmost  care,  in  response  to  the  requests  above  set  forth,  appointed 
a  Commission  to  undertake  this  great  work.  I  have  sought  only  the  most  represent- 
ative men  of  the  two  races.  I  have  not  even  asked  them  whether  they  had  views  as 
to  how  the  question  covild  be  met.  I  have  asked  them  only  to  approach  the  difficult 
subject  with  an  open  mind,  and  in  a  spirit  of  fairness  and  justice  to  all.  This  is  a 
tribunal  that  has  been  constituted  to  get  the  facts  and  interpret  them  and  to  find  a 
way  out.    I  believe  that  great  good  can  come  out  of  the  work  of  this  Commission. 

I  ask  that  our  people,  white  and  colored,  give  their  fullest  co-operation  to  the 
Commission.  I  ask,  too,  as  I  have  a  right  to  ask,  that  both  races  exercise  that 
patience  and  self-restramt  which  are  indispensable  to  self-government  while  we  are 
working  out  this  problem. 

During  an  absence  of  the  chairman,  due  to  ill  health,  Governor  Lowden 
requested  Dr.  Francis  W.  Shepardson,  director  of  the  State  Department  of 
Registration  and  Education,  to  serve  as  acting  chairman.  On  Mr.  Ban- 
croft's return  and  at  the  Commission's  request,  the  Governor  appointed 
Dr.  Shepardson  a  member  and  vice-chairman  of  the  Commission. 

'  For  biographical  data  see  p.  652. 


INTRODUCTION  xvu 

The  Commission's  first  meeting  was  held  on  October  g,  1919.  Nine  other 
meetings  were  held  during  the  remainder  of  that  year  to  canvass  the  possible 
fields  of  inquiry,  and  to  provide  for  the  organization  of  studies  and  investiga- 
tions. 

The  Commission  was  seriously  handicapped  at  the  outset  by  a  complete 
lack  of  funds.  The  legislative  session  of  1919  had  ended  before  the  riot,  and 
the  next  regular  session  was  not  to  convene  until  January,  192 1.  The  Com- 
mission felt  that  it  could  not  with  propriety  seek  to  raise  funds  on  its  own 
appeal.  To  meet  this  situation  a  group  of  citizens  offered  to  serve  as  a 
co-operating  committee  to  finance  the  Commission's  inquiry  and  the  prepara- 
tion and  publication  of  its  report.  This  Committee,  consisting  of  Messrs. 
James  B.  Forgan,  chairman,  Abel  Davis,  treasurer,  Arthur  Meeker,  John  J. 
Mitchell,  and  John  G.  Shedd,  gave  effective  aid,  being  most  actively  assisted 
by  Messrs.  R.  B.  Beach  and  John  F.  Bowman,  of  the  staff  of  the  Chicago 
Association  of  Commerce.  Without  the  co-operation  of  these  gentlemen  and 
the  resulting  financial  assistance  of  many  generous  contributors  the  Com- 
mission could  not  have  carried  on  its  work.  It  here  expresses  its  most  grateful 
appreciation. 

The  Commission  organized  its  staff,  inviting  Mr.  Graham  Romeyn  Taylor, 
as  executive  secretary,  and  Mr.  Charles  S.  Johnson,  as  associate  executive 
secretary,  to  assume  charge  of  the  inquiries  and  investigations  under  its 
direction.     They  began  their  work  on  December  7,  1919. 

While  the  Commission  recognized  the  importance  of  studying  the  facts 
of  the  riot,  it  felt  that  even  greater  emphasis  should  be  placed  on  the  study 
and  interpretation  of  the  conditions  of  Negro  life  in  Chicago  and  of  the  relations 
between  the  two  races.  Therefore,  after  a  brief  survey  of  the  data  already 
collected  and  of  the  broad  field  for  its  inquiries,  it  organized  into  six  com- 
mittees, as  follows:  Committee  on  Racial  Clashes,  Committee  on  Housing, 
Committee  on  Industry,  Committee  on  Crime,  Committee  on  Racial  Contacts, 
Committee  on  Public  Opinion. 

Along  all  these  lines  of  inquiry  information  was  sought  in  two  general  ways: 
through  a  series  of  conferences  or  informal  hearings,  and  through  research 
and  field  work  carried  on  by  a  staff  of  trained  investigators,  white  and  Negro. 
Thus  both  races  were  represented  in  the  membership  of  the  Commission, 
in  its  executive  secretaries,  and  in  the  field  and  ofi&ce  staff  organized  by  the 
executive  secretaries. 

It  is  not  without  significance  that  in  securing  office  quarters  the  Com- 
mission found  several  agents  of  buildings  who  dechned  to  make  a  lease  when 
they  learned  that  Negroes  as  well  as  whites  were  among  the  prospective 
tenants.  They  stated  their  objections  as  based,  not  upon  their  own  preju- 
dices, but  upon  the  fear  that  other  tenants  would  resent  the  presence  of  Negroes. 
Office  space  at  118  North  La  Salle  Street  was  leased  to  the  Commission  by  the 
L.  J.  McCormick  estate,  beginning  February  i,  1920.     When  these  offices 


xv-iii  INTRODUCTION 

were  vacated,  May  i,  192 1,  the  agents  of  the  estate  informed  the  Commission 
that  no  tenant  of  the  building  had  complained  of  the  presence  of  Negroes. 

By  March  i,  1920,  the  staff  of  investigators  had  been  organized  and  was 
at  work.  The  personnel  was  recruited  as  far  as  possible  from  social  workers 
of  both  races  whose  training  and  experience  had  fitted  them  for  intelligent 
and  sympathetic  handling  of  research  and  field  work  along  the  Hnes  mapped 
out  by  the  Commission.^ 

The  period  of  investigations  and  conferences  or  informal  hearings  lasted 
until  November,  1920.  The  work  of  compiling  material  and  writing  the 
various  sections  of  the  report  had  begun  in  October,  1920.  Including  its 
business  meetings  and  thirty  conferences  the  Commission  held  more  than 
seventy-five  meetings;  forty  of  these  were  devoted  to  the  consideration  of 
the  text  of  the  report. 

The  executive  secretaries  with  their  staff  collected  the  materials  during 
1920,  and  soon  after  presented  the  first  draft  of  a  report.  This  was  considered 
and  discussed  by  the  Commission  in  numerous  sessions,  and  the  general  out- 
lines of  the  report  were  decided  upon.  Then  a  second  draft,  in  accordance 
with  its  directions,  was  prepared  by  subjects,  and  a  copy  was  submitted  to 
each  member  of  the  Commission  for  suggestions  and  criticisms.  Afterward 
the  Commission  met  and  discussed  the  questions  raised  by  the  different 
members,  and  determined  upon  the  changes  to  be  made  in  substance  and  form. 
After  the  entire  report  had  been  thus  revised,  the  Commission  in  many  con- 
ferences decided  what  recommendations  to  make.  These  recommendations, 
with  a  summary  of  the  report,  were  then  prepared,  and  were  reviewed  by  the 
Commission  after  they  had  been  sent  to  each  member.  After  full  consideration 
they  were  further  revised  and  then  adopted  by  the  Commission.  In  all  these 
conferences  upon  the  report,  all  of  the  Commissioners,  with  one  exception, 
conferred  frequently  and  agreed  unanimously.  Mr.  Morris,  on  account  of 
his  duties  as  a  member  of  the  Constitutional  Convention,  did  not  attend  any 
of  these  conferences  upon  the  report,  smnmary,  or  recommendations,  and 
does  not  concur  in  them. 

The  Commission  received  the  cordial  assistance  of  many  agencies,  organiza- 
tions, and  individuals.  The  Chicago  Urban  League  placed  at  its  disposal  a 
large  amount  of  material  from  its  files.  It  also  gave  a  leave  of  absence  to 
the  head  of  its  Department  of  Research  and  Investigation,  Mr.  Charles  S. 
Johnson,  the  Commission's  associate  executive  secretary.  Many  citizens, 
representing  widely  divergent  lines  of  interest,  who  were  invited  to  attend 
conferences  held  by  the  Commission,  gave  most  generously  of  their  time  and 
knowledge.  The  L.  J.  McCormick  estate  donated  three  months'  office  rent. 
Messrs.  George  C.  Nimmons  &  Company,  architects,  contributed  valuable 
services,  including  study  and  supervision  by  Frederick  Jehnck  of  their  office, 

'  The  members  of  this  staff,  with  the  previous  training  and  experience  of  each,  are 
listed  in  the  Appendix,  p.  653. 


INTRODUCTION  xix 

in  preparing  maps  and  charts  designed  to  present  most  effectively  data  collected 
by  the  Commission.  The  Federal  Bureau  of  the  Census  made  available 
advanced  data  from  the  1920-21  censuses.  Superintendent  Peter  A.  Morten- 
sen  and  many  principals  and  teachers  in  the  Chicago  public  schools  co-operated 
in  the  extensive  studies  of  race  relations  in  the  schools;  and  the  Committee  of 
Fifteen  provided  a  report  showing  important  facts  in  the  study  of  environment 
and  crime.  The  various  park  boards,  many  municipal,  county,  and  state 
officials,  superintendents  and  others  connected  with  industrial  plants,  trades- 
union  officers,  and  leaders  in  many  civic  and  social  agencies  greatly  facilitated 
investigations  in  their  respective  fields.  To  all  these  the  Commission  returns 
sincere  thanks.  But,  perhaps,  the  greatest  debt  of  gratitude  is  due  Mr. 
Ernest  S.  Simpson,  who  generously  and  devotedly  gave  his  spare  time  for 
many  months  to  the  editing  of  this  report. 

The  Commission's  letter  to  Governor  Lowden  summarizing  its  work,  and 
his  answer  follow: 

January  i,  1921 

Honorable  Frank  0.  Lowden 
Governor  of  Illinois 

Sir:  Following  the  race  riot  in  Chicago  in  July  and  August,  1919,  in  which 
fifteen  white  people  and  twenty-three  Negroes  were  kUled  and  very  many  of  both 
races  were  injured,  you  appointed  us  as  a  Commission  on  Race  Relations  "to  study 
and  report  upon  the  broad  question  of  the  relations  between  the  two  races."  We 
have  completed  the  investigations  planned  as  a  basis  for  this  study,  and  are  now 
preparing  a  final  report  of  our  findings,  conclusions  and  recommendations.  This 
report  will  soon  be  ready. 

The  Commission  began  its  work  in  October,  191 9,  and  for  eleven  months  has 
had  a  staff  of  investigators  assisting  it  in  its  activities.  WhQe  devoting  much  effort 
to  the  study  of  the  Chicago  riot  as  presenting  many  phases  of  the  race  problem,  the 
Commission  has  placed  greater  emphasis  upon  the  study  of  the  conditions  of  life  of 
the  Negro  group  in  this  community,  and  of  the  broad  questions  of  race  relations. 
It  therefore  organized  itself  into  six  committees  on  the  following  subjects:  Racial 
Clashes,  Housing,  Industry,  Crime,  Racial  Contacts,  and  Public  Opinion. 

In  these  fields  the  Commission's  work  has  been  done  along  two  main  lines: 

(o)  a  series  of  conferences,  at  which  persons  believed  to  have  special  information 
and  experience  relating  to  these  subjects  have  been  invited  to  give  the  Commission 
the  benefit  of  their  knowledge  and  opinions; 

{h)  research  and  field  work  by  a  trained  staff  of  investigators,  both  white  and 
Negro,  to  determine  as  accurately  as  possible,  from  first-hand  evidence,  the  actual 
conditions  in  the  above  fields. 

The  series  of  conferences,  numbering  thirty,  covered  a  wide  range  of  topics,  such 
as:  the  race  riot  of  1919  as  viewed  by  the  police,  the  militia,  the  grand  jury,  and  state's 
attorney;  race  friction  and  its  remedies;  contacts  of  whites  and  Negroes  in  public 
schools  and  recreation  places;  special  educational  problems  of  Negro  children;  Negro 
housing,  its  needs,  type,  and  financing,  and  its  difficulties  in  mixed  areas;   Negro 


XX  INTRODUCTION 

labor  in  relation  to  employers,  fellow- workers,  and  trade  unions;  Negro  women  in 
industry;  the  Negro  and  social  agencies;  Negro  health;  Negroes  and  whites  in  the 
courts  and  in  correctional  institutions;  and  the  Negro  and  white  press  in  relation  to 
public  opinion  on  race  relations. 

Of  two  hundred  and  sixty-three  persons  invited,  one  hundred  and  seventy-five 
attended  these  conferences  and  presented  their  information  and  views.  They 
represented  both  races  and  various  groups  and  viewpoints;  they  included  educators 
and  teachers,  real  estate  men,  bankers,  managers  of  industrial  plants,  housing  experts, 
trades-union  leaders,  social  workers,  physicians,  park  and  playground  directors, 
judges,  clergymen,  superintendents  of  correctional  and  other  institutions,  police, 
mihtia,  and  other  public  ofl&cials,  and  newspaper  editors. 

The  research  and  field  work  done  by  the  staff  of  investigators  covered  in  general 
the  same  broad  range.  The  character  is  indicated  by  a  bare  outline  of  the  work  in 
the  six  main  fields: 

Racial  Clashes:  1919  Chicago  riot,  seventeen  antecedent  clashes;  three  minor 
clashes  in  1920;  brief  comparative  study  of  Springfield  riot  in  1908  and  East  St. 
Louis  riot  in  19 17. 

Racial  Contacts:  In  schools,  transportation  lines,  parks,  and  other  recreation 
places;  contacts  in  mixed  neighborhoods;  adjustment  of  southern  Negro  families 
coming  to  Chicago;  survey  of  Negro  agencies  and  institutions. 

Housing:  Negro  areas  in  Chicago  and  their  expansion  1910-1920;  274  family 
histories  showing  housing  experience,  home  life,  and  social  back-ground,  including 
families  from  the  South;  159  blocks  covered  in  neighborhood  survey;  financing 
Negro  housing;  depreciation  in  and  near  Negro  areas;  52  house  bombings,  191 7-1920. 

Industry:  Data  covering  22,448  Negroes  in  192  plants;  loi  plants  visited; 
quality  of  Negro  labor ;  the  widening  opportunities  and  chance  for  promotion  studied ; 
special  study  of  trades  unions  and  the  Negro  worker. 

Crime:  Police  statistics  of  arrests  and  convictions  of  Negroes  and  selected 
nationalities  compared  and  analyzed  for  six  years';  also  juvenile  court  cases;  698 
cases  (one  month)  in  three  poUce  courts  studied,  including  detailed  social  data  on 
Negro  cases;  also  249  sex  cases  (two  years)  in  criminal  court;  record  of  eleven  penal 
instipitions;  environmental  survey  of  Negro  areas. 

f^  Public  Opinion:  Files  of  white  and  Negro  newspapers  studied  to  analyze  handling 
/of  matters  relating  to  race  relations;   study  of  rumor  and  its  effects,  and  of  racial 
/  propaganda  of  white  and  Negro  organizations. 

^e  believe  that  the  large  volume  of  information  collected  will  prove,  when 

properly  set  forth,  of  great  value  not  only  in  Chicago  but  in  other  communities 
where  public-spirited  citizens  are  endeavoring  to  establish  right  relations  between 
the  two  races.  This  end  can  be  attained  only  through  a  more  intelligent  appreciation 
by  both  races  of  the  gravity  of  the  problem,  and  by  cheir  earnest  efforts  toward  a 
better  mutual  understanding  and  a  more  sympathetic  co-operation. 

Hoping  that  our  appreciation  of  the  trust  you  have  reposed  in  us  may  appear 
in  some  measure  in  the  aid  our  report  may  give  toward  working  out  better  race 
relations,  we  are,  Very  respectfully  yours, 

(Signed  by  members  of  the  Commission  and  its  Executive  Secretaries) 

I  In  the  final  revision  of  the  report,  the  Commission  decided  that  the  police  statistics 
were,  as  a  rule,  too  unreUable  to  be  made  a  basis  of  conclusions. 


INTRODUCTION  xxi 

V      State  of  Illinois 
Office  of  the  Governor 
Springfield 

January  3,  1921 
My  dear  Mr.  Bancroft: 

I  have  received  and  read  with  great  interest  your  letter  of  January  ist  trans- 
mitting to  me  a  detailed  statement  of  the  work  of  the  Chicago  Commission  on  Race 
Relations  appointed  by  me  after  the  race  riot  in  Chicago  in  191 9,  which  is  signed  by 
yourself  as  chairman  and  by  the  other  members  of  the  Commission. 

I  am  greatly  pleased  to  know  that  the  Commission  has  been  able  to  accomplish 
so  much  through  its  investigations  and  that  there  has  been  such  hearty  co-operation 
on  the  part  of  many  citizens  to  make  the  inquiry  in  this  important  field  as  valuable 
as  possible. 

I  shall  look  forward  with  more  than  ordinary  interest  to  the  appearance  of  the 
completed  report  in  printed  form.  I  suggest  that  the  Commission  arrange  for  its 
publication  as  soon  as  possible  in  order  that  your  findings  and  recommendations 
may  be  made  available  to  all  students  of  race  relations  in  our  country. 

I  desire  to  express  to  you  and  through  you  to  the  members  of  the  Commission 
my  great  appreciation  of  the  service  which  you  have  rendered  to  the  people  of  Chicago 
and  of  Illinois  in  connection  with  the  Commission.  I  have  been  advised  from  time 
to  time  of  your  continuing  interest,  your  fidelity  in  attendance  upon  the  meetings  of 
the  Commission,  and  your  earnest  desire  to  render  as  accurate  a  judgment  as  possible. 

Yours  very  sincerely, 

(Signed)  Frank  O.  Lowden 
Hon.  Edgar  A.  Bancroft 

Chairman,  Chicago  Commission  on  Race  Relations 


In  accordance  with  Governor  Lowden's  suggestion  the  Commission  here- 
with presents  its  report,  with  findings  and  recommendations,  hoping  that  it 
may  prove  of  service  in  the  efforts  to  bring  about  better  relations  between  the 
white  and  Negro  races. 


THE  PROBLEM 

The  relation  of  whites  and  Negroes  in  the  United  States  is  our  most  grave 
and  perplexing  domestic  problem.  It  involves  not  only  a  difference  of  race — 
which  as  to  many  immigrant  races  has  been  happily  overcome — but  wider 
and  more  manifest  differences  in  color  and  physical  features.  These  make 
an  easy  and  natural  basis  for  distinctions,  discriminations,  and  antipathies 
arising  from  the  instinct  of  each  race  to  preserve  its  type.  Many  white 
Americans,  while  technically  recognizing  Negroes  as  citizens,  cannot  bring 
themselves  to  feel  that  they  should  participate  in  government  as  freely  as 
other  citizens. 

Countless  schemes  have  been  proposed  for  solving  or  dismissing  this 
problem,  most  of  them  impracticable  or  impossible.  Of  this  class  are  such 
proposals  as:  (i)  the  deportation  of  12,000,000  Negroes  to  Africa;  (2)  the 
estabhshment  of  a  separate  Negro  state  in  the  United  States;  (3)  complete 
separation  and  segregation  from  the  whites  and  the  establishment  of  a  caste 
system  or  peasant  class;  and  (4)  hope  for  a  solution  through  the  dying  out 
of  the  Negro  race.  The  only  effect  of  such  proposals  is  to  confuse  thinking 
on  the  vital  issues  involved  and  to  foster  impatience  and  intolerance. 

Our  race  problem  must  be  solved  in  harmony  with  the  fundamental  law 
of  the  nation  and  with  its  free  institutions.  These  prevent  any  deportation 
of  the  Negro,  as  well  as  any  restriction  of  his  freedom  of  movement  within 
the  United  States.  The  problem  must  not  be  regarded  as  sectional  or  poHtical, 
and  it  should  be  studied  and  discussed  seriously,  frankly,  and  with  an  open  mind. 

It  is  important  for  our  white  citizens  always  to  remember  that  the  Negroes 
alone  of  all  our  immigrants  came  to  America  against  their  will  by  the  special 
compelling  invitation  of  the  whites;  that  the  institution  of  slavery  was  intro- 
duced, expanded,  and  maintained  in  the  United  States  by  the  white  people 
and  for  their  own  benefit;  and  that  they  likewise  created  the  conditions  that 
followed  emancipation.  - 

Our  Negro  problem,  therefore,  is  not  of  the  Negro's  making.     No  group  ^ 
in  our  population  is  less  responsible  for  its  existence.     But  every  group  is 
responsible  for  its  continuance;  and  every  citizen,  regardless  of  color  or  racial 
origin,  is  in  honor  and  conscience  bound  to  seek  and  forward  its  solution. 

Centuries  of  the  Negro  slave  trade  and  of  slavery  as  an  institution  have 
created,  and  are  often  deemed  to  justify,  the  deep-seated  prejudice  against 
Negroes.  They  placed  a  stamp  upon  the  relations  of  the  two  races  which  it 
will  require  many  years  to  erase.  The  memory  of  these  relations  has  pro- 
foundly affected  and  still  affects  the  industrial,  commercial,  and  social  life 
of  the  southern  states. 


xxiv  THE  PROBLEM 

The  great  body  of  anti-Negro  public  opinion,  preserved  in  the  literature 
and  traditions  of  the  white  race  during  the  long,  unhappy  progress  of  the 
Negro  from  savagery  through  slavery  to  citizenship,  has  exercised  a  persistent 
and  powerful  effect,  both  conscious  and  unconscious,  upon  the  thinking  and 
the  behavior  of  the  white  group  generally.  Racial  misunderstanding  has  been 
fostered  by  the  ignorance  and  indifference  of  many  white  citizens  concerning 
the  marvelous  industry  and  courage  shown  by  the  Negroes  and  the  success 
they  have  achieved  in  their  fifty-nine  years  of  freedom. 

The  Negro  race  must  develop,  as  all  races  have  developed,  from  lower  to 
higher  planes  of  Hving;  and  must  base  its  progress  upon  industry,  efficiency, 
and  moral  character.  Training  along  these  hnes  and  general  opportunities 
for  education  are  the  fundamental  needs.  As  the  problem  is  national  in  its 
scope  and  gravity,  the  solution  must  be  national.  And  the  nation  must  make 
sure  that  the  Negro  is  educated  for  citizenship. 

It  is  of  the  first  importance  that  old  prejudices  against  the  Negroes,  based 
upon  their  misfortunes  and  not  on  their  faults,  be  supplanted  with  respect, 
encouragement,  and  co-operation,  and  with  a  recognition  of  their  heroic 
struggles  for  self-improvement  and  of  their  worthy  achievements  as  loyal 
American  citizens. 

Both  races  need  to  understand  that  their  rights  and  duties  are  mutual 
and  equal,  and  that  their  interests  in  the  common  good  are  identical;  that 
relations  of  amity  are  the  only  protection  against  race  clashes;  that  these 
relations  cannot  be  forced,  but  will  come  naturally  as  the  leaders  of  each 
race  develop  within  their  own  ranks  a  realization  of  the  gravity  of  this 
problem  and  a  vital  interest  in  its  solution,  and  an  attitude  of  confidence, 
respect,  and  friendUness  toward  the  people  of  the  other  race. 

All  our  citizens,  regardless  of  color  or  racial  origin,  need  to  be  taught  by 
their  leaders  that  there  is  a  common  standard  of  superiority  for  them  all  in 
self-respect,  honesty,  industry,  fairness,  forbearance,  and  above  all,  in  generous 
helpfulness.  There  is  no  help  or  heaUng  in  appraising  past  responsibilities, 
or  in  present  apportioning  of  praise  or  blame.  The  past  is  of  value  only  as 
it  aids  in  understanding  the  present;  and  an  understanding  of  the  facts  of 
the  problem — a  magnanimous  understanding  by  both  races — is  the  first  step 
toward  its  solution. 


CHAPTER  I 

THE  CHICAGO  RIOT 
July  27 -August  2,  1919 

Thirty-eight  persons  killed.  537  injured,  and  about  1,000  rendered  homeless 
and  destitute  was  the  casualty  list  of  the  race  riot  which  broke  out  in  Chicago 
on  July  27,  1919,  and  swept  uncontrolled  through  parts  of  the  city  for  four 
days.  By  August  2  it  had  yielded  to  the  forces  of  law  and  order,  and  on 
August  8  the  state  militia  withdrew. 

A  clash  between  whites  and  Negroes  on  the  shore  of  Lake  Michigan  at 
Twenty-ninth  Street,  which  involved  much  stone-throwing  and  resulted  in 
the  drowning  of  a  Negro  boy, jwas  the  beginning  of  the  riot.  A  policeman's 
refusal  to  arrest  a  white  man  accused  by  Negroes  of  stoning  the  Negto  boy  was 
an  important  factor  in  starting  mob  action.  Within  two  hours  the  riot  was 
in  full  sway,  had  scored  its  second  fatality,  and  was  spreading  throughout 
the  south  and  southwest  parts  of  the  city.  Before  the  end  came  it  reached 
out  to  a  section  of  the  West  Side  and  even  invaded  the  "Loop,"  the  heart  of 
Chicago's  downtown  business  district.  Of  the  thirty-eight  killed,  fifteen 
were  whites  and  twenty-three  Negroes;  of  537  injured,  178  were  whites,  342 
were  Negroes,  and  the  race  of  seventeen  was  not  recorded. 

In  contrast  with  many  other  outbreaks  of  violence  over  racial  friction 
the  Chicago  riot  was  not  preceded  by  excitement  over  reports  of  attacks  on 
women  or  of  any  other  crimes  alleged  to  have  been  committed  by  Negroes. 
It  is  interesting  to  note  that  not  one  of  the  thirty-eight  deaths  was  of  a  woman 
or  girl,  and  that  only  ten  of  the  537  persons  injured  were  women  or  girls. 
In  further  contrast  with  other  outbreaks  of  racial  violence,  the  Chicago  riot 
was  marked  by  no  hangings  or  burnings. 

The  rioting  was  characterized  by  much  activity  on  the  part  of  gangs  of 
hoodlums,  and  the  clashes  developed  from  sudden  and  spontaneous  assaults 
into  organized  raids  against  Hfe  and  property. 

In  handling  the  emergency  and  restoring  order,  the  poUce  were  effectively 
reinforced  by  the  state  militia.  Help  was  also  rendered  by  deputy  sheriffs, 
and  by  ex-soldiers  who  volunteered. 

In  nine  of  the  thirty-eight  cases  of  death,  indictments  for  murder  were 
voted  by  the  grand  jury,  and  in  the  ensuing  trials  there  were  four  convictions. 
In  fifteen  other  cases  the  coroner's  jury  recommended  that  unknown  members 
of  mobs  be  apprehended,  but  none  of  these  was  ever  found. 

The  conditions  underlying  the  Chicago  riot  are  discussed  in  detail  in  other 
sections  of  this  report,  especially  in  those  which  deal  with  housing,  industry, 


2  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

and  racial  contacts.  The  Commission's  inquiry  concerning  the  facts  of  the 
riot  included  a  critical  analysis  of  the  5,584  pages  of  the  testimony  taken  by 
the  coroner's  jury;  a  study  of  the  records  of  the  office  of  the  state's  attorney; 
studies  of  the  records  of  the  Police  Department,  hospitals,  and  other  institutions 
with  reference  to  injuries,  and  of  the  records  of  the  Fire  Department  with 
reference  to  incendiary  fires;  and  interviews  with  many  pubUc  officials  and 
citizens  having  special  knowledge  of  various  phases  of  the  riot.  IVIuch  informa- 
tion was  also  gained  by  the  Commission  in  a  series  of  four  conferences  to  which 
it  invited  the  foreman  of  the  riot  grand  jury,  the  chief  and  other  commanding 
officers  of  the  Police  Department,  the  state's  attorney  and  some  of  his  assistants, 
and  officers  in  command  of  the  state  militia  during  the  riot. 

Background  of  the  riot. — The  Chicago  riot  was  not  the  only  serious  outbreak 
of  interracial  violence  in  the  year  following  the  war.  The  same  summer 
witnessed  the  riot  in  Washington,  about  a  week  earher;  the  riot  in  Omaha, 
about  a  month  later;  and  then  the  week  of  armed  conflict  in  a  rural  district 
of  Arkansas  due  to  exploitation  of  Negro  cotton  producers. 

Nor  was  the  Chicago  riot  the  first  violent  manifestation  of  race  antagonism 
in  Illinois.  In  1908  Springfield  had  been  the  scene  of  an  outbreak  that  brought 
shame  to  the  community  which  boasted  of  having  been  Lincoln's  home.  In 
191 7  East  St.  Louis  was  torn  by  a  bitter  and  destructive  riot  which  raged 
for  nearly  a  week,  and  was  the  subject  of  a  Congressional  investigation  that 
disclosed  appalling  underlying  conditions. 

This  Commission,  while  making  a  thorough  study  of  the  Chicago  riot, 
has  reviewed  briefly,  for  comparative  purposes,  the  essential  facts  of  the 
Springfield  and  East  St.  Louis  riots,  and  of  minor  clashes  in  Chicago  occurring 
both  before  and  after  the  riot  of  1919. 

V/  Chicago  was  one  of  the  northern  cities  most  largely  affected  by  the  migra- 
tion of  Negroes  from  the  South  during  the  war.  The  Negro  population 
increased  from  44,103  in  1910  to  109,594  in  1920,  an  increase  of  148  per  cent. 
Most  of  this  increase  came  in  the  years  1916-19.  It  was  principally  caused 
by  the  widening  of  industrial  opportunities  due  to  the  entrance  of  northern 
workers  into  the  army  and  to  the  demand  for  war  workers  at  much  higher 
wages  than  Negroes  had  been  able  to  earn  in  the  South.  An  added  factor  was 
the  feeling,  which  spread  like  a  contagion  through  the  South,  that  the  great 
opportunity  had  come  to  escape  from  what  they  felt  to  be  a  land  of  discrimina- 
tion and  subserviency  to  places  where  they  could  expect  fair  treatment  and 
equal  rights.     Chicago  became  to  the  southern  Negro  the  "top  of  the  world." 

The  effect  of  this  influx  of  Negroes  into  Chicago  industries  is  reviewed  in 
another  section  of  this  report.'  It  is  necessary  to  point  out  here  only  that  fric- 
tion in  industry  was  less  than  might  have  been  expected.  There  had  been  a 
few  strikes  which  had  given  the  Negro  the  name  of  "strike  breaker."  But 
the  demand  for  labor  was  such  that  there  were  plenty  of  jobs  to  absorb  all  the 

'  Pages  infra. 


THE  CHICAGO  RIOT  3 

white  and  Negro  workers  available.    This  condition  continued  even  after 
the  end  of  the  war  and  demobilization. 

In  housing,  however,  there  was  a  different  story.  Practically  no  new  V 
building'KaSlDeen  done  in  the  city  during  the  war,  and  it  was  a  physical  impos- 
sibility for  a  doubled  Negro  population  to  live  in  the  space  occupied  in  191 5. 
Negroes  spread  out  of  what  had  been  known  as  the  "  Black  Belt "  into  neighbor- 
hoods near-by  which  had  been  exclusively  white.  This  movement,  as  described 
in  another  section  of  this  report,  developed  friction,  so  much  so  that  in  the 
"invaded"  neighborhoods  bombs  were  thrown  at  the  houses  of  Negroes  who 
had  moved  in,  and  of  real  estate  men,  white  and  Negro,  who  sold  or  rented 
property  to  the  newcomers.  From  July  i,  1917,  to  July  27,  1919,  the  day 
the  riot  began,  twenty-four  such  bombs  had  been  thrown.  The  police  had 
been  entirely  unsuccessful  in  finding  those  guilty,  and  were  accused  of  making 
little  effort  to  do  so. 

A  third  phase  of  the  situation  was  the  increased  pohtical  strength  gained 
by  Mayor  Thompson's  faction  in  the  RepubUcan  party.  Negro  pohticians 
aflSUated  with  this  faction  had  been  able  to  sway  to  its  support  a  large  propor- 
tion of  the  voters  in  the  ward  most  largely  inhabited  by  Negroes.  Negro 
aldermen  elected  from  this  ward  were  prominent  in  the  activities  of  this 
faction.  The  part  played  by  the  Negro  vote  in  the  hard-fought  partisan 
struggle  is  indicated  by  the  fact  that  in  the  Republican  primary  election  on 
February  25,  1919,  Mayor  Thompson  received  in  this  ward  12,143  votes, 
while  his  two  opponents,  Olson  and  Merriam,  received  only  1,492  and  319 
respectively.  Mayor  Thompson  was  re-elected  on  April  i,  1919,  by  a  pluraUty 
of  21,622  in  a  total  vote  in  the  city  of  698,920;  his  vote  in  this  ward  was 
15,569,  to  his  nearest  opponent's  3,323,  and  was  therefore  large  enough  to  control 
the  election.  The  bitterness  of  this  factional  struggle  aroused  resentment 
against  the  race  that  had  so  conspicuously  allied  itself  with  the  Thompson  side. 

As  part  of  the  background  of  the  Chicago  riot,  the  activities  of  gangs  of 
hoodlums  should  be  cited.  There  had  been  friction  for  years,  especially  along 
the  western  boundary  of  the  area  in  which  the  Negroes  mainly  live,  and 
attacks  upon  Negroes  by  gangs  of  young  toughs  had  been  particularly  frequent  ^ 
in  the  spring  just  preceding  the  riot.  They  reached  a  climax  on  the  night  of 
June  21,  1919,  five  weeks  before  the  riot,  when  two  Negroes  were  murdered. 
Each  was  alone  at  the  time  and  was  the  victim  of  unprovoked  and  particularly 
brutal  attack.  Molestation  of  Negroes  by  hoodlums  had  been  prevalent  in 
the  vicinity  of  parks  and  playgrounds  and  at  bathing-beaches. 

On  two  occasions  shortly  before  the  riot  the  forewarnings  of  serious 
racial  trouble  had  been  so  pronounced  that  the  chief  of  police  sent  several 
hundred  extra  policemen  into  the  territory  where  trouble  seemed  imminent. 
But  serious  violence  did  not  break  out  until  Sunday  afternoon,  July  27,  when 
the  clash  on  the  lake  shore  at  Twenty-ninth  Street  resulted  in  the  drowning 
of  a  Negro  boy. 


4  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

The  beginning  of  the  riot. — Events  followed  so  fast  in  the  train  of  the  drown- 
ing that  this  tragedy  may  be  considered  as  marking  the  beginning  of  the  riot. 

It  was  four  o'clock  Sunday  afternoon,  July  27,  when  Eugene  Williams, 
seventeen-year-old  Negro  boy,  was  swimming  offshore  at  the  foot  of  Twenty- 
ninth  Street.  This  beach  was  not  one  of  those  pubUcly  maintained  and 
supervised  for  bathing,  but  it  was  much  used.  Although  it  flanks  an  area 
thickly  inhabited  by  Negroes,  it  was  used  by  both  races,  access  being  had  by 
crossing  the  railway  tracks  which  skirt  the  lake  shore.  The  part  near  Twenty- 
seventh  Street  had  by  tacit  understanding  come  to  be  considered  as  reserved 
for  Negroes,  while  the  whites  used  the  part  near  Twenty-ninth  Street.  Walking 
is  not  easy  along  the  shore,  and  each  race  had  kept  pretty  much  to  its 
own  part,  observing,  moreover,  an  imaginary  boundary  extending  into  the 
water. 

WiUiams,  who  had  entered  the  water  at  the  part  used  by  Negroes,  swam 
and  drifted  south  into  the  part  used  by  the  whites.  Immediately  before  his 
appearance  there,  white  men,  women,  and  children  had  been  bathing  in  the 
vicinity  and  were  on  the  beach  in  considerable  numbers.  Four  Negroes 
walked  through  the  group  and  into  the  water.  White  men  summarily  ordered 
them  off.  The  Negroes  left,  and  the  white  people  resumed  their  sport.  But 
it  was  not  long  before  the  Negroes  were  back,  coming  from  the  north  with 
others  of  their  race.  Then  began  a  series  of  attacks  and  retreats,  counter- 
attacks, and  stone-throwing.  Women  and  children  who  could  not  escape 
hid  behind  debris  and  rocks.  The  stone-throwing  continued,  first  one  side 
gaining  the  advantage,  then  the  other. 

Williams,  who  had  remained  in  the  water  during  the  fracas,  found  a 
railroad  tie  and  clung  to  it,  stones  meanwhile  frequently  striking  the  water 
near  him.  A  white  boy  of  about  the  same  age  swam  toward  him.  As  the  white 
boy  neared,  Williams  let  go  of  the  tie,  took  a  few  strokes,  and  went  down. 
The  coroner's  jury  rendered  a  verdict  that  he  had  drowned  because  fear  of 
stone-throwing  kept  him  from  shore.  His  body  showed  no  stone  bruises, 
but  rumor  had  it  that  he  had  actually  been  hit  by  one  of  the  stones  and 
drowned  as  a  result. 

On  shore  guilt  was  immediately  placed  upon  a  certain  white  man  by 
several  Negro  witnesses  who  demanded  that  he  be  arrested  by  a  white  policeman 
who  was  on  the  spot.     No  arrest  was  made. 

The  tragedy  was  sensed  by  the  battling  crowd  and,  awed  by  it,  they 
gathered  on  the  beach.  For  an  hou;-  both  whites  and  Negroes  dived  for  the 
boy  without  results.  Awe  gave  w^,y  to  excited  whispers.  "They"  said  he 
was  stoned  to  death.  The  repoi^t  circulated  through  the  crowd  that  the 
police  officer  had  refused  to  arrest  the  murderer.  The  Negroes  in  the  crowd 
began  to  mass  dangerously.  At  this  crucial  point  the  accused  policeman 
arrested  a  Negro  on  a  white  man's  complaint.  Negroes  mobbed  the  white 
ofiicer,  and  the  riot  was  under  way. 


THE  CHICAGO  RIOT  S 

One  version  of  the  quarrel  which  resulted  in  the  drowning  of  Williams  was 
given  by  the  state's  attorney,  who  declared  that  it  arose  among  white  and 
Negro  gamblers  over  a  craps  game  on  the  shore,  "  virtually  under  the  protection 
of  the  police  officer  on  the  beat."  Eyewitnesses  to  the  stone-throwing  clash 
appearing  before  the  coroner's  jury  saw  no  gambUng,  but  said  it  might  have 
been  going  on,  but  if  so,  was  not  visible  from  the  water's  edge.  The  crowd 
undoubtedly  included,  as  the  grand  jury  declared,  "hoodlums,  gamblers,  and 
thugs,"  but  it  also  included  law-abiding  citizens,  white  and  Negro. 

This  charge,  that  the  first  riot  clash  started  among  gamblers  who  were 
under  the  protection  of  the  police  officer,  and  also  the  charge  that  the  police- 
man refused  to  arrest  the  stone-thrower  were  vigorously  denied  by  the  police. 
The  policeman's  star  was  taken  from  him,  but  after  a  hearing  before  the 
Civil  Service  Commission  it  was  returned,  thus  officially  vindicating  him. 

The  two  facts,  the  drowning  and  the  refusal  to  arrest,  or  widely  circulated 
reports  of  such  refusal,  must  be  considered  together  as  marking  the  inception 
of  the  riot.  Testimony  of  a  captain  of  police  shows  that  first  reports  from  the 
lake  after  the  drowning  indicated  that  the  situation  was  calming  down.  White 
men  had  shown  a  not  altogether  hostile  feeling  for  the  Negroes  by  assisting 
in  diving  for  the  body  of  the  boy.  Furthermore  a  clash  started  on  this  isolated 
spot  could  not  be  augmented  by  outsiders  rushing  in.  There  was  every  possi- 
bility that  the  clash,  without  the  further  stimulus  of  reports  of  the  policeman's 
conduct,  would  have  quieted  down. 

Chronological  story  of  the  riot. — After  the  drowning  of  Williams,  it  was 
two  hours  before  any  further  fatalities  occurred.  Reports  of  the  drowning 
and  of  the  alleged  conduct  of  the  policeman  spread  out  into  the  neighborhood. 
The  Negro  crowd  from  the  beach  gathered  at  the  foot  of  Twenty-ninth  Street. 
As  it  became  more  and  more  excited,  a  group  of  officers  was  called  by  the 
policeman  who  had  been  at  the  beach.  James  Crawford,  a  Negro,  fired  into 
the  group  of  officers  and  was  himself  shot  and  killed  by  a  Negro  policeman 
who  had  been  sent  to  help  restore  order. 

During  the  remainder  of  the  afternoon  of  July  27,  many  distorted  rumors 
circulated  swiftly  throughout  the  South  Side.  The  Negro  crowd  from  Twenty- 
ninth  Street  got  into  action,  and  white  men  who  came  in  contact  with  it  were 
beaten.  In  all,  four  white  men  were  beaten,  five  were  stabbed,  and  one  was 
shot.  As  the  rumors  spread,  new  crowds  gathered,  mobs  sprang  into  activity 
spontaneously,  and  gangs  began  to  take  part  in  the  lawlessness. 

Farther  to  the  west,  as  darkness  came  on,  wh^e  gangsters  became  active. 
Negroes  in  white  districts  suffered  severely  at  their  hands.  From  9:00  p.m. 
until  3:00  A.M.  twenty-seven  Negroes  were  beaten,  seven  were  stabbed,  and 
four  were  shot. 

Few  clashes  occurred  on  Monday  morning.  People  of  both  races  went 
to  work  as  usual  and  even  continued  to  work  side  by  side,  as  customary, 
without  signs  of  violence.     But  as  the  afternoon  wore  on,  white  men  and 


6  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

boys  Kving  between  the  Stock  Yards  and  the  "Black  Belt"  sought  malicious 
amusement  in  directing  mob  violence  against  Negro  workers  returning  home. 

Street-car  routes,  especially  transfer  points,  were  thronged  with  white 
people  of  all  ages.  Trolleys  were  pulled  from  wires  and  the  cars  brought 
under  the  control  of  mob  Readers.  Negro  passengers  were  dragged  to  the 
street,  beaten,  and  kicked.  The  police  were  apparently  powerless  to  cope 
with  these  numerous  assaults.  Four  Negro  men  and  one  white  assailant 
were  killed,  and  thirty  Negro  men  were  severely  beaten  in  the  street-car 
clashes. 

The  "  Black  Belt"  contributed  its  share  of  violence  to  the  record  of  Monday 
afternoon  and  night.  Rumors  of  white  depredations  and  killings  were  current 
among  the  Negroes  and  led  to  acts  of  retaUation.  An  aged  ItaUan  peddler, 
one  Lazzeroni,  was  set  upon  by  young  Negro  boys  and  stabbed  to  death. 
Eugene  Temple,  white  laundryman,  was  stabbed  to  death  and  robbed  by  three 
Negroes. 

A  Negro  mob  made  a  demonstration  outside  Provident  Hospital,  an  institu- 
tion conducted  by  Negroes,  because  two  injured  whites  who  had  been  shooting 
right  and  left  from  a  hurrying  automobile  on  State  Street  were  taken  there. 
Other  mobs  stabbed  six  white  men,  shot  five  others,  severely  beat  nine  more, 
and  killed  two  in  addition  to  those  named  above. 

Rimior  had  it  that  a  white  occupant  of  the  Angelus  apartment  house  had 
shot  a  Negro  boy  from  a  fourth-story  window.  Negroes  besieged  the  building. 
The  white  tenants  sought  poHce  protection,  and  about  loo  pohcemen,  including 
some  mounted  men,  responded.  The  mob  of  about  1,500  Negroes  demanded 
the  "culprit,"  but  the  poUce  failed  to  find  him  after  a  search  of  the  building. 
A  flying  brick  hit  a  poHceman.  There  was  a  quick  massing  of  the  police,  and 
a  volley  was  fired  into  the  Negro  mob.  Four  Negroes  were  killed  and  many 
were  injured.  It  is  beUeved  that  had  the  Negroes  not  lost  faith  in  the  white 
police  force  it  is  hardly  likely  that  the  Angelus  riot  would  have  occurred. 

At  this  point,  Monday  night,  both  whites  and  Negroes  showed  signs  of 
panic.  Each  race  grouped  by  itself.  Small  mobs  began  systematically  in 
various  neighborhoods  to  terrorize  and  kill.  Gangs  in  the  white  districts 
grew  bolder,  finally  taking  the  offensive  in  raids  through  territory  "invaded" 
by  Negro  home  seekers.  Boys  between  sixteen  and  twenty-two  banded 
together  to  enjoy  the  excitement  of  the  chase. 

Automobile  raids  were  added  to  the  rioting  Monday  night.  Cars  from 
which  rifle  and  revolver  shots  were  fired  were  driven  at  great  speed  through 
sections  inhabited  by  Negroes.  Negroes  defended  themselves  by  "sniping" 
and  volley-firing  from  ambush  and  barricade.  So  great  was  the  fear  of  these 
raiding  parties  that  the  Negroes  distrusted  all  motor  vehicles  and  frequently 
opened  fire  on  them  without  waiting  to  learn  the  intent  of  the  occupants. 
This  type  of  warfare  was  kept  up  spasmodically  all  Tuesday  and  was  resumed 
with  vigor  Tuesday  night. 


THE  CHICAGO  RIOT  7 

At  midnight,  Monday,  street-car  clashes  ended  by  reason  of  a  general 
strike  on  the  surface  and  elevated  lines.  The  street-railway  tie-up  was  com- 
plete for  the  remainder  of  the  week.  But  on  Tuesday  morning  this  was  a 
new  source  of  terror  for  those  who  tried  to  walk  to  their  places  of  employment. 
Men  were  killed  en  route  to  their  work  through  hostile  territory.  Idle  men  con- 
gregated on  the  streets,  and  gang-rioting  increased.  A  white  gang  of  soldiers 
and  sailors  in  uniform,  augmented  by  civilians,  raided  the  "Loop,"  or  down- 
town section  of  Chicago,  early  Tuesday,  killing  two  Negroes  and  beating 
and  robbing  several  others.  In  the  course  of  these  activities  they  wantonly 
destroyed  property  of  white  business  men. 

Gangs  sprang  up  as  far  south  as  Sixty-third  Street  in  Englewood  and  in 
the  section  west  of  Wentworth  Avenue  near  Forty-seventh  Street.  Premedi- 
tated depredations  were  the  order  of  the  night.  Many  Negro  homes  in  mixed 
districts  were  attacked,  and  several  of  them  were  burned.  Furniture  was 
stolen  or  destroyed.  When  raiders  were  driven  off  they  would  return  again 
and  again  until  their  designs  were  accomphshed. 

The^qntagion  of. the  race  war  broke  over  the  boundaries  of  the  South 
Side  and  spread  to  the  Italians  on  the  West  Side.  This  community  became 
excited  over  a  rumor,  and  an  Italian  crowd  killed  a  Negro,  Joseph  Lovings. 

Wednesday  saw  a  material  lessening  of  crime  and  violence.  The  "Black 
Belt"  and  the  district  immediately  west  of  it  were  still  storm  centers.  But 
the  peak  of  the  rioting  had  apparently  passed,  although  the  danger  of  fresh 
outbreaks  of  magnitude  was  still  imminent.  Although  companies  of  the 
militia  had  been  mobilized  in  nearby  armories  as  early  as  Monday  night, 
July  28,  it  was  not  until  Wednesday  evening  at  10:30  that  the  mayor  yielded 
to  pressure  and  asked  for  their  help. 

Rain  on  Wednesday  night  and  Thursday  drove  idle  people  of  both  races 
into  their  homes.  The  temperature  fell,  and  with  it  the  white  heat  of  the 
riot.  From  this  time  on  the  violence  was  sporadic,  scattered,  and  meager. 
The  riot  seemed  well  under  control,  if  not  actually  ended. 

Friday  witnessed  only  a  single  reported  injury.  At  3:35  a.m.  Saturday 
incendiary  fires  burned  forty-nine  houses  in  the  immigrant  neighborhood 
west  of  the  Stock  Yards.  Nine  hundred  and  forty-eight  people,  mostly 
Lithuanians,  were  made  homeless,  and  the  property  loss  was  about  $250,000. 
Responsibility  for  these  fires  was  never  fixed.  The  riot  virtually  ceased  on 
Saturday.  For  the  next  few  days  injured  were  reported  occasionally,  and  by 
August  8  the  riot  zone  had  settled  down  to  normal  and  the  militia  was  with- 
drawn. 

Growth  of  the  riot. — The  riotjpenod_was.Jtiiirtfien  days  in  length,  from 
Sunday,  July  27,  through  Thursday,  August  8,  the  day  on  which  the  troops 
were  withdrawn.  Of  this  time,  only  the  first  seven  days  witnessed  active 
rioting.  The  remaining  days  marked  the  return  toward  normal.  In  the  seven 
active  days,  rioting  was  not  continiious._b.ut  intermittent,  being  furious  for 


8  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

hours,  then  fairly  quiescent  for  hours.  The  first  three  days  saw  the  most 
acute  disturbance,  and  in  this  span  there  were  three  main  periods:  4:00  p.m. 
Sunday  till  3:00  a.m.  Monday;  9:00  a.m.  Monday  till  9:00  a.m.  Tuesday; 
noon  Tuesday  till  midnight.  This  left  two  long  intervals  of  comparative 
qoiet,  sLx  hours  on  Monday  and  three  hours  on  Tuesday.  On  the  fourth  day, 
Wednesday,  there  were  scattered  periods  of  rioting,  each  of  a  few  hours* 
duration.  Thus  Monday  afternoon  to  Tuesday  morning  was  the  longest 
stretch  of  active  rioting  in  the  first  four  days. 

For  the  most  part  the  riot  was  confined  to  the  South  Side  of  the  city. 
There  were  two  notable  exceptions,  the  district  north  and  west  of  the  south 
branch  of  the  Chicago  River  and  the  "Loop"  or  downtown  business  district. 
A  few  isolated  clashes  occurred  on  the  North  Side  and  on  the  extreme  West 
Side,  but  aside  from  these  the  area  covered  was  that  shown  on  the  accompanying 
outline  map. 

For  the  purposes  of  discussion  it  is  convenient  to  divide  the  riot  area  into 
seven  districts.  The  boundaries  in  some  instances  are  due  to  the  designation 
of  Wentworth  Avenue  by  the  police  as  a  boundary  west  of  which  no  Negroes 
should  be  allowed,  and  east  of  which  no  whites  should  be  allowed. 

I.  "Black  Belt."    From  Twenty-second  to  Thirty-ninth,  inclusive;  Went- 

worth Avenue  to  the  lake,  exclusive  of  Wentworth;    Thirty-ninth  to 
Fifty-fifth,  inclusive;  Clark  to  Michigan,  exclusive  of  Michigan. 

II.  Area  contested  by  both  Negroes  and  whites.    Thirty-ninth  to  Fifty-fifth, 
inclusive;  Michigan  to  the  lake. 

III.  Southwest  Side,  including  the  Stock  Yards  district;  south  of  the  Chicago 

River  to  Fifty-fifth;  west  of  Wentworth,  including  Wentworth. 
rV.  Area  south  of  Fifty-fifth  and  east  of  Wentworth. 
V.  Area  south  of  Fifty-fifth  and  west  of  Wentworth. 
VI.  Area  north  and  west  of  the  Chicago  River. 
VII.  "Loop"  or  business  district  and  vicinity. 

In  the  district  designated  as  the  "Black  Belt"  about  90  per  cent  of  the 
Negroes  Uve.  District  II,  the  "contested  area,"  is  that  in  which  most  of  the 
bombings  have  occurred.  Negroes  are  said  to  be  "invading"  this  district. 
Extension  here  instead  of  into  District  III,  toward  the  Stock  Yards  neighbor- 
hood, may  be  explained  partly  by  the  hostiUty  which  the  Irish  and  PoUsh 
groups  to  the  west  had  often  shown  to  Negroes.  The  white  hoodlum  element 
of  the  Stock  Yards  district,  designated  as  III,  was  characterized  by  the  state's 
attorney  of  Cook  County,  when  he  remarked  that  more  bank  robbers,  pay-roll 
bandits,  automobile  bandits,  highwaymen,  and  strong-arm  crooks  come  from 
this  particular  district  than  from  any  other  that  has  come  to  his  notice  during 
seven  years  of  service  as  chief  prosecuting  ofl5cial.* 

In  District  IV  and  V,  south  of  Fifty-fifth  Street,  Negroes  Uve  in  small 
communities  surrounded  by  white  people  or  are  scattered   through  white 
'  Carl  Sandburg,  The  Chicago  Race  Riois,  chap,  i,  p.  i.    Harcourt,  Brace  &  Howe. 


THE  CHICAGO  RIOT  9 

neighborhoods.  District  VI  has  a  large  Italian  population.  District  VII  is 
Chicago's  wholesale  and  retail  center. 

On  only  one  day  of  the  riot  were  all  these  districts  involved  in  the  race 
warfare.  This  was  Tuesday.  On  Sunday  Districts  I,  III,  and  IV  suffered 
clashes;  on  Monday  all  but  District  VI  were  involved;  on  Tuesday  the  entire 
area  was  affected;  on  Wednesday  District  VII  was  not  included,  and  District 
VI  witnessed  only  one  clash;  on  Thursday  District  IV  was  again  normal,  and 
Districts  II,  V,  and  VII  were  comparatively  quiet;  during  the  remainder  of 
the  week  only  the  first  three  districts  named  were  active. 

The  worst  clashes  were  in  Districts  I  and  III,  and  of  those  reported  injured, 
34  per  cent  received  their  wounds  in  the  "Black  Belt,"  District  I,  and  41 
per  cent  on  the  Southwest  Side,  in  the  district  including  the  Stock  Yards, 
District  III. 

Factors  contributing  to  the  subsidence  of  the  riot  were  the  natural 
reaction  from  the  tension,  efforts  of  poHce  and  citizens  to  curb  the  rioters,  the 
entran^e_of_the  miUtia  on  Wednesday,  and.last,  but  perhaps  not  least,  a  heavj^ 
rain. 

The  longest  period  of  violence  without  noticeable  lull  was  9:00  a.m.  Monday 
to  9:00  A.M.  Tuesday.  On  Tuesday  the  feeUng  was  most  intense,  as  shown 
by  the  nature  of  the  clashes.  Arson  was  prevalent  on  Tuesday  for  the  first 
time,  and  the  property  loss  was  considerable.  But  judging  by  the  only  definite 
index,  the  number  of  dead  and  injured,  Monday  exceeded  Tuesday  in  violence, 
showing  229  injured  and  eighteen  dead  as  against  139  injured  and  eleven 
dead  on  the  latter  day.  While  it  is  apparent  that  no  single  hour  or  even  day 
can  be  called  the  peak  of  the  riot,  the  height  of  violence  clearly  falls  within 
the  two-day  period  Monday,  July  28,  and  Tuesday,  July  29. 

The  change  in  the  nature  of  the  clashes  day  by  day  showed  an  increase 
in  intensity  of  feeling  and  greater  boldness  in  action.  This  development 
reached  its  peak  on  Tuesday.  Later  came  a  decUne,  sporadic  outbursts 
succeeding  sustained  activity. 

Factors  influencing  growth  of  the  riot. — ^After  the  attacks  had  stopped, 
about  3  :oo  a.m.  Monday,  they  did  not  again  assume  serious  proportions  until 
Monday  afternoon,  when  workers  began  to  return  to  their  homes,  and  idle 
men  gathered  in  the  streets  in  greater  numbers  than  during  working  hours. 
The  Stock  Yards  laborers  are  dismissed  for  the  day  in  shifts.  Negroes  coming 
from  the  Yards  at  the  3:00  p.m.,  4:00  p.m.,  and  later  shifts  were  met  by  white 
gangs  armed  with  bats  and  clubs.  On  Tuesday  morning  men  going  to  work, 
both  Negro  and  white,  were  attacked. 

The  main  areas  of  violence  were  thoroughfares  and  natural  highways 
between  the  job  and  the  home.  On  the  South  Side  76  per  cent  of  all  the 
injuries  occurred  on  such  streets.  The  most  turbulent  corners  were  those  on 
State  Street  between  Thirty-first  and  Thirty-ninth,  on  Cottage  Grove  Avenue 
at  Sixty-third  Street,  on  Halsted  Street   at  Thirty-fifth  and  Forty-seventh 


lo  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

streets  and  on  Archer  Avenue  at  Thirty-fifth  Street.     Injuries  at  these  spots 
were  distributed  as  follows:' 

Injuries    Deaths 

State  Street — 

at  Thirty-first 7 

between  Thirty-first  and  Thirty-fifth 2 

at  Thirty-fifth ' 9        i 

between  Thirty-fifth  and  Thirty-ninth 19        2 

at  Thirty-ninth 3 

Cottage  Grove  Avenue — 

at  Sixty-third  Street 8 

Halsted  Street — 

at  Thhty-fifth 8 

at  Forty-seventh 5 

Archer  Avenue — 

at  Thirty-fifth  Street : 7 

Streets  which  suffered  most  from  rioting  were — 

State 61        6 

Thirty-fifth 50         5 

Forty-seventh 32        2 

Halsted 32 

Thirty-first 29        i 

The  street-car  situation  had  an  effect  upon  the  riot  both  before  the  strike 
and  after  it.  Because  of  a  shortage  of  labor  at  the  time,  the  surface-street-car 
company  had  put  on  a  number  of  inexperienced  men.  This  may  account 
for  the  inefficiency  of  some  crews  in  handling  attacked  cars. 

An  example  is  the  case  of  Henry  Goodman  who  was  killed  in  an  attack  on 
a  Thirty-ninth  Street  car.  The  car  was  stopped  at  Union  Avenue  by  a  truck 
suspiciously  stalled  across  the  tracks.  White  men  boarded  the  car  and  beat 
and  chased  six  or  eight  Negro  passengers.  When  asked  under  oath  to  whom 
the  truck  directly  in  front  of  him  belonged  and  what  color  it  was,  the  motorman 
replied,  "I  couldn't  say."  When  asked  what  time  his  car  left  the  end  of  the 
line  and  whether  or  not  he  had  seen  any  Negroes  hit  on  the  car,  he  answered, 
"I  didn't  pay  any  attention."  The  motorman  said  he  made  a  report  of  the 
case,  but  it  could  not  be  found  by  anyone  in  the  street-car  company's  office. 
The  conductor  of  this  car  had  been  given  orders  to  warn  Negroes  that  there 
was  rioting  in  the  district  through  which  the  car  ran.  He  did  not  do  this. 
He  ignored  the  truck.  No  names  of  witnesses  were  secured.  The  motorman 
was  an  extra  man  and  had  run  on  that  route  only  during  the  day  of  the  attack. 

In  the  case  of  John  Mills,  a  Negro  who  was  killed  as  he  fled  from  a  Forty- 
seventh  Street  car,  the  motorman  left  the  car  while  Negroes  were  being  beaten 

» Thirty-first,  Thirty-fifth,  and  Thirty-ninth  streets  are  chosen  for  special  notice  because 
these  are  transfer  points  for  north  and  south  cars  to  east  and  west  lines.  The  figures  given 
are  for  the  first  three  days  of  the  riot  only.  Other  days  showed  too  few  injuries  to  allow 
accurate  conclusions. 


THE  CHICAGO  RIOT  ii 

inside  it.    Neither  motorman  nor  conductor  took  names  of  witnesses  or 
attempted  to  fix  a  description  of  the  assailants  in  mind. 

When  B.  F.  Hardy,  a  Negro,  was  killed  on  a  street  car  at  Forty-sixth 
Street  and  Cottage  Grove  Avenue,  the  motorman  and  conductor  offered  no 
resistance  and  did  not  get  names  or  descriptions. 

The  testimony  of  the  conductor  and  motorman  on  a  car  attacked  at 
Thirty-eight  Street  and  Ashland  Avenue  was  clear  and  showed  an  attempt  to 
get  all  information  possible.  They  secured  names  of  witnesses.  One  member 
of  the  crew  had  been  in  the  service  of  the  Chicago  Surface  Lines  for  ten  years, 
and  the  other  for  twelve  years. 

The  tie-up  of  the  street  railways  affected  the  riot  situation  by  forcing 
laborers  to  walk,  making  them  more  liable  to  assault  in  the  hostile  districts, 
by  keeping  many  workers  from  jobs,  turning  out  on  the  streets  hundreds  of 
idle  men,  and  by  increasing  the  use  of  automobiles. 

Tuesday  morning  two  white  men  were  killed  while  walking  to  work  through 
the  Negro  area,  and  two  Negroes  were  killed  while  going  through  the  white  area. 

Curiosity  led  the  idle  to  the  riot  zone.  One  such  was  asked  on  the  witness 
stand  why  he  went.  "What  was  I  there  for?  Because  I  walked  there — my 
own  bad  luck.     I  was  curious  to  see  how  they  did  it,  that  is  all." 

Under  cover  of  legitimate  use  gangs  used  motor  vehicles  for  raiding. 
Witnesses  of  rioting  near  Ogden  Park  said  trucks  unloaded  passengers  on 
Racine  Avenue,  facihtating  the  formation  of  a  mob.  On  Halsted  Street 
crowds  of  young  men  rode  in  trucks  shouting  they  were  out  to  "  get  the  niggers." 
An  automobile  load  of  young  men  headed  off  Heywood  Thomas,  Negro,  and 
shot  him,  at  Taylor  and  Halsted  streets,  as  he  was  walking  home  from  work. 

Beside  daily  routine  and  the  street-car  situation,  the  weather  undoubtedly 
had  an  influence  in  the  progress  of  the  riot.  July  27  was  hot,  96  degrees,  or  k/ 
fourteen  points  above  normal.  It  was  the  culmination  of  a  series  of  days 
with  high  temperatures  around  95  degrees,  which  meant  that  nerves  were  / 
strained.  The  warm  weather  of  Sunday,  Monday,  and  Tuesday  also  kept 
crowds  on  the  streets  and  sitting  on  doorsteps  until  late  at  night.  Innocent 
people  trying  to  keep  cool  were  injured  when  automobiles  raced  through  the 
streets,  the  occupants  firing  to  right  and  left.  Wednesday  night  and  Thursday 
it  rained.     Cool  weather  followed  for  the  rest  of  the  week. 

Gangs  and  "athletic  clubs.'" — Gangs  and  their  activities  were  an  important    ^ 
factor  throughout  the  riot.     But  for  them  it  is  doubtful  if  the  riot  would  have 
gone  l)eyond  Qie  first  clash.     Both  organized  gangs  and  those  which  sprang 
into  existence  because  of  the  opportunity  afforded  seized  upon  the  excuse 
of  the  first  conflict  to  engage  in  lawless  acts. 

it  was  no  new  thing  for  youthful  white  and  Negro  groups  to  come  to       ^ 
violence.     For  years,  as  the  sections  of  this  report  deahng  with  antecedent 
clashes  and  with  recreation  show,  there  had  been  clashes  over  baseball  grounds, 
swimming-pools  in  the  parks,  the  right  to  walk  on  certain  streets,  etc. 


12  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Gangs  whose  activities  figured  so  prominently  in  the  riot  were  all  white 
gangs,  or  "athletic  clubs."  Negro  hoodlums  do  not  appear  to  form  organized 
gangs  so  readily.  Judges  of  the  municipal  court  said  that  there  are  no  gang 
organizations  among  Negroes  to  compare  with  those  found  among  young  whites. 

The  Stock  Yards  district,  just  west  of  the  main  Negro  area,  is  the  home 
of  many  of  these  white  gangs  and  clubs;  it  is  designated  as  District  III  in  the 
discussion  of  the  riot  growth.  The  state's  attorney,  as  already  indicated 
(see  p.  8),  referred  to  the  many  young  offenders  who  come  from  this  particular 
district.  A  police  detective  sergeant  who  investigated  the  riot  cases  in  this 
district  said  of  this  section,  "It  is  a  pretty  tough  neighborhood  to  try  to  get 
any  information  out  there;  you  can't  do  it."  A  poUceman  on  the  beat  in 
the  district  said,  "There  is  the  Canaryville  bunch  in  there  and  the  Hamburg 
bunch.     It  is  a  pretty  tough  hole  in  there." 

There  was  much  evidence  and  talk  of  the  political  "pull"  and  even  leader- 
ship of  these  gangs  with  reference  to  their  activities  in  the  riot.  A  member 
of  "Ragen's  Colts"  just  after  the  riot  passed  the  word  that  the  "coppers" 
from  downtown  were  looking  for  club  members,  but  that  "there  need  be  no 
fear  of  the  coppers  from  the  station  at  the  Yards  for  they  were  all  fixed  and  told 
to  lay  off  on  club  members."  During  the  riot  he  claimed  they  were  weU 
protected  by  always  having  a  "cop"  ride  in  one  of  the  automobiles  so  every- 
thing would  be  "O.K."  in  case  members  of  the  gang  were  picked  up.  Another 
member  of  the  club  said  he  had  been  "  tipped  off  by  the  poHce  at  the  Yards 
to  clean  out  and  keep  away  from  the  usual  hangouts  because  investigators 
were  working  out  of  Hoyne's  and  out  of  Brundage's  offices,  and  were  checking 
up  on  the  activities  of  the  'Ragen's'  during  the  riot." 

The  foreman  of  the  August  grand  jury  which  investigated  the  riot  cases 
said  in  testifying  before  the  Commission: 

The  lead  we  got  to  investigate  the  Forty-seventh  Street  district  was  from  an 
anonymous  letter  stating  that  Ragen  had  such  influence  in  the  Forty-seventh  Street 
police  station  that  these  individuals  were  allowed  to  go  without  due  process  of  law. 

I  didn't  believe  that  was  a  fact  in  this  particular  instance.  We  did  learn  that 
Ragen  was  a  great  power  in  that  district  and  at  the  time  of  our  investigation  we 
learned  that  some  of  the  "Ragen's  Colts"  had  broken  into  the  police  station  and 
pried  open  a  door  of  a  closet  where  they  had  a  good  deal  of  evidence  in  the  nature  of 
weapons  of  prisoners  concealed,  and  they  got  all  of  this  evidence  out  of  there  without 
the  police  knowing  anything  about  it. 

The  station  referred  to  is  at  Forty-seventh  and  Halsted  streets.  Gangs 
operated  for  hours  up  and  down  Forty-seventh  Street,  Wells,  Princeton,  Shields, 
and  Wentworth  avenues  and  Federal  Street  without  hindrance  from  the  poUce. 

A  judge  of  the  municipal  court  said  in  testimony  before  the  Commission: 
"They  seemed  to  think  they  had  a  sort  of  protection  which  entitled  them  to 
\  go  out  and  assault  anybody.  When  the  race  riots  occurred  it  gave  them 
something  to  satiate  the  desire  to  inflict  their  evil  propensities  on  others." 


CROWDS  ARMED  WITH  BRI 


Will]  j:s  stoning  negro  to  death 

Actual  photograph  of  the  killing  of  a  Negro  by  the  mob  shown  above  after  chasing  him  into  his  home.     1 


5  SEARCHING  FOR  A  NEGRO 


THE  ARRIVAL  OF  THE  POLICE 

i?as  knocked  from  the  stairway  bv  a  brick      Two  men  are  here  shown  hurling  bricks  at  the  dying  Xegro 


THE  CHICAGO  RIOT  13 

Besides  shouting  as  they  rode  down  the  streets  in  trucks  that  they  were 
out  to  "get  the  niggers, "  they  defied  the  law  in  other  ways.  When  the  miUtia 
men  came  on  the  scene  on  the  fourth  day  of  the  riot,  they  testified  to  trouble 
with  these  gangsters.  One  of  the  colonels  testified  before  the  Commission: 
"They  didn't  Hke  to  be  controlled.  They  would  load  up  heavy  trucks  with 
rowdies  and  try  to  force  through  the  Unes.  They'd  come  tooting  their  horns 
and  having  back  pressure  explosions  like  gatling  guns." 

Some  of  the  "athletic  club"  gangsters  had  .criminal  records.  L —  W — 
was  accused  of  being  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  gang  around  Forty-seventh  and 
Wells  streets.  He  himseh  said  boastfully,  "I  have  been  arrested  about 
fifteen  times  for  'disorderly'  and  never  was  arrested  with  a  knife  or  a  gun." 
Several  witnesses  said  they  had  seen  him  during  the  riot  one  night  leading 
the  mob  and  brandishing  a  razor  and  the  next  night  waving  a  gun.  He  was 
not  arrested.  D —  H — ,  seventeen  years  old,  was  identified  as  being  active 
in  the  rioting  near  Forty-seventh  Street  and  Forrestville  Avenue.  His  defense 
was  that  he  was  not  closer  to  the  Negro  assaulted  than  across  the  street,  but 
because  he  was  arrested  the  year  before  for  a  "stick-up  "  people  looked  "funny  " 
at  him  when  anything  happened.  R —  C —  was  accused  of  having  been 
implicated  in  the  arson  cases  on  Shields  Avenue.  When  his  mother  was 
interviewed,  she  said  she  knew  nothing  of  the  rioting,  but  said  her  son  was  at 
the  time  in  the  county  jail,  "but  not  for  that."  W —  G —  was  identified 
many  times  as  having  taken  part  in  the  arson  on  Wentworth  Avenue.  He  was 
indicted  for  both  arson  and  conspiracy  to  riot.  Two  years  before  the  riot  he 
had  been  arrested  for  larceny. 

All  who  discussed  gangs  before  the  Commission  said  that  most  of  the 
members  were  boys  of  se vent een_to  twenty- two  years  of  age.  Witnesses 
before  the  coroner's  juries  testified  to  the  youth  of  the  participants  in  mobs. 
Many  of  the  active  assailants  of  street  cars  were  boys.  In  the  case  of  the  Negro 
Hardy  who  was  killed  on  a  street  car,  it  was  said  that  the  murderers  were 
not  over  twenty  years,  and  many  were  nearer  sixteen.  In  the  raids  in  the 
Ogden  Park  district  the  participants  were  between  the  ages  of  fifteen  and 
twenty.  The  raid  just  west  of  Wentworth  Avenue,  where  a  number  of  houses 
were  much  damaged,  was  perpetrated  by  boys  of  these  ages.  The  attacking 
mob  on  Forty-third  Street  near  Forrestville  Avenue,  was  led  by  boys  of  eighteen 
to  twenty-one.  The  only  two  hoodlums  caught  participating  in  the  outrages 
in  the  "Loop,"  the  downtown  business  district,  were  seventeen  and  about 
twenty-one.  Most  of  those  arrested  on  suspicion  in  the  arson  cases  were 
taken  before  the  boys'  court.  Negroes  involved  in  many  cases  as  assailants 
were  also  youthful.  The  young  Negro  boys  who  killed  Lazzeroni  were  fourteen 
to  eighteen;   those  who  killed  Pareko  and  Perel  were  about  sixteen. 

A  member  of  "Ragen's  Colts  "  is  said  to  have  boasted  that  their  territory  ex- 
tended from  Cottage  Grove  Avenue  to  Ashland  Avenue  and  from  Forty-third 
Street  to  Sixty-third  Street.    At  Sixty-third  Street  and  Cottage  Grove  Avenue 


14  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

they  were  said  to  have  attacked  a  colored  man  in  a  restaurant  and  thrown  him 
out  of  the  window.  It  was  reported  that  trucks  of  a  downtown  store,  each 
carrying  about  thirty  men,  yeUing  that  they  were  "Ragen's  Colts"  and  that 
"Ragen's  bunch"  were  going  to  clean  out  the  community,  came  to  Sixtieth 
Street  and  Racine  Avenue.  Some  of  the  boys  who  took  part  in  the  assault 
upon  Negroes  at  Sixtieth  and  Ada  streets  were  reputed  to  be  members  of 
"Ragen's  Colts."  The  club,  according  to  some  of  its  own  members,  operated 
with  automobiles  from  which  they  managed  to  "bimip  off  a  number  of  Niggers." 
A  truck  driver  said  he  had  driven  some  "Ragen's  Colts"  to  Forty-seventh 
and  Halsted  streets,  where  they  "dropped"  four  or  five  people,  then  he  drove 
them  back  to  the  "Ragen's  Colts"  clubhouse  at  Fifty-second  and  Halsted 
streets.  "And, "  he  says,  "  they  had  plenty  of  guns  and  ammunition."  State's 
Attorney  Hojme,  however,  said  that  no  evidence  could  be  found  that  "  Ragen's 
Colts"  had  a  store  of  arms.  Members  of  the  Illinois  Reserve  MiUtia  reported 
that  they  had  been  threatened  by  "Ragen's  Colts"  that  they  would  be  picked 
off  one  by  one  when  they  got  off  duty. 

One  of  the  most  serious  cases  of  rioting  in  which  members  of  "Ragen's 
Colts"  were  reported  to  be  implicated  was  the  raid  upon  Shields  Avenue, 
where  there  were  nine  houses  occupied  by  Negroes.  At  8 :  30  Tuesday  evening 
200  or  300  gangsters  started  at  one  corner  and  worked  through  the  block, 
throwing  furniture  out  of  windows  and  setting  fires.  A  white  man  who  owned 
a  house  on  this  street  which  he  rented  to  Negroes  says  that  after  the  raid 
several  young  men  warned  him,  "If  you  open  your  mouth  against  'Ragen's' 
we  will  not  only  burn  your  house  down  but  we  will  'do'  you." 

The  Lorraine  Club,  according  to  five  witnesses,  was  also  impHcated  in 
arson  and  raids  upon  homes  of  Negroes.  Their  operations,  according  to  reports, 
were  on  Forty-seventh  Street  and  on  Wells  Street  and  Wentworth  Avenue 
between  Forty-seventh  and  Forty-eighth  streets.  Negroes  were  chased, 
guns  were  fired,  windows  broken,  front  doors  smashed  in,  furniture  destroyed, 
and  finally  homes  were  burned.  All  Negro  families  were  driven  out.  The 
attack  was  planned,  and  news  of  its  imminence  spread  abroad  in  the  morning. 
Rioting  started  in  the  afternoon  of  July  29,  and  culminated  late  that  night. 
There  was  no  interference  from  the  pohce  at  any  time.  It  was  said  that  one 
of  the  leaders  of  the  gang  who  had  an  express  and  coal  yard  carried  away 
furniture  in  his  wagon.  Another  was  recognized  as  a  youth  who  had  shot  a 
Negro  woman  during  the  afternoon.  They  are  reported  to  have  attacked  an 
undertaker  and  friends  who  came  to  remove  the  body  of  a  dead  Negro.  Three 
of  the  rioters  were  arrested  upon  the  identification  of  several  people,  but  two 
were  released  in  the  municipal  court,  and  the  third  had  a  "no  bill"  returned 
before  the  grand  jury.  One  was  released  because  no  witnesses  were  present 
to  prosecute  him.    The  witnesses  said  they  were  not  notified. 

A  member  of  the  Lorraine  Club  denied  that  his  club  had  anything  to 
do  with  this  riot,  but  said  it  was  Our  Flag  Club  that  did  the  "dirty  work." 


THE  CHICAGO  RIOT  15 

Our  Flag  Club  is  located  farther  east  on  Forty-seventh  Street  near  Union 
Avenue.  When  John  Mills  was  dragged  from  a  street  car  at  this  point  and 
killed,  a  policeman  recognized  several  of  the  club's  members  in  the  crowd, 
but  vouchsafed  the  opinion  that  they  were  not  part  of  the  aggressive  mob, 
"for  they  did  not  run  as  did  the  others  when  the  patrol  came  down  the  street." 
Another  policeman  said  he  had  never  had  any  trouble  with  the  club. 

Eight  members  of  the  Sparklers'  Club  were  seen  at  the  fire  at  5919  Went- 
worth  Avenue,  a  building  in  which  two  Negro  families  lived.  The  arson  is 
reported  to  have  been  planned  in  a  neighboring  cigar  store.  One  of  the  boys 
put  waste  soaked  in  gasoline  under  the  porch  and  ran.  Two  of  them  threw 
oil  in  the  building  and  two  others  Ht  it.  It  took  three  attempts  to  make  a 
fire  at  this  place.  Each  time  it  was  started  the  Fire  Department  put  it  out. 
Two  of  the  boys  are  declared  to  have  stolen  phonograph  records  and  silverware 
from  the  house.  A  lad  not  a  member  of  the  club  was  with  them  at  the  fire. 
Afterward  one  of  the  boys  warned  him,  "Watch  your  dice  and  be  careful  or 
you  won't  see  your  home  any  more."  Six  boys  were  held  for  arson,  in  connec- 
tion with  this  affair;  one  was  discharged  in  the  boys'  court,  and  the  cases  of 
two  others  were  nolle  prossed.  In  connection  with  their  arrest  the  Chicago 
Tribune  of  August  15,  1919,  said: 

Evidence  that  organized  bands  of  white  youths  have  been  making  a  business  of 
burning  Negro  dwellings  was  said  to  have  been  handed  to  Attorney  General  Brundage 

and  Assistant  State's  Attorney  Irwin  Walker Chief  of  Police  Garrity,  also 

informed  of  the  Fire  Marshal's  charges,  declared  several  so-called  athletic  clubs  in 
the  Stock  Yards  district  may  lose  their  charters  as  a  result. 

A  report  about  the  Aylward  Club  was  to  the  effect  that  as  the  Negroes 
came  from  the  Stock  Yards  on  Monday,  a  gang  of  its  members  armed  with 
clubs  was  waiting  for  them  and  that  each  singled  out  a  Negro  and  beat  him, 
the  police  looking  on. 

The  names  of  a  number  of  gang  ringleaders  were  reported  by  investigators. 
For  illustration,  L.  Dennis,  a  Negro  of  6059  Throop  Street,  was  attacked 
on  the  night  of  Monday,  July  28,  by  a  mob  led  by  three  roughs  whose  names 
were  learned  and  whose  loafing  place  was  at  Sixty-third  Street  and  Racine 
Avenue.  A  mob  of  thirty  white  men  who  shot  Francis  Green,  Negro,  eighteen 
years  old,  at  Garfield  Boulevard  and  State  Street  had  a  club  headquarters  in 
the  vicinity  of  Fifty-fourth  Street  and  their  "hangout"  was  at  the  corner  of 
Garfield  Boulevard  and  State  Street. 

Other  clubs  mentioned  in  riot  testimony  before  the  coroner's  jury,  but 
not  in  connection  with  riot  clashes,  are  the  Pine  Club,  tlie  Hamburgers,  the 
Emeralds,  the  White  Club,  Favis  Grey's,  and  the  Mayflower.  The  police 
closed  the  clubs  for  a  period  of  several  months  after  the  riot.  There  were  then 
in  existence  a  number  of  Negro  gambling  clubs,  and  the  state's  attorney 
declared  that  it  was  the  colored  gamblers  who  "started  this  shooting  and 
tearing  around  town,"  and  that  "as  soon  as  they  heard  the  news  that  the  boy 


i6  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Williams  was  drowned,  they  filled  three  or  four  machines  and  started  out  to 
shoot." 

A  saloon-keeper  near  Wabash  Avenue  and  Fifty-fifth  Street,  one  of  the 
leaders  of  these  colored  gamblers,  was  identified  by  a  white  woman  as  being 
in  an  automobile  with  five  other  Negroes  exhorting  colored  men  to  riot  after 
the  drowning  of  Williams.  The  next  day  he  was  arrested  in  an  automobile 
with  other  colored  men  who  were  said  to  be  shooting  into  the  homes  of  white 
people.  They  were  arrested  but  were  discharged  by  Judge  Barasa  at  the 
Stock  Yards  court. 

Pohce  raids  were  made  on  some  of  the  "Black  Belt"  clubs  on  August  23. 
At  the  Ranier  Club,  3010  South  State  Street,  two  revolvers,  one  razor, 
one  "black-jack,"  seven  cartridges,  one  cattle  knife,  and  one  ordinary  knife 
were  found.  At  the  Pioneer  Club,  3512  South  State  Street,  eight  guns,  four 
packages  of  cartridges  and  twenty-four  knives  were  taken.  A  raid  at  2700 
South  State  Street  netted  four  guns,  one  hunting-knife,  and  fifty-eight  cartridges 
and  bullets. 

The  foreman  of  the  grand  jury  which  investigated  the  riots  discussing  the 
"athletic"  and  "social"  clubs  before  the  Commission,  said: 

Most  of  them  were  closed  immediately  after  the  riots.  There  were  "Ragen's 
Colts,"  as  they  were  known,  concerning  whom  the  grand  jury  were  particularly  anxious 
to  get  something  concrete,  although  no  evidence  was  presented  that  convicted  any 
of  the  members  of  that  club.  There  were  the  Hamburgers,  another  athletic  club, 
the  Lotus  Club,  the  Mayflower,  and  various  clubs.    These  were  white  clubs. 

Asked  if  they  really  were  athletic  clubs,  he  replied: 

I  think  they  are  athletic  only  with  their  fists  and  brass  knuckles  and  guns.  We 
had  Mr.  Ragen  before  the  grand  jury,  and  he  told  us  of  the  noble  work  that  they 
were  doing  in  the  district,  that  Father  Brian,  who  had  charge  of  these  boys,  taught 
them  to  box  and  how  to  build  themselves  up  physically,  and  they  were  doing  a  most 
noble  work,  and  you  would  think  that  Ragen  was  a  public  benefactor.  During  the 
deUberations  of  this  grand  jury  a  number  of  anonymous  letters  were  written  with 
reference  to  "Ragen's  Colts,"  and  most  of  the  explanations  of  the  fact  that  they 
failed  to  put  their  names  on  these  letters  were  that  they  were  afraid  they  would  lose 
their  lives. 

The  grand  jury  included  in  its  report  this  reference  to  the  gang  and  club 
phase  of  the  riot: 

The  authorities  employed  to  enforce  the  law  should  thoroughly  investigate  clubs 
and  other  organizations  posing  as  athletic  and  social  clubs  which  really  are  organiza- 
tions of  hoodlums  and  criminals  formed  for  the  purpose  of  furthering  the  interest  of 
local  poHtics.  In  the  opinion  of  this  jury  many  of  the  crimes  committed  in  the 
"Black  Belt"  by  whites  and  the  fires  that  were  started  back  of  the  Yards,  which, 
however,  were  credited  to  the  Negroes,  were  more  than  likely  the  work  of  the  gangs 
operating  on  the  Southwest  Side  under  the  guise  of  these  clubs,  and  the  jury  believes 
that  these  fires  were  started  for  the  purpose  of  inciting  race  feeling  by  blaming  same 
on  the  blacks.  These  gangs  have  apparently  taken  an  active  part  in  the  race  riots, 
and  no  arrests  of  their  members  have  been  made  as  far  as  this  jury  is  aware. 


SCENES  FROM  FIRE  IN  IMMIGRANT  NEIGHBORHOOD  "BACK  OF  THE  YARDS' 


NEGROES   UNDER    PROTECTION   OF   POLICE    LE.WTXG   WRECKED   HOUSE 

IN  RIOT  ZONE 


THE  CHICAGO  RIOT  17 

The  coroner's  jury  which  conducted  inquests  into  the  thirty-eight  riot 
deaths  said: 

The  suggestion  has  also  been  made  that  race  hatred  and  tendency  to  race  rioting 
had  its  birth  and  was  fostered  in  the  numerous  social  and  athletic  clubs  made  up  of 
young  men  and  scattered  throughout  the  city.  We  doubt  this,  but  if  in  part  true,  it 
calls  for  the  inspection  and  control  of  such  clubs.  These  clubs  are  here,  they  are 
popular,  they  take  the  place  of  the  disappearing  saloon  and  poolroom.  Properly 
governed  and  controlled,  they  should  be  encouraged  and  fostered  and,  when  necessary, 
disciplined. 

Hoodlums  are  the  nucleus  of  a  mob — the  young,  idle,  vicious,  and  in  many 
instances  degenerate  and  criminal,  impatient  of  restraint  of  law,  gather  together,  and 
when  fortified  by  sufficient  numbers,  start  out  on  a  mission  of  disorder,  law-breaking, 
destruction,  and  murder.  Mobs,  white  or  colored,  grow  about  a  nucleus  of  this 
character. 

Types  of  clashes. — Racial  outbreaks  are  often  characterized  by  hangings, 
burnings,  and  mutilations,  and  frequently  the  cause  given  for  them  is  a  reported 
Negro  attack  upon  a  white  woman.  None  of  these  features  appeared  in  the 
Chicago  riot.  An  attempted  hanging  was  reported  by  a  white  detective 
but  was  unsubstantiated.  A  report  that  Joseph  Lovings,  one  of  the  Negroes 
killed  in  the  riot,  was  burned,  was  heralded  abroad  and  even  carried  to  the 
United  States  Senate,  but  it  was  false.  The  coroner's  physicians  found  no 
burns  on  his  body. 

Reports  of  assaults  upon  women  were  at  no  time  mentioned  or  even  hinted 
at  as  a  cause  of  the  Chicago  riot,  but  after  the  disorder  started  reports  of  such 
crimes  were  published  in  the  white  and  Negro  press,  but  they  had  no  foundation 
in  fact. 

Of  the  ten  women  wounded  in  the  Chicago  riot,  seven  were  white,  two  were 
Negroes,  and  the  race  of  one  is  unknown.  All  but  one  of  these  ten  injuries 
appears  to  have  been  accidental.  The  exception  was  the  case  of  Roxy  Pratt, 
a  Negro  woman  who,  with  her  brother,  was  chased  down  Wells  Street  from 
Forty-seventh  by  gangsters  and  was  seriously  wounded  by  a  bullet.  No  cases 
of  direct  attacks  upon  white  women  by  Negro  men  were  reported. 

The  Commission  has  the  record  of  numerous  instances,  principally  during 
the  first  twenty-four  hours,  where  individuals  of  opposing  races  met,  knives 
or  guns  were  drawn,  and  injury  was  inflicted  without  the  element  of  mob 
stimulus. — ~ 

On  Monday  mobs  operated  in  sudden,  excited  assaults,  and  attacks  on 
street  cars  provided  outstanding  cases,  five  persons  being  killed  and  many 
injured.  Nicholas  Kleinmark,  a  white  assailant,  was  stabbed  to  death  by  a 
Negro  named  Scott,  acting  in  seK-defense.  Negroes  killed  were  Henry  Good- 
man at  Thirtieth  and  Union  streets;  John  Mills,  on  Forty-seventh  Street 
near  Union;  Louis  Taylor  at  Root  Street  and  Wentworth  Avenue;  and  B.  F. 
Hardy  at  Forty-sixth  Street  and  Cottage  Grove  Avenue.  All  died  from 
beatings. 


i8  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Crowds  armed  themselves  with  stones,  bricks,  and  baseball  bats  and 
scanned  passing  street  cars  for  Negroes.  Finding  them,  trolleys  were  pulled 
off  wires  and  entrance  to  the  cars  forced.  Negroes  were  dragged  from  under 
car  seats  and  beaten.  Once  off  the  car  the  chase  began.  If  possible,  the 
vanguard  of  the  mob  caught  the  fleeing  Negroes  and  beat  them  with  clubs.  If 
the  Negro  outran  the  pursuers,  stones  and  bricks  brought  him  down.  Some- 
times the  chase  led  through  back  yards  and  over  fences,  but  it  was  always  short. 

Another  type  of  race  warfare  was  the  automobile  raids  carried  on  by  young 
men  crowded  in  cars,  speeding  across  thedead  line~at  Wentworth  Avenue 
and  the  "Black  Belt,"  and  firing  at  random.  Crowded  colored  districts, 
with  people  sitting  on  front  steps  and  in  open  windows,  were  subjected  to  this 
menace.  Strangely  enough,  only  one  person  was  killed  in  these  raids,  Henry 
Baker,  Negro. 

Automobile  raids  were  reported  wherever  colored  people  had  established 
themselves,  in  the  "Black  Belt,"  both  on  the  main  business  streets  and  in 
the  residence  sections,  and  in  the  small  community  near  Ada  and  Loomis 
streets  in  the  vicinity  of  Ogden  Park. 

These  raids  began  Monday  night,  continued  spasmodically  aU  day  Tuesday, 
and  were  again  prevalent  that  night.  In  spite  of  the  long  period,  reports  of 
motorcycle  policemen  show  no  white  raiders  arrested.  One  suspected  raiding 
automobile  was  caught  on  State  Street  Tuesday  night,  after  collision  with  a 
patrol  wagon.  One  of  the  occupants,  a  white  man,  had  on  his  person  the 
badge  and  identification  card  of  a  poUceman  assigned  to  the  Twenty-fourth 
Precinct.  No  case  was  worked  up  against  him,  and  the  other  men  in  the 
machine  were  not  heard  of  again  in  connection  with  the  raid. 

Most  of  the  poUce  motorcycle  squad  was  assigned  to  the  Stanton  Avenue 
station,  which  was  used  as  poUce  headquarters  in  the  "Black  Belt."  Several 
automobile  loads  of  Negroes  were  arrested,  and  firearms  were  found  either 
upon  their  persons  or  in  the  automobile. 

In  only  two  cases  were  Negroes  aggressively  rioting  found  outside  of  the 
"Black  Belt."  One  of  these  was  the  case  of  the  saloon-keeper  already  men- 
tioned, and  the  other  was  that  of  a  deputy  sheriff,  who,  with  a  party  of  other 
men,  said  they  were  on  the  way  to  the  Stock  Yards  to  rescue  some  beleaguered 
members  of  their  race.  It  is  reported  that  they  wounded  five  white  people 
en  route.  Sheriff  Peters  said  he  understood  that  the  deputy  sheriff  was 
attacked  by  white  mobs  and  fired  to  clear  the  crowd.     He  was  not  convicted. 

"Sniping"  was  a  form  of  retaliation  by  Negroes  which  grew  out  of  the 
automobile  raids.  These  raiding  automobiles  were  fired  upon  from  yards, 
porches,  and  windows  throughout  the  "Black  Belt."  One  of  the  most  serious 
cases  reported  was  at  Thirty-first  and  State  streets,  where  Negroes  barricaded 
the  streets  with  rubbish  boxes.  Motorcycle  Policeman  Cheney  rammed 
through  and  was  hit  by  a  bullet.  His  companion  officer  following  was  knocked 
from  his  machine  and  the  machine  punctured  with  bullets. 


THE  CHICAGO  RIOT  19 

After  the  wounding  of  Policeman  Cheney  and  Sergeant  Murray,  of  the 
Sixth  Precinct,  poHcemen  made  a  thorough  search  of  all  Negro  homes  near 
the  scene  of  the  "sniping."  Thirty-four  Negroes  were  arrested.  Of  these, 
ten  were  discharged,  ten  were  found  not  guilty,  one  was  given  one  day  in  jail, 
one  was  given  five  days  in  jail,  one  was  fined  and  put  on  probation,  two  were 
fined  $10  and  costs,  one  was  fined  $25;  six  were  given  thirty  days  each  in  the 
House  of  Correction,  and  one,  who  admitted  firing  twice  but  said  he  was  firing 
at  one  of  the  automobiles,  was  sentenced  to  six  months  in  the  House  of  Correc- 
tion.   His  case  was  taken  to  the  appellate  court. 

Concerted  retaliatory  race  action  showed  itseK  in  the  ItaUan  district 
around  Taylor  and  Loomis  streets  when  rumor  said  that  a  Httle  Itahan  girl 
had  been  killed  or  wounded  by  a  shot  fired  by  a  Negro.  Joseph  Lovings,  an 
innocent  Negro,  came  upon  the  excited  crowd  of  ItaUans.  There  was  a  short 
chase  through  back  yards.  Finally  Lovings  was  dragged  from  his  hiding- 
place  in  a  basement  and  brutally  murdered  by  the  crowd.  The  coroner 
reported  fourteen  bullet  wounds  on  his  body,  eight  still  having  bullets  in  them; 
also  various  stab  wounds,  contusions  of  the  head,  and  fractures  of  the  skull. 
Rumor  made  the  tale  more  hideous,  saying  that  Lovings  was  burned  after 
gasohne  had  been  poured  over  the  dead  body.     This  was  not  true. 

This  same  massing  of  race  against  race  was  shown  in  a  similar  clash  between 
Itahans  and  Negroes  on  the  North  Side.  The  results  here,  however,  were  not 
serious.  It  was  reported  in  this  last  case  that  immediately  after  the  fracas 
the  Negroes  and  Italians  were  again  on  good  terms.  This  was  not  true  in 
the  neighborhood  of  the  Lovings  outrage.  Miss  Jane  Addams,  of  Hull-House, 
which  is  near  the  scene  of  Lovings'  death,  testified  before  the  Commission 
that  before  the  riot  the  Italians  held  no  particular  animosity  toward  Negroes, 
for  those  in  the  neighborhood  were  mostly  from  South  Italy  and  accustomed 
to  the  dark-skinned  races,  but  that  they  were  developing  antipathy.  In  the 
September  following  the  riot,  she  said  the  neighborhood  was  still  full  of  wild 
stories  so  stereotyped  in  character  that  they  appeared  to  indicate  propaganda 
spread  for  a  purpose. 

The  gang  which  operated  in  the  "Loop"  was  composed  partly  of  soldiers 
and  sailors  in  uniform;  they  were  boys  of  from  seventeen  to  twenty- two, 
out  for  a  "rough"  time  and  using  race  prejudice  as  a  shield  for  robbery.  At 
times  this  crowd  numbered  100.  Its  depredations  began  shortly  after  2 :  00  a.m. 
Tuesday.  The  La  Salle  Street  railroad  station  was  entered  twice,  and  Negro 
men  were  beaten  and  robbed.  About  3:00  a.m.  activities  were  transferred 
to  Wabash  Avenue.  In  the  hunt  for  Negroes  one  restaurant  was  wrecked 
and  the  vandalism  was  continued  in  another  restaurant  where  two  Negroes 
were  found.  One  was  severely  injured  and  the  other  was  shot  down.  The 
gangsters  rolled  the  body  into  the  gutter  and  turned  the  pockets  inside  out;  they 
stood  on  the  corner  of  Wabash  Avenue  and  Adams  Street  and  divided  the  spoils, 
openly  boasting  later  of  having  secured  $52,  a  diamond  ring,  a  watch,  and  a  brooch. 


20  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Attacks^in  the  "Loop"  continued  as  late  as  ten  o'clock  Tuesday  morning, 
Negroes  being  chased  through  the  streets  and  beaten.  Warned  by  the  Pinker- 
ton  Detective  Agency;  business  men  with  stores  on  Wabash  Avenue  came  to 
protect  their  property.  The  rioting  was  reported  to  the  poUce  by  the  restaurant 
men.  PoUcemen  rescued  two  Negroes  that  morning,  but  so  many  pohcemen 
had  been  concentrated  in  and  near  the  "Black  Belt"  that  there  were  only 
a  few  patrolmen  in  the  whole  "Loop"  district,  and  these  did  not  actively 
endeavor  to  cope  with  the  mob.  In  the  meantime  two  Negroes  were  killed 
and  others  injured,  while  property  was  seriously  damaged. 

Tuesday's  raids  marked  the  peak  of  daring  during  the  riot,  and  their 
subsidence  was  as  gradual  as  their  rise.  For  the  next  two  days  the  gangs 
roamed  the  streets,  intermittently  attacking  Negro  homes.  After  Tuesday 
midnight  their  operations  were  not  so  open  or  so  concerted.  The  riot  gradually 
decreased  in  feeling  and  scope  till  the  last  event  of  a  serious  nature  occurred, 
the  incendiary  fires  back  of  the  Stock  Yards. 

While  there  is  general  agreement  that  these  fires  were  incendiary,  no  clue 
could  be  found  to  the  perpetrators.  Negroes  were  suspected,  as  all  the  houses 
burned  belonged  to  whites.  In  spite  of  this  fact,  and  the  testimony  of  thirteen 
people  who  said  they  saw  Negroes  in  the  vicinity  before  or  during  the  fires, 
a  rumor  persisted  that  the  fires  were  set  by  white  people  with  blackened  faces. 
One  of  the  men  Hving  in  the  burned  district  who  testified  to  seeing  a  motor 
truck  filled  with  Negroes  said,  when  asked  about  the  color  of  the  men,  "Sure, 
I  know  they  were  colored.  Of  course  I  don't  know  whether  they  were 
painted."  An  early  milk-wagon  driver  said  that  he  saw  Negroes  come  out 
of  a  barn  on  Forty-third  Street  and  Hermitage  Avenue.  Immediately  after- 
ward the  barn  burst  into  flames.  He  ran  to  a  policeman  and  reported  it. 
The  poHceman  said  he  was  "too  busy"  and  "it  is  all  right  anyway."  One  of 
the  colonels  commanding  a  regiment  of  militia  said  he  thought  white  people 
with  blackened  faces  had  set  fire  to  the  houses;  he  got  this  opinion  from  talking 
to  the  police  in  charge  of  that  district. 

Miss  Mary  McDowell,  of  the  University  of  Chicago  Settlement,  which  is 
located  back  of  the  Yards,  said  in  testimony  before  the  Commission: 

I  don't  think  the  Negroes  did  bum  the  houses.  I  think  the  white  hoodliuns 
burned  them.  The  Negroes  weren't  back  there,  they  stayed  at  home  after  that 
Monday.  When  we  got  hold  of  the  firemen  confidentially,  they  said  no  Negroes 
set  fire  to  them  at  all,  but  the  newspapers  said  so  and  the  people  were  full  of  fear. 
All  kinds  of  mythical  stories  were  afloat  for  some  time. 

The  general  superintendent  of  Armour  &  Company  was  asked,  when  testi- 
fying before  the  Commission,  if  he  knew  of  any  substantial  reason  why 
Negroes  were  accused  of  setting  fires  back  of  the  Yards.    He  answered : 

That  statement  was  originated  in  the  minds  of  a  few  individuals,  radicals.  It 
does  not  exist  in  the  minds  of  the  conservative  and  thinking  people  of  the  community, 
even  those  living  in  back  of  the  Yards.    They  know  better.    I  believe  it  goes  without 


THE  CHICAGO  RIOT  2i 

saying  that  there  isn  't  a  colored  man,  regardless  of  how  little  brains  he  'd  have,  who 
would  attempt  to  go  over  into  the  Polish  district  and  set  fire  to  anybody's  house 
over  there.    He  wouldn  't  get  that  far. 

The  controlling  superintendent  of  Swift  &  Company  said  he  could  not  say  it 
from  his  own  experience,  but  he  understood  there  was  as  much  friction  between 
the  Poles  and  Lithuanians  who  worked  together  in  the  Yards  as  between  the 
Negroes  and  the  whites.  The  homes  burned  belonged  to  Lithuanians.  The 
grand  jury  stated  in  its  report:  "The  jury  believes  that  these  fires  were  started 
for  the  purpose  of  inciting  race  feeling  by  blaming  same  on  the  blacks." 

The  methods  of  attack  used  by  Negroes  and  whites  during  the  riot  differed; 
the  Negroes  usually  clung  to  individual  attack  and  the  whites  to  mob  action. 
Negroesused  chiefly  firearms  and  knives,  and  the  whites  used  their  fists, 
bricks,  stones,  baseball  bats,  pieces  of  iron,  hammers.  Among  the  white  men, 
69  per  cent  were  shot  or  stabbed  and  31  per  cent  were  beaten;  among  the 
Negroes  almost  the  reverse  was  true,  35  per  cent  being  shot  and  stabbed  and 
65  per  cent  beaten.  A  colonel  in  charge  of  a  regiment  of  militia  on  riot  duty 
says  they  found  few  whites  but  many  Negroes  armed. 

Arms  and  ammunition. — The  foregoing  figures  and  statements  gave  some 
color  to  the  belief  persistent  during  and  after  the  riot  that  Negroes  had  stores 
of  arms  and  ammunition.  A  lieutenant  of  police  testified  before  the  coroner's 
jury  that  he  had  known  in  advance  that  the  riot  was  coming  because  "  there 
were  guns  in  every  house  out  there;  I  knew  they  were  there  for  a  purpose." 
He  said  he  had  heard  that  Negroes  had  been  advised  to  arm  themselves  and 
defend  their  homes,  that  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  provided  for 
that.  The  state's  attorney  said  before  the  Commission  that  prior  to  the 
riot  he  had  received  reports  from  detectives  of  private  agencies  stating  the  same 
thing.  He  was  informed  that  Negroes  readily  got  firearms  from  Gary,  Indiana, 
and  that  porters  on  the  Pullman  trains  brought  them  in  from  outside  places. 
He  further  stated:  "I  am  very  definitely  assured  of  the  fact  that  they  were 
arming  and  that  there  were  more  arms  and  weapons  grouped  in  that  general 
district  loosely  termed  the  'Black  Belt'  than  any  place  else,  and  my  informa- 
tion is  that  conditions  are  that  way  now." 

During  the  riot  there  were  frequent  rumors  that  Negroes  had  broken  into 
the  Eighth  Regiment  Armory  for  gims  and  ammunition,  but  all  these  rumors 
were  proved  false. 

Since  the  riot  many  tales  have  been  told  of  stores  of  arms  brought  in  by 
Pullman  porters  and  by  white  prostitutes.  Mexicans  were  reported  to  be 
assisting  Negroes  in  the  manufacture  of  bombs  and  hand  grenades.  Lists  of 
addresses  where  ammunition  was  being  stored  have  been  gathered  by  detec- 
tives, but  not  verified. 

The  same  sort  of  rumors  are  foimd  circulating  among  the  Negroes  in  regard 
to  the  arming  of  whites.  It  is  said  that  such  and  such  white  men  have  great 
boxes  of  guns  and  ammunition  in  the  cellars  of  their  homes,  and  that  white 


22  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

men  are  forming  shooting  clubs  for  the  purpose  of  attacking  Negroes  in  the 
event  of  another  riot.  There  are  also  widely  beheved  stories  that  a  department 
store  sold  guns  to  white  people  before  the  riot  but  refused  to  sell  to  Negroes.  It 
was  said  that  pawn  shops  sold  to  white  people  without  permits  from  the  police. 

Crowds  and  mobs.- — It  may  be  observed  that  a  crowd  is  merely  a  gathering 
of  people  while  a  mob  is  a  crowd  with  its  attention  so  strongly  fixed  upon  some 
lawless  purpose  that  other  purposes  are  inhibited  and  it  acts  along  the  line 
of  the  one  purpose.  During  the  riot  many  crowds  of  curiosity  seekers  were 
transformed  into  vicious  mobs  when  exciting  rumors  circulated  and  the  sugges- 
tion of  vengeance  was  made  by  leaders.  Such  suggestion  was  frequejitly 
■  accompanied  by  some  daring  act,  stimulated  by  the  excitement. 

The  mob  in  its  entirety  usually  did  not  participate  actively.  It  was  one 
in  spirit,  but  divided  in  performance  into  a  small  active  nucleus  and  a  large 
Droportion  of  spectators. .  The  nucleus  was  composed  of  young  men  from 
sixteen  to  twenty-one  or  twenty-two  years  of  age.  Sometimes  only  four  would 
be  active  while  fifty  or  150  looked  on,  but  at  times  the  proportion  would  be  as 
great  as  twenty-five  in  200  or  fifty  in  300.  Fifty  is  the  largest  number  reported 
for  a  mob  nucleus.  This  was  in  the  case  of  John  Mills  and  five  other  Negroes 
who  were  beaten,  dragged  off  a  Forty-seventh  Street  car  and  chased.  Mills 
being  killed.  Here  there  were  three  degrees  of  crowd  formation.  First  came 
the  nucleus  of  fifty  active  men  who  did  the  beating,  chasing,  and  killing. 
Closely  aiding  and  abetting  them  were  300  or  400  others.  After  the  Negroes 
had  been  forced  off  the  car  and  were  being  hunted  through  the  neighborhood 
a  crowd  of  about  2,000  gathered  and  followed  the  vanguard  of  attackers 
and  spectators.  These  were  present  out  of  morbid  curiosity,  but  sufficiently 
imbued  with  the  spirit  of  the  mob  not  to  interfere  with  the  outrages. 

The  fact  that  children  were  frequently  a  part  of  mobs  is  one  of  the  thought- 
provoking  facts  of  the  Chicago  riot.  Psychologists  say  that  impressions  made 
upon  the  child  mind  are  forces  which  mold  adult  character  to  a  great  extent. 
A  nimiber  of  children,  some  not  more  than  four  or  five  years  old,  swarmed 
in  front  of  the  Forty-seventh  Street  car  in  the  John  Mills  case  and  effectively 
blocked  it  while  men  cUmbed  aboard  and  sought  out  the  Negroes.  Children, 
often  witnesses  of  mob  brutality,  ran  to  where  Negro  victims  had  fallen  and 
pointed  them  out  to  the  policemen  who  came  up  after  the  mobs  had  dispersed. 

There  were  others,  still  children  in  mind,  Negro  boys  of  fifteen,  accused 
of  murders.  The  enormity  of  their  acts  faded  in  the  joy  of  describing  their 
weapons.  "Fat  had  a  club;  it  looked  like  a  police  club,"  said  one,  "it  had 
leather  on  it."  "And  the  gun  had  a  httle  picture  of  an  owl  on  the  side  of  it, " 
said  another  describing  a  patched-up  weapon  that  brought  down  a  white 
laboring-man  who  left  a  widow  and  eight  children. 

Among  the  spectators  of  mob  violence  were  men,  women,  and  children 
of  all  ages;  they  included  tradesmen,  craftsmen,  salesmen,  laborers.  Though 
the  spectators  did  not  conmiit  the  crimes,  they  must  share  the  moral  responsi- 


SCENES  FROM  FIRE  IX  IMMK.KAXT  XKKIHIIORHOOI)  "HACK  ()\-  THK  YARDS" 


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THE  CHICAGO  RIOT  23 

bility.  Without  the  spectators  mob  violence  would  probably  have  stopped 
short  of  murder  in  many  cases.  An  example  of  the  behavior  of  the  active 
nucleus  when  out  of  sight  of  the  spectators  bears  this  out.  George  Carr, 
Negro,  was  chased  from  a  street  car.  He  outstripped  all  but  the  vanguard 
of  the  mob  by  climbing  fences  and  hiding  in  a  back  yard.  This  concealed 
him  from  the  rest  of  the  crowd,  who  by  that  time  were  chasing  other  Negroes. 
The  young  men  who  followed  Carr  left  him  without  striking  a  blow,  upon  his 
mere  request  for  clemency.  In  regard  to  the  large  non-active  elements  in 
the  crowds,  the  coroner  said  during  the  inquest,  "It  is  just  the  swelling  of 
crowds  of  that  kind  that  urges  them  on,  because  they  naturally  feel  that  they 
are  backed  up  by  the  balance  of  the  crowd,  which  may  not  be  true,  but  they 
feel  that  way."  Juror  Ware  said,  "If  sightseers  were  lending  their  aid  and 
assistance — "  Juror  Dillon  interrupted  and  finished,  "they  ought  to  be 
punished."      1 

Often  the  "sightseers"  and  even  those  included  in  the  nucleus  did  not  know 
why  they  had  taken  part  in  crimes  the  viciousness  of  which  was  not  apparent 
to  them  until  afterward.  A  mere  attempt  to  cover  up  participation  would 
have  called  forth  excuses  in  testimony,  but  their  answers  show  irritation  at 
the  questioning,  an  inability  to  appreciate  the  situation,  or  complete  bewilder- 
ment. These  excerpts  from  the  testimony  before  the  coroner's  jury  are 
examples : 

Henry  Woodman,  in  the  mob  at  Sixtieth  and  Ada  streets:  "I  don't  know. 
I  didn't  have  any  grudge  against  them  [the  Negroes].  But  they  [the  mob] 
seemed  to  have  it  in  for  the  colored  people.     That  is  all." 

Edward  Klose,  in  the  mob  in  front  of  102 1  South  State  Street:  "I  followed 
the  crowd,  and  I  was  in  there  because  I  was  in  there;  they  all  bunched  around 
and  what  could  I  do  ?" 

One  of  the  boys  in  the  mob  at  Forty-third  Street  and  Forrestville  Avenue: 
"I  just  wanted  to  see  how  things  were  getting  along.  We  wanted  to  see 
what  the  riot  looked  like." 

Another  of  this  same  crowd:  "I  was  following  the  rest.  I  wanted  to  see 
what  they  were  going  to  do." 

Another  from  the  same  mob:  "When  they  started  to  grab  them  [the 
Negroes]  in  the  lot,  I  rushed  over  directly  to  the  conflict,  by  the  colored  men, 
thinking  I  would  see  more  on  that  side." 

Mobs  got  under  way  for  the  commission  of  atrocities  by  having  the  direct 
suggestion  put  to  them  by  one  of  the  leaders.  With  minds  already  prepared 
by  rumors  circulating  wherever  crowds  gathered,  it  was  easy  to  arouse  action. 
A  street  car  approaching  and  the  cry,  "Get  the  niggers!"  was  enough. 
Prompt  action  cUnched  the  idea,  and  the  emotion  of  the  attack  narrowed  the 
field  of  consciousness.     War  cries  aided  in  keeping  emotion  at  fever  heat. 

"Get  the  nigger!"    "Kill  the  black  —  of  a !"    "KiU  him!"    These 

were  always  an  incident  of  mob  action. 


24  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Counter-suggestion  was  not  tolerated  when  the  mob  was  rampant.  A 
suggestion  of  clemency  was  shouted  down  with  the  derisive  epithet,  "Nigger 
lover!"  Silenced  objectors  made  no  further  effort  to  thwart  mob  action. 
There  are  no  records  of  such  persons  notifying  the  police  or  persisting  in  their 
remonstrances.  Those  whose  objections  took  the  form  of  action  against 
the  mob  met  with  violence.  A  white  man,  an  instructor  in  music  at  the 
University  of  Chicago,  saw  several  white  men  attack  a  Negro  who  was  waiting 
for  a  street  car  at  Sixty-third  Street  and  Cottage  Grove  Avenue.  Without 
trying  verbal  remonstrance  he  struck  out  at  them.  His  glasses  were  knocked 
off,  and  he  was  thrown  into  the  middle  of  the  street  and  left  unconscious. 

Not  only  did  action  once  under  way  make  interference  hazardous,  but  it 
brought  into  the  mob  circle  a  greater  number  of  participants  and  increased 
its  energy.  Five  men  jerked  a  trolley  from  the  wires;  ten  men  boarded  the 
car;  twenty-five  men  chased  and  beat  the  routed  Negroes.  The  mob  action 
grew  faster  than  the  increase  in  numbers.  Ideas  suggested  by  individual 
members  were  quickly  carried  out  in  the  action  of  all.  The  mob  as  a  whole 
and  the  individuals  in  it  increased  in  fury,  and  a  normal  street  crowd  was 
often  turned  from  peaceful  assemblage  to  brutal  murder. 

A  sharp  diversion  of  attention  sometimes  caused  the  dispersal  of  mobs. 
An  unexpected  revolver  shot  was  the  most  effective  means  of  such  diversion. 
Here  are  some  instances : 

When  Thomas  Joshua,  a  Negro  boy,  was  shot  by  PoHce  Lieutenant  Day, 
a  throng  of  Negroes  came  on  the  run  from  State  Street.  The  ofi&cers,  terrified, 
escaped  in  a  taxi,  leaving  their  own  automobile  behind.  The  mob  attempted 
to  make  this  car  suffer  vicariously  for  the  escaped  police  officers.  Other 
policemen  on  the  scene  had  difficulty  in  holding  them  back.  Two  shots  were 
heard  on  Federal  Street.  Immediately  the  crowd  ceased  its  clamoring,  left 
the  automobile,  and  apparently  lost  all  thought  of  Lieutenant  Day  and  ran 
to  Federal  Street. 

In  the  first  mob  of  the  riot,  that  at  Twenty-ninth  Street  and  Cottage 
Grove  Avenue,  Negroes  and  policemen  were  strugghng  in  a  mass  in  the  middle 
of  the  street.  A  shot  was  fired  by  James  Crawford,  and  the  mob  dispersed 
from  that  corner. 

A  mob  chased  a  Negro  off  a  street  car  on  Thirty-ninth  Street  near  Wal- 
lace. A  poHceman  with  presence  of  mind  followed  the  group  into  the  alley, 
fired  a  few  shots  in  the  air,  and  the  crowd  ran. 

In  no  case  where  an  unexpected  shot  was  fired  did  it  fail  to  scatter  the  mob, 
but  shooting  which  was  part  of  the  mob's  own  action  did  not  seem  to  have 
the  same  effect. 

The  course  of  one  riotous  mob  can  be  traced  in  the  activities  of  a  certain 
group  of  five  white  boys  who  linked  up  with  the  riot  excitement.  They  met 
at  the  corner^of  Sixty- third  Street  and  Ingleside  Avenue  at  8:30  Monday  even- 
ing.   While  they  were  trying  to  decide  which  movie  to  attend,  a  taxi  driver 


THE  CHICAGO  RIOT  25 

informed  them  of  a  riot  at  Forty-seventh  Street.  They  took  the  "L "  to  Forty- 
seventh  Street  and  joined  the  mob.  From  then  until  2:00  a.m.  they  were 
active  in  mobs  which  assaulted  Negroes  at  several  points.  Two  were  beaten 
at  Forty-seventh  Street  and  the  elevated  railway.  The  mob  then  proceeded 
to  Fifty-first  Street,  but  the  police  drove  it  back  and  it  moved  on  to  Indiana 
Avenue  and  Forty- third  Street,  where  a  deputy  sheriff  held  it  ofif.  Returning 
here  later  it  attacked  a  street  car,  beat  a  Negro,  and  then  moved  south  on 
Indiana  Avenue,  jerking  trolleys  from  wires  and  assaulting  passengers.  At 
Forty-fifth  Street  a  shot  fired  by  a  poHce  sergeant  scattered  it  toward  Forty- 
third  Street. 

There  the  mob  met  Lieutenant  Washington,  a  Negro  ex-soldier,  who,  with 
five  Negro  companions,  was  obliged  to  walk  across  town  because  car  service 
had  been  discontinued  on  account  of  the  rioting.  Lieutenant  Washington, 
testifying  before  the  coroner's  jury,  gave  this  account  of  the  affair: 

After  we  crossed  Grand  Boulevard  I  heard  a  yell,  "One,  two,  three,  four,  five, 
six,"  and  then  they  gave  a  loud  cheer  and  said,  "Everybody,  let's  get  the  niggers! 
Let's  get  the  niggers,"  and  we  noticed  some  of  them  crossed  the  street  and  walked 
on  up  even  with  us.  The  rest  of  them  were  about  ten  or  fifteen  feet  north  ....  there 
were  about  between  four  and  six  men  ....  crossed  the  street  and  got  in  front  of 
us  ...  .  just  before  we  got  to  Forrestville  Avenue,  about  twenty  yards,  they  swarmed 
in  on  us. 

After  this  attack,  in  which  Lieutenant  Browning  was  shot,  and  Clarence 
Metz,  a  white  boy,  was  killed  by  a  stab  wound  inflicted  by  Lieutenant  Washing- 
ton in  self-defense,  the  mob  moved  on  to  Grand  Boulevard,  preceded  by  the 
rumor  that  it  intended  to  attack  the  homes  of  Negroes.  A  shot  from  a  house 
grazed  a  white  lad,  and  the  crowd  went  on,  leaving  the  poHce  to  come  and 
arrest  the  Negroes  who  had  fired. 

Mob  action  in  planned  attacks  was  more  daring,  but  not  more  dangerous. 
Robbery  was  occasionally  an  accompaniment  of  spontaneous  attack,  but  arson 
never.  Whether  or  not  some  of  the  organized  raids  could  readily  have  been 
stopped  by  the  pohce,  and  the  mobs  dispersed,  remains  unproved.  No 
attempt  was  made  either  in  the  "Loop"  district,  in  the  Forty-seventh  and 
Wells  streets  districts  or  in  the  Sixty-ninth  and  Elizabeth  streets  district  to 
check  the  depredations. 

Rumor. — Rumor  was  often  the  first  step  in  crowd  formation  and  often 
opened  the  way  for  the  sharp  transformation  of  a  crowd  into  a  mob.  The 
circulation  of  rumors  was  partly  due  to  natural  repetition,  often  with  increasing 
embeUishment,  by  one  person  to  another  of  what  he  had  heard  or  read.  The 
desire  to  tell  a  "big  story"  and  create  a  sensation  was  no  doubt  an  important 
factor.  With  so  much  bitter  feeUng  there  was  also^considerable  conscious 
effort  to  provoke  vengeful  animosity  by  telling  the  worst  that  the  teller  had 
heard  or  could  imagine  about  the  doings  of  the  opposite  race.  The  latter 
type  of  rumor  circulation  especially  fed  the  riot  from  the  beginning  to  the 


26 


THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 


final  clash.     It  continues  to  be  a  constant  menace  to  the  friendly  relations 
of  the  races. 

Newspapers  were  often  suppUed  a  source  of  rumor  material  through 
mistake  in  fundamental  facts,  due  either  to  misinformation  or  exaggeration. 

In  considering  the  newspaper  handhng  of  riot  news,  it  should  be  borne  in 
mind  that  the  task  was  most  difficult  during  a  period  of  such  excitement 
and  such  crowding  of  events.  Further  it  must  be  considered  that  white 
reporters  might  very  justifiably  avoid  the  risk  of  seeking  news  where 
crowds  of  Negroes  had  been  roused  to  a  high  pitch  of  resentment  against 
whites.  There  were  doubtless  instances  in  which  news  was  secured  from 
sources  ordinarily  trustworthy,  but  inaccurate  during  the  riot.  On  the  other 
hand,  it  must  be  recognized  that  in  a  time  of  such  excitement  the  effect  of 
sensational  news  on  the  popular  mind  is  generally  accentuated,  and  the  responsi- 
bihty  for  careful  handling  of  news  is  correspondingly  greater.  WTiere  bias 
is  as  pronounced  as  in  a  race  riot  it  is  of  the  utmost  importance  that  essential 
facts  be  stated  correctly. 

TABLE  I 


Date 

XCMBER  OF  In-JTRED  AS 

Reported  by  the 
"Tribitn-e"  and  "Herald- 
Examiner"  DURING  the 
First  Four  Days  of 
Riot 

Facts  as  Later  Obt.\ined  from 
PoucE,  State's  Attorney, 

HospiTAX  Reports,  and  Olivet 

B.APTisT  Church,  Co\-ering 

Each  Day 

White 

Negro 

Total 

WTiite 

Negro 

Unknown 

ToUl 

Tulv  2  7 

29 
64 
62 
40 

19 
60 
72 

21 

48 
124 

■134 
61 

10 
71 
55 
20 

31 

152 

80 

20 

5 
6 

4 
2 

46 
229 

139 
42 

Tilly  28 

Tulv  20 

July  30 

Total 

195 

172 

367 

156 

283 

17 

456 

Percentage  of  total 

53 

47 

100 

34 

62 

4 

100 

Reports  of  numbers  of  dead  and  injured  tended  to  produce  a  feehng  that 
the  score  must  be  evened  up  on  the  basis  of  "an  eye  for  an  eye,"  a  Negro 
for  a  white,  or  vice  versa.  A  most  unfortunate  impression  may  be  made  upon 
an  excited  pubUc,  Negro  and  white,  by  such  erroneous  reporting  as  the  follow- 
ing, in  which  newspapers,  although  they  understated  rather  than  exaggerated 
the  number  of  injuries,  reported  that  6  per  cent  more  whites  were  injured 
than  Negroes,  when  the  fact  was  that  28  per  cent  more  Negroes  were  injured 
than  whites. 

The  Tribune  of  July  29  in  a  news  item  said  that  before  3:00  a.m.,  July  29, 
twenty  persons  had  been  killed,  of  whom  thirteen  were  white  and  seven  colored. 
The  truth  was  that  of  twenty  killed,  seven  were  white  and  thirteen  colored.' 

'  Figures  compiled  from  police  reports,  state's  attorney  reports,  hospital  reports,  and 
Olivet  Baptist  Church  reports. 


THE  CHICAGO  RIOT  27 

The  Daily  News  of  July  29  gave  the  starting-point  of  the  riot  as  the  Angelus 
clash,  referring  to  it  as  "  the  center  of  the  trouble."  The  same  item  mentioned 
the  spread  to  the  Stock  Yards  district.  The  fact  was  that  the  assault  upon 
street  cars  in  the  Stock  Yards  district  Monday  afternoon  and  rumors  of 
further  brutalities  there  helped  to  start  the  Angelus  riot  Monday  evening.^ 

The  Tribune  of  July  30  stated  that  "the  Black  Belt  continues  to  be  the 
center  of  conflict."  Up  to  July  30  the  "Black  Belt"  had  witnessed  120 
injuries,  while  the  district  west  of  Wentworth  Avenue  had  had  139.  For  the 
entire  riot  period  the  "Black  Belt"  furnished  34  per  cent  of  the  total  number 
of  injuries,  and  the  district  west  of  Wentworth  Avenue  41  per  cent. 

Exaggeration  in  news  reports,  when  popular  excitement  is  at  a  high  pitch, 
is  pecuharly  dangerous.  For  the  very  reason  that  the  essential  fact  seems 
authenticated  by  the  simultaneous  appearance  of  the  gist  of  the  report  in 
several  papers,  the  individual  reader  is  the  more  inclined  to  beheve  such 
exaggerations  as  may  appear  in  his  favorite  journal. 

Cases  of  exaggeration  could  be  adduced  from  every  Chicago  newspaper, 
but  a  typical  one  is  the  report  in  the  Chuago  Daily  News  of  July  29  concerning 
the  kiUing  of  Harold  Brignadello,  white.     This  item  said: 

Four  women  and  nine  men  are  held  at  the  South  Clark  Street  Station  after  their 
arrest  at  102 1  South  State  Street,  where  they  had  a  formidable  arsenal. 

Harry  Signadell  [sic],  35,  white,  died  on  the  way  to  St.  Luke's  Hospital  shortly 
before  noon  after  his  bullet-riddled  body  had  been  picked  up  by  the  poHce  in  front  of 
102 1  South  State  Street,  where  a  colored  woman  and  20  other  Negroes  had  barricaded 
themselves  and  were  shooting  at  aU  whites  who  passed  the  place. 

Other  persons  arrested  included  Kate  Elder,  26  years  old,  who  gave  her  home  as 
the  State  Street  address.  In  all,  four  women  and  nine  men  were  made  prisoners  at 
the  raid  on  the  place  which  was  found  to  be  an  arsenal  for  the  Negro  rioters.  Two 
revolvers,  two  rifles,  an  axe,  several  knives,  and  several  himdred  rounds  of  ammuni- 
tion, including  38  and  48  [sic]  calibre  cartridges,  were  discovered  piled  up  near  the 
window  from  which  the  Negroes  had  been  shooting. 

Patrolman  John  Hayes,  of  the  South  Clark  Street  Station,  heard  the  shots  fired 
by  the  Negroes  who  were  firing  from  the  house  and  saw  the  spurts  of  fire  from  their 
rifles  and  revolvers  whenever  whites  ventured  to  pass  the  place.  An  unknown  white 
man,  a  victim  of  the  Negroes'  bullets,  was  foimd  lying  on  the  sidewalk.  He  was 
rushed  to  St.  Luke's  Hospital  where  he  died. 

The  facts  of  this  case,  as  reported  by  the  coroner's  jury  are  as  follows: 

....  Harold  Brignadello  ....  came  to  his  death  on  the  29th  day  of  July, 
A.D.  1919,  at  St.  Luke's  Hospital  from  shock  and  hemorrhage  due  to  a  biillet  wound 
in  the  chest  ca\aty. 

[Note.— "o  bullet  wound,"  not  "bullet-riddled."] 

We  find  the  deceased  while  standing  at  the  southwest  comer  of  State  and  Tay- 
lor ...  .  was  shot  and  wounded  by  a  bullet  fired  from  the  revolver  held  in  the  hand 
of  one  Emma  Jackson  who  was  standing  at  an  open  window  on  the  second  floor  of 
the  premises  at  102 1  South  State  Street. 

*  Testimony  before  the  coroner's  jury. 


28  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Testimony  shows  that  just  prior  to  the  shooting,  said  premises  had  been  stoned 
by  a  mob  of  white  men. 

We,  the  jury,  recommend  that  the  said  Emma  Jackson,  said  Kate  Elder,  said 
John  Webb,  said  Ed.  Robinson,  and  said  Clarence  Jones  be  held  to  the  grand  jury 
upon  a  charge  of  murder  until  discharged  by  due  process  of  law. 

[Note. — Two  women  and  three  men,  not  "four  women  and  nine  men,"  nor  yet 
"a  colored  woman  and  20  other  Negroes."  They  were  indicted  by  the  grand  jury 
but  found  not  guilty.] 

We  believe  from  the  evidence  that  the  police  have  sufficient  information  as  to  the 
identity  of  some  of  said  white  men  to  warrant  arrest,  and  we  recommend  such  action 
be  taken. 

[Note. — ^No  arrests  of  men  in  the  white  mob  were  made.] 

Tlie  testimony  further  sliowed  that  there  were  150  white  men  in  the  mob 
grouped  in  front  of  102 1,  and  four  of  the  men  were  stoning  the  liouse  at  the 
time  Emma  Jackson  fired  into  their  midst. 

Only  one  gun  was  found  and  no  stores  of  ammmiition,  instead  of  "a 
formidable  arsenal,"  or  a  "barricade"  or  "an  arsenal  for  Negro  rioters,"  or 
"two  revolvers,  two  rifles,  an  axe,  several  knives,  and  several  hundred  rounds 
of  ammunition,  including  38  and  48  [sic]  calibre  cartridges  ....  piled  up 
near  the  window  from  which  the  Negroes  had  been  shooting."  The  one  gun 
was  hidden  in  a  niche  in  the  skylight. 

Following  are  examples  of  rumors  current  during  the  riot  and  disseminated 
by  the  press  and  by  word  of  mouth,  grouped  on  the  basis  of  the  emotions 
which  they  aroused — vengeful  animosity,  fear,  anger,  and  horror: 

Daily  News,  July  30.  SubheadHne:  "Alderman  Jos.  McDonough  Tells 
How  He  Was  Shot  at  on  South  Side  Visit.  Says  Enough  Ammunition  in 
Section  to  Last  for  Years  of  Guerrilla  Warfare": 

[Note. — The  reference  in  the  headline  to  the  large  amount  of  ammunition 
is  repeated  in  the  text,  but  not  elaborated  or  explained.] 

An  alderman  in  an  account  of  his  adventures  says  the  Mayor  contemplates  open- 
ing up  35th  and  47th  streets  in  order  that  colored  people  might  get  to  their  work.  He 
thinks  this  would  be  most  unwise  for,  he  states,  "They  are  armed  and  the  white 
people  are  not.  We  must  defend  ourselves  if  the  city  authorities  won't  protect  us." 
Continuing  his  story,  he  describes  bombs  going  off,  "I  saw  white  men  and  women 
running  through  the  streets  dragging  children  by  the  hands  and  carrying  babies  in 
their  arms.  Frightened  white  men  told  me  the  police  captains  had  just  rushed 
through  the  district  crying,  'For  God's  sake,  arm.  They  are  coming,  we  cannot 
hold  them.'" 

The  point  here  is  not  whether  the  alderman  was  correctly  quoted,  but  the 
effect  on  the  pubHc  of  such  statements  attributed  to  him.  There  is  no  record 
in  any  of  the  riot  testimony  in  the  coroner's  office  or  in  the  state's  attorney's 
office  of  any  bombs  exploded  during  the  riot,  nor  of  police  captains  warning 
white  people  to  arm,  nor  of  any  fear  on  the  part  of  whites  of  a  Negro  invasion. 
In  the  Berger  Odman  case  before  the  coroner's  jury  there  is  a  statement  that 


WRECKED  HOUSE  OF  A  NEGRO  FAMILY  IN  RIOT  ZONE 


THE  CHICAGO  RIOT  29 

a  police  sergeant  warned  the  Negroes  of  Ogden  Park  to  arm  and  to  shoot  at 

the  feet  of  rioters  if  they  attempted  to  invade  the  few  blocks  marked  off  for 

Negroes  by  the  police. 

Herald-Examiner,  July  2S.    Subheadhne:  "  Negroes  Have  Arms  " : 

A  man  whose  name  is  withheld  reported  to  the  Herald-Examiner  that  Negroes 

had  more  than  2,000  Springfield  rifles  and  an  adequate  supply  of  soft-nosed  bullets. 

R.  R.  Jackson,  alderman  from  the  second  ward,  brands  the  story  as  untrue. 

This  statement  is  not  substantiated. 

Herald-Examiner,  July  29: 

Several  thousand  men  stoned  the  old  Eighth  Regiment  Armory  in  the  heart  of 
the  riot  zone,  doors  were  burst  in,  and  hundreds  of  guns  with  ammunition  taken  by 
the  mob.  Pohce  rushed  to  the  scene  firing  into  the  mob  and  finally  drove  it  from  the 
armory.    According  to  reports  more  than  50  persons  were  shot  or  otherwise  injured. 

Refutation  of  this  statement  is  found  in  the  testimony  of  Police  Captain 
Mullen  before  the  coroner's  jury  in  the  Eugene  Williams  case: 

I  received  a  rumor  that  the  soldiers  [referring  to  Negro  soldiers  of  the  Eighth 
Regiment]  had  gone  over  to  the  armory  for  the  sole  purpose  of  breaking  in  and  getting 
rifles.  I  dispatched  two  patrol  wagons  fuU  of  men;  after  arriving  there,  we  found 
out  they  had  been  there  and  broke  some  windows,  but  they  found  out  there  were 
no  weapons  in  there. 

^^Another  type  of  fear-provoking  rumor  current  in  street  crowds  reported  the 
force  and  the  aggressive  plans  of  the  opposing  race.  Some  of  these  rumors,  cur- 
rent among  Negro  crowds,  were  to  the  effect  that  a  white  mob  was  gathering  on 
Wentworth  Avenue  ready  to  break  into  the  "Black  Belt";  that  a  white  mob 
was  waiting  to  break  through  at  Sixtieth  and  Ada  streets;  that  a  white  mob 
was  ready  to  advance  upon  Twenty-seventh  and  Dearborn  streets.  The  first 
of  these  rumors  had  its  effect  upon  the  inception  of  the  Angelus  riot,  and  the 
second  so  aroused  the  fears  of  Negroes  that  when  a  white  mob  led  by  young 
white  boys  did  step  over  the  "dead-line"  boundaries  established  by  the  police, 
guns  were  immediately  turned  upon  them,  and  one  of  the  invaders  was  killed. 
Of  the  third  rumor,  Police  Lieutenant  Bmrns  said: 

....  an  old  colored  man  came  to  me  ....  and  said  that  the  colored  people  on 
Dearborn  Street  in  the  2800  block  were  moving  out  in  fear  of  a  white  mob  coming 

from  across  the  tracks  from  across  Wentworth  Avenue On  the  southwest 

comer  of  Twenty-eighth  and  Dearborn  I  found  a  number  of  colored  men  standing  in 
front  of  a  building  there.  They  had  pieces  of  brick  and  stone  in  their  pockets  and 
were  peering  around  the  comer  west  on  Twenty-eighth  Street  apparently  in  great  fear. 

Among  the  whites  fear  was  not  so  prevalent.  A  fear-producing  rumor 
was  revealed,  however,  in  the  examination  of  two  deputy  sheriffs  who  fired 
on  a  Negro.  The  deputies  had  heard  that  Negroes  were  going  to  burn  up 
or  blow  up  factories  in  the  district  which  they  were  patrolling.  When  a  dark 
form  was  seen  in  an  alley,  panic  seized  both  deputies,  and  they  emptied  their 
revolvers  at  an  irmocent  Negro  who  lived  in  the  adjoining  house. 


30  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Chief  among  the  anger-provoking  rumors  were  tales  of  injury  done  to 
women  of  the  race  circulating  the  rumor.  The  similarity  of  the  stories  and 
their  persistence  shows  extraordinary  credulity  on  the  part  of  the  pubhc.  For 
the  most  horrible  of  these  rumors,  teUing  of  the  brutal  kilhng  of  a  woman  and 
baby  (sometimes  the  story  is  told  of  a  Negro  woman,  sometimes  of  a  white) 
there  was  no  foundation  in  fact.  The  story  was  circulated  not  only  by  the 
newspapers  of  both  races,  but  was  current  always  in  the  crowds  on  the  streets. 
Here  is  the  story  as  told  in  the  white  press: 

Chicago  Tribune,  July  29: 

There  is  an  account  of  "two  desperate  revolver  battles  fought  by  the  police  with 
colored  men  alleged  to  have  killed  two  white  women  and  a  white  child." 

It  is  reported  that  policemen  saw  two  Negroes  knock  down  a  woman  and  child 
and  kick  them.    The  Negroes  ran  before  the  poKce  could  reach  them. 

Herald-Examiner,  July  29: 

Two  white  women,  one  of  them  with  a  baby  in  her  arms,  were  attacked  and 
wounded  by  Negro  mobs  firing  on  street  cars 

A  colored  woman  with  a  baby  in  her  arms  was  reported  at  the  Deering  Police 
Station,  according  to  this  item,  to  have  been  attacked  by  a  mob  of  more  than  100  white 
men.  When  the  mob  finally  fled  before  the  approach  of  a  squad  of  police  both  the 
woman  and  child  were  lying  in  the  street  beaten  to  death,  "it  is  said." 

Daily  News,  July  29: 

Another  man  is  held  at  the  Stock  Yards  station  charged  with  the  murder  of  a 
white  woman  in  West  47th  Street  and  Wentworth 

The  Negroes,  four  in  number,  were  arrested  at  East  39th  and  Cottage  Grove 
Avenue,  this  afternoon  by  the  detective.  They  are  believed  to  be  the  ones  who 
seriously  wounded  Mrs.  Margaret  Kelley,  white  woman,  at  W.  47th  and  Wentworth. 
She  was  shot  in  the  back  and  may  die.  The  names  of  those  under  arrest  were  not 
given  out. 

[Note. — "Murder"  changed  to  "seriously  injured"  in  the  main  story.  Mrs. 
Mary  KeUy  was  shot  in  the  arm  according  to  the  police  report  and  not  in  the  back.] 

The  men  arrested  for  the  shooting  were  Henry  Harris  and  Scott  Brown, 
deputy  sheriffs,  and  four  others  according  to  the  records  of  the  state's  attorney. 
Sheriff  Peters  says  of  the  case,  that  Harris  was  charged  with  shooting  someone, 
but  when  the  case  came  up  the  charge  was  dropped.  Sheriff  Peters  was  con- 
vinced that  Harris  was  innocent. 

Daily  News,  July  29.  Headhne,  given  place  of  first  importance  in  the 
pink  section:  "Women  Shot  as  Riots  Grow."  Columns  7  and  8  of  first-page 
white  section  are  headed,  "  Attack  White  Women  as  Race  Riots  Grow.  Death 
Roster  Is  30." 

The  item  reads:  "Race  rioters  began  to  attack  white  women  this  afternoon 
according  to  report  received  at  the  Detective  Bureau  and  the  Stock  Yards 
PoUce  Station."  The  article  continues,  that  Swift  &  Company  had  not 
received  any  such  reports  of  attacks  on  their  women  employees.    But  farther 


THE  CHICAGO  RIOT  31 

on  the  item  gives  an  account  of  a  Swift  &  Company  truck  filled  with  girl 
employees  fired  upon  by  Negroes  at  Forty-seventh  Street  and  the  Panhandle 
railroad.     The  driver  was  reported  killed  and  several  of  the  girls  injured. 

The  juxtaposition  of  "Death  roster  is  30"  and  "Attack  white  women" 
gives  a  wrong  impression.  The  "several  girls  injured"  at  Forty-seventh 
Street  evidently  refers  to  the  case  of  Mrs.  Mary  Kelly.  The  records  of  the 
state's  attorney's  ofl&ce  also  show  that  Josephine  Mansfield  was  supposed  to 
have  been  wounded  by  Harris,  et  al.,  but  the  charge  was  dropped.  She  was 
wounded  in  the  shoulder,  according  to  the  police  report. 

Daily  News,  July  30: 

Alderman  McDonough  described  a  raid  into  the  white  district  the  night  before 
by  a  carload  of  colored  men  who  passed  Thirty-fifth  Street  and  Wallace  "shouting 
and  shooting."    The  gunmen  shot  down  a  woman  and  a  little  boy  who  stood  close  by. 

[Note. — No  record  of  such  a  case.] 

Here  is  the  "  injury  done  to  women  "  story  as  it  appeared  in  the  Negro  press : 

Chicago  Defender,  August  2 : 

An  unidentified  young  woman  and  three-months-old  baby  were  found  dead  on 
the  street  at  the  intersection  of  Forty-seventh  and  Wentworth.  She  had  attempted 
to  board  a  car  there  when  the  mob  seized  her,  beat  her,  slashed  her  body  to  ribbons, 
and  beat  the  baby 's  brains  out  against  a  telegraph  pole.  Not  satisfied  with  this  one 
rioter  severed  her  breasts  and  a  white  youngster  bore  it  aloft  on  a  pole  triumphantly 
whUe  the  crowd  hooted  gleefuUy.  The  whole  time  this  was  happening  several  police- 
men were  in  the  crowd  but  did  not  make  any  attempt  to  make  a  rescue  until  too  late. 

Concerning  all  of  these  stories  it  may  be  stated  that  the  coroner  had  no 
cases  of  deaths  of  women  and  children  brought  before  him.  There  was  nothing 
in  the  police  reports  or  the  files  of  the  state's  attorney  or  hospital  reports  or 
the  reports  of  Olivet  Baptist  Church,  which  would  give  any  foundation  for 
reports  of  the  kilUng  of  a  woman  and  child,  white  or  Negro. 

There  were  other  rumors  which  had  the  same  anger-producing  effect  as 
reports  of  attacks  on  women.  A  notable  case  of  this  kind  was  the  fatal  clash 
at  the  Angelus,  an  apartment  house  for  white  people  at  Thirty-fifth  Street 
and  Wabash  Avenue,  on  Monday,  July  28  (see  p.  6).  The  trouble  here 
grew  from  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  until  it  culminated  in  the  shooting 
at  8:00  P.M.  The  excitement  was  stimulated  by  the  rapid  spread  of  various 
rumors.  It  was  said  that  a  white  mob  was  gathering  at  Thirty-fifth  Street 
and  Wentworth  Avenue,  only  a  few  blocks  from  the  colored  mob  which  was 
massed  on  Thirty-fifth  Street  from  State  Street  to  Wabash  Avenue.  The 
rumor  was  that  the  white  men  are  armed  and  prepared  to  "clean  up  the 
'Black  Belt.'"  Another  rumor  had  it  that  a  Negro's  sister  had  been  killed 
while  coming  home  from  the  Stock  Yards  where  she  worked.  Finally  came 
the  rumor  that  a  white  person  had  fired  a  shot  from  the  Angelus  building, 
wounding  a  colored  boy.  The  rumor  quickly  went  through  the  crowd  swarming 
around  the  building,  but  no  one  heard  or  saw  the  shooting.     A  search  of  the 


32  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

building  disclosed  no  firearms.  Police  Sergeant  Middleton,  Negro,  described 
the  situation  as  "everybody  trying  to  tell  you  something  and  you  couldn't 
get  anything."  Another  Negro  policeman  said  it  was  "just  a  rumor  that 
went  around  through  the  crowd  and  everybody  was  saying,  *He  shot  from 
that  window';  I  would  go  to  that  window  and  the  crowd  would  say,  'That  is 
the  window  over  there.'" 

The  anger-provoking  power  of  rumor  was  seen  in  the  ensuing  clash.  About 
1,500  Negroes  massed  on  one  corner  of  Thirty-fifth  Street  and  Wabash  Avenue, 
and  about  100  policemen  grouped  themselves  at  the  intersection  of  the  two 
streets.  At  the  sight  of  a  brick  flying  from  the  Negro  mob  the  police  fired  a 
volley  into  the  midst  of  the  mob.  More  shots  came  quickly  from  both  sides. 
Four  Negroes  were  killed,  and  many  were  injured,  among  both  the  Negroes 
and  the  poHce. 

The  Angelus  rumor  appeared  as  follows  in  a  Negro  newspaper,  the  Chicago 
Defender,  August  2:  "White  occupants  of  the  Angelus  apartments  began 
firing  shots  and  throwing  missiles  from  their  windows.  One  man  was  shot 
through  the  head  but  before  his  name  could  be  secured  he  was  spirited  away." 

In  the  case  of  Joseph  Lovings,  a  Negro  killed  by  an  ItaHan  mob,  press 
reports  that  were  entirely  false  tended  strongly  to  provoke  the  anger  of  Negro 
mobs.     For  example: 

Herald-Examiner,  July  30:  "He  had  been  shot,  stabbed  and  gasoline  had 
been  thrown  on  his  body  which  had  been  set  afire.  The  poUce  extinguished 
the  fire  and  took  the  body  to  the  County  Morgue." 

Tribune,  July  30:  "This  report  says  that  he  was  stabbed  and  shot  sixteen 
times,  then  his  body  saturated  with  gasoline  and  set  afire." 

The  coroner's  jury  in  commenting  on  this  rimior  said:  "It  gives  us  satis- 
faction to  say  that  this  rumor,  from  our  investigation,  is  false  and  unsub- 
stantiated." 

Among  the  horror  rumors  one  finds  such  examples  as  the  story  of  the  white 
man  who  stood  at  the  entrance  to  Exchange  Avenue  and  knocked  down  half 
a  dozen  Negroes  as  they  came  by.  This  was  current  in  the  Stock  Yards  and 
was  told  by  one  of  the  workers  at  the  inquest  on  the  body  of  WiUiam  Dozier, 
Negro,  killed  in  the  Yards.  Another  rumor  had  it  that  a  Negro  woman 
nicknamed  "Heavy"  had  partly  slashed  off  the  head  of  a  white  man.  This 
was  picked  up  by  a  detective  circulating  among  white  people  living  in  the 
"Black  Belt." 

But  chief  among  horror  rumors  was  the  Bubbly  Creek  rumor,  which  took 
this  form  in  the  press: 

Daily  News,  July  29.  Subheadline:  "Four  Bodies  in  Bubbly  Creek." 
The  article  does  not  give  details  but  says,  "Bodies  of  four  colored  men  were 
taken  today  from  Bubbly  Creek  in  the  Stock  Yards  district,  it  is  reported." 

This  was  one  of  the  most  persistent  rumors  of  the  riot,  and  intelligent  men 
were  found  repeating  it  in  half-credulous  tones.    A  meat  curer,  talking  in  the 


THE  CHICAGO  RIOT  33 

superintendent's  office  of  Swift  &  Company,  said:  "Well,  I  hear  they  did 

drag  two  or  three  out  of  Bubbly  Creek Dead  bodies,  that  is  the  report 

that  came  to  the  Yards,  but  personally  I  never  got  any  positive  evidence  that 
there  was  any  people  who  was  found  there." 

A  juror  on  the  coroner's  panel  said:  "A  man  told  a  friend  of  mine — I  can 
furnish  the  name  of  that  man — a  man  told  him  that  he  saw  fifty-six  bodies 
taken  out  of  Bubbly  Creek.  They  made  a  statement  they  used  a  net  and  seine 
to  drag  them  out." 

Mr.  Wilhams,  Negro  attorney,  said  he  was  told  that  the  bodies  of  100 
Negroes  had  been  found  in  Bubbly  Creek. 

In  its  final  report,  the  coroner's  jury  made  this  conclusive  statement 
regarding  the  Bubbly  Creek  rumor: 

Bubbly  Creek  has  been  the  favorite  cemetery  for  the  undiscovered  dead,  and  our 
inquiry  has  been  partly  directed  to  that  stream.  In  our  inquiry  we  have  been  assisted 
by  the  Stock  Yards  officials  and  workers,  by  adjacent  property  owners  and  residents, 
by  private  detective  bureaus,  the  Police  Department,  Department  of  Health,  State's 
Attorney 's  office,  by  observing  ahd  intelligent  colored  citizens,  and  by  other  agencies, 
and  we  are  firmly  of  the  opinion  that  these  reports,  so  widely  circulated,  are  erroneous, 
misleading,  and  without  foundation  in  fact,  the  race  riot  victims  numbering  thirty- 
eight,  and  no  more,  nor  are  there  any  colored  citizens  reported  to  us  as  missing. 

Rumor,  fermenting  in  mobs,  prepares  the  mob  mind  for  the  direct  suggestion 
impelUng  otherwise  law-abiding  citizens  to  atrocities.  Another  more  insidious 
and  potentially  more  dangerous  result  is  the  slow  accumulation  of  feeling  which 
builds  between  the  white  and  Negro  the  strongest  barrier  of  race  prejudice. 

Police. — There  has  been  much  criticism  of  the  manner  in  which  the  riot 
was  handled  by  the  authorities,  but  it  may  be  pointed  out  that  the  riot  was 
not  quelled  until  at  least  four  groups  of  peace  guardians  had  taken  part  in 
handHng  it.  The  two  most  important  groups  were  the  pohce  and  the  mihtia; 
the  others  were  composed  of  deputy  sheriffs  and  Negro  ex-soldiers. 

Testimony  before  the  coroner's  jury  and  in  hearings  before  this  Commission 
throws  considerable  Hght  on  the  actions  of  the  PoHce  Department  as  a  whole 
during  the  riot,  its  methods  in  meeting  the  unusual  situation,  and  on  the 
conduct  of  individual  policemen.  First-hand  information  and  opinion  was 
obtained  from  Chief  of  Police  Garrity  and  State's  Attorney  Hoyne. 

The  police  had  two  severe  handicaps  at  the  outset  of  the  rioting.  The  first, 
as  declared  by  Chief  Garrity,  was  lack  of  sufficient  numbers  adequately  to 
cope  with  the  situation.  The  coroner's  jury  found  that  "the  police  force 
should  be  enlarged.  It  is  too  small  to  cope  with  the  needs  of  Chicago."  The 
grand  jury  added:  "The  police  force  is  also  inadequate  in  numbers,  and 
at  least  one  thousand  (1,000)  officers  should  be  added  to  the  existing  force." 
This  nmnber  approximates  the  need  urged  by  Chief  Garrity,  who,  when 
asked  before  the  Commission  as  to  the  sufficiency  of  his  force,  answered: 
"No.     I  haven't  sufficient  force.     I  haven't  got  a  sufficient  force  now  to 


34  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

properly  police  the  city  of  Chicago  by  one-third."  IMiUtia  ofl&cers  and  other 
police  ofi&cials  held  the  same  general  opinion. 

The  second  handicap,  distrust  of  white  policemen  by  all  Negroes,  while 
imphed  and  not  admitted  by  Chief  Garrity,  was  frankly  explained  by  State's 
Attorney  Hoyne.  He  said  before  the  Commission:  "There  is  no  doubt  that  a 
great  many  police  officers  were  grossly  unfair  in  making  arrests.  They  shut 
their  eyes  to  offenses  committed  by  white  men  while  they  were  very  vigorous 
in  getting  all  the  colored  men  they  could  get." 

Leaders  among  the  Negroes  clearly  indicate  that  discrimination  in  arrest 
was  a  principal  cause  of  widespread  and  long-standing  distrust.  WTiether 
justified  or  not,  this  feehng  was  actual  and  bitter.  This  distrust  had  growTi 
seriously  during  the  six  months  preceding  the  riot  because  no  arrests  were 
made  in  bombing  cases.  State's  Attorney  Hoyne  said  before  the  commission: 
"I  don't  know  of  a  single  case  where  the  police  have  apprehended  any 
man  who  has  blown  up  a  house." 

Charles  S.  Duke,  a  well-educated  and  fair-minded  Negro,  gave  his  reaction 
to  the  bombings  when  he  said  that  he  did  not  "beheve  a  Negro  would  have 
been  allowed  to  go  unpunished  five  minutes."  Mrs.  Clarke,  Negro,  said  her 
house  was  bombed  three  times,  once  while  a  plain-clothes  policeman  was  inside 
waiting  for  bombers,  but  no  arrests  were  made.  One  suspect  was  put  under 
surveillance  but  was  not  held. 

The  trial  of  the  three  Negro  pohcemen  before  the  Alerit  Committee  of 
the  PoUce  Department  because  they  refused  to  use  the  "Jim  Crow"  sleeping- 
quarters  in  a  police  station  doubtless  added  to  race  feeUng,  particularly  in 
view  of  the  pubUcity  it  received  in  the  "Black  Belt." 

Negro  distrust  of  the  police  increased  among  the  Negroes  during  the 
period  of  the  riot.  With  each  clash  a  new  cause  for  suspicion  seemed  to 
spring  up.  The  most  striking  instance  occurred  on  the  first  afternoon  when 
PoUceman  Callahan  refused  to  arrest  the  white  man  whom  the  Negro  crowd 
accused  of  causing  the  drowning  of  Williams,  the  Negro  boy.  This  refusal 
has  been  called  the  beginning  of  the'riot  because  it  led  to  mob  violence  of  grave 
consequences.  However  that  may  have  been,  the  fact  remains  that  this 
refusal  was  heralded  broadcast  by  the  Negroes  as  the  kind  of  action  they 
might  expect  from  the  poUce. 

Typical  of  the  minor  tales  which  laid  the  foundation  for  the  Negroes' 
bitterness  toward  this  white  policeman  are  the  following: 

1.  Kin  Lumpkin,  Negro,  was  beaten  by  a  mob  on  the  "L"  platform  at 
Forty-seventh  Street,  as  he  was  going  home  from  work.  The  policeman 
arrested  Lumpkin  and  had  him  booked  for  rioting.  No  other  arrests  were 
made.     Lumpkin  was  held  from  July  28  to  August  i. 

2.  Two  policemen,  one  of  them  Officer  AlcCarty  of  the  Twenty-sixth 
Precinct,  witnessed  the  beating  of  Wellington  Dunmore,  Negro,  of  4120 
South  Campbell  Avenue,  but,  according  to  the  victim,  refused  to  assist  him. 


NEGROES  BEING  ESCORTED  BY  POLICE  TO  SAFETY  ZONE  FROM  THE 

NEIGHBORHOOD  OF  FORTY-EIGHTH  STREET  AND 

WENTWORTH  AVENUE 


SEARCHING  NEGROES  FOR  ARMS  IN  POLICE  STATION 


THE  CHICAGO  RIOT  35 

3.  John  Slovall  and  brother,  Negroes,  were  beaten  and  robbed  by  whites 
in  sight  of  a  white  pohceman.  No  arrests  were  made.  The  officer  did  not 
even  call  for  aid. 

4.  While  looking  for  his  mother  at  Thirty-first  and  State  streets  on  Tuesday, 
July  29,  Wm.  F.  Thornton,  Negro,  3207  South  Park  Avenue,  asked  a  pohceman 
to  take  him  home.  The  officer  took  him  to  the  poHce  station  and  locked  him 
up.  Another  Negro  applied  for  protection,  but  the  police  searched  him, 
clubbed  him,  and  when  he  ran,  the  sergeant  told  another  policeman  to  shoot 
him.  The  policeman  obeyed  and  the  man  fell  under  the  "L  "  station.  He  was 
picked  up  by  the  same  patrol  wagon  that  took  Thornton  to  the  Cottage 
Grove  Police  Station.     The  officer,  Bundy,  arrested  Thornton. 

A  report  on  229  Negroes  and  whites  accused  of  various  criminal  activities 
disclosed  the  fact  that  154  were  Negroes  and  seventy-five  were  whites.  The 
state's  attorney  reported  eighty-one  indictments  against  Negroes  and  forty- 
seven  against  whites  after  all  riot  cases  were  cleared  up.  These  figures  show 
that  twice  as  many  Negroes  appeared  as  defendants  and  twice  as  many  were 
indicted  as  whites. 

At  first  glance  these  figures  indicate  greater  riot  activity  on  the  part  of 
Negroes,  and  therefore  one  would  expect  to  find  twice  as  many  whites  injured 
as  Negroes.  But  out  of  a  total  of  520  injured  persons  whose  race  was  definitely 
reported,  342  were  Negroes  and  178  whites.  The  fact  that  twice  as  many 
Negroes  appeared  as  defendants  and  twice  as  many  were  injured  as  whites  sug- 
gests the  conclusion  that  whites  were  not  apprehended  as  readily  as  Negroes. 

Herman  M.  Adler,  state  criminologist  of  Illinois,  testifying  before  the 
Commission,  expressed  the  belief  that  the  police  showed  much  more  readiness 
to  arrest  Negroes  than  whites  because  the  officers  thought  they  were  "taking 
fewer  chances  if  they  'soaked'  a  colored  man." 

Negro  distrust  of  police  and  courts  seems  to  have  been  confirmed  by 
the  action  of  the  state's  attorney's  office  in  bringing  only  Negro  riot  cases 
before  the  grand  jury.  This  body,  however,  took  a  stand  for  fair  play  and 
justice  for  both  sides,  and  though  its  action  may  have  been  novel,  it  was  effect- 
ive.    In  its  final  report,  the  grand  jury  said: 

This  jury  has  no  apology  to  offer  for  its  attitude  with  reference  to  requesting  the 
state 's  attorney  to  supply  it  with  information  of  crimes  perpetrated  by  whites  against 
blacks  before  considering  further  evidence  against  blacks.  This  attitude  gave  rise 
to  the  reports  in  the  press  that  this  grand  jury  "had  gone  on  a  strike."  As  a  matter 
of  fact,  its  position  was  merely  a  suspension  of  hearing  further  cases  of  crimes  com- 
mitted by  blacks  against  whites  until  the  state's  attorney  submitted  evidence  con- 
cerning the  various  crimes  committed  by  whites  against  blacks.  The  reason  for  this 
attitude  arose  from  a  sense  of  justice  on  the  part  of  this  jury.  It  is  the  opinion  of 
this  jury  that  the  colored  people  suffered  more  at  the  hands  of  the  white  hoodlums 
than  the  white  people  suffered  at  the  hands  of  the  black  hoodlums.  Notwithstanding 
this  fact,  the  cases  presented  to  this  jury  against  the  blacks  far  outnumber  those 
against  the  whites. 


36  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

State's  Attorney  Hoyne  justified  this  action  by  saying  that  the  PoHce 
Department  brought  in  Negroes  only,  and  until  they  arrested  whites,  he  was 
Hmited  to  proceedings  against  Negroes. 

The  coroner's  jury  on  November  3,  1919,  reported  as  follows: 
Our  attention  was  called  strikingly  to  the  fact  that  at  the  time  of  race  rioting, 
the  arrests  made  for  rioting  by  the  police  of  colored  rioters  were  far  in  excess  of  the 
arrests  made  of  white  rioters.  The  failure  of  the  poUce  to  arrest  impartially,  at  the 
time  of  rioting,  whether  from  insufficient  effort  or  otherwise,  was  a  mistake  and  had 
a  tendency  to  further  incite  and  aggravate  the  colored  population. 

\  This  seeming  discrimination  in  arrests  naturally  deepened  Negro  distrust 

and  lack  of  confidence  in  the  police.  Testimony  was  taken  by  the  Commission 
on  the  plans  and  action  of  the  PoHce  Department  during  the  riot  period, 
since  the  Commission  felt  that  the  distribution  of  forces  and  the  methods 
used  by  the  department  to  meet  such  an  emergency  were  matters  of  first 
importance. 

Chief  of  Police  Garrity  testified  that  there  were  3,500  policemen  in  the 
department  at  the  time  of  the  riot,  and  that  he  had  "  practically  every  poHceman 
in  the  city  of  Chicago  down  there,"  indicating  Thirty-fifth  Street  and  Rhodes 
Avenue  as  "practically  in  the  heart  of  the  district  where  the  most  trouble  was." 
The  widest  distribution  from  that  center,  he  said,  was  over  an  area  bounded 
by  Lake  Michigan,  Ashland  Avenue,  Van  Buren  Street,  and  Sixty-ninth  Street. 
-,  The  heaviest  concentration  of  police,  however,  was  in  the  "Black  Belt." 

'^  The  Stanton  Avenue  Police  Station  at  Thirty-fifth  Street  and  Rhodes  Avenue 
is  at  about  the  center  of  the  most  congested  Negro  residential  area.  Asked 
how  many  poUcemen  were  assigned  to  that  vicinity  (the  area  from  Twenty- 
second  to  Thirty-ninth  streets).  Chief  Garrity  said,  "We  had  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  2,800  men  in  that  territory."  Later  the  chief  said  only  "  the  necessary 
sergeants  and  one  or  two  men  at  each  station  were  held  back  for  emergency 
calls"  in  all  other  parts  of  the  city.  This  means  that  four-fifths  of  the  total 
police  force  was  concentrated  there. 

Although  there  is  no  direct  testimony  as  to  the  existence  of  flying  squadrons 
of  police,  yet  such  bodies  appear  to  have  been  operating.  Probably  the  most 
important  of  these  was  the  patrol  under  Police  Captain  Mullen,  who  said 
that  his  territory  extended  from  Twenty-second  to  Thirty-ninth  streets  and 
from  the  lake  to  the  Rock  Island  tracks,  or  roughly  the  "Black  Belt."  Chief 
Deputy  Alcock'  sent  eighty-eight  policemen  into  this  district  on  Sunday 
afternoon,  twenty-five  more  at  midnight,  and  fifty  more  on  Monday  morning. 

In  describing  the  disposition  of  police  details.  Chief  Garrity  said:  "They 
were  routed  by  him  [Alcock]  according  to  conditions  existing  in  different  dis- 
tricts. Some  districts  might  have  a  hundred  men  in  the  block  and  in  the 
next  block  there  might  be  only  ten,  according  to  what  conditions  were." 

'  Chief  of  Police  Garrity  was  out  of  the  city  at  the  time  the  riot  began  on  Sunday,  but 
returned  on  Monday. 


THE  CHICAGO  RIOT  37 

Forces  were  moved  from  one  point  of  disturbance  to  another  by  means  of 
patrol  wagons  on  request  of  local  commanders. 

The  2,800  pohcemen  in  the  "Black  Belt"  were  under  the  command  of 
Chief  Deputy  Alcock  with  headquarters  in  the  Stanton  Avenue  Station.  He 
"used  his  discretion  in  the  number  of  men  assigned  to  the  different  points 
and  the  handUng  of  them  in  the  different  territories." 

Riot  orders  were  given  by  Chief  Garrity  as  follows:  "Wherever  possible 
suppress  the  riot  and  restore  peace";  "the  second  day  I  ordered  a  dead  line 
on  Wentworth  Avenue  and  Twenty-second  Street  to,  I  think,  Sixty- third 
Street";  "instructions  were  that  'you  will  allow  no  colored  people  to  go  across 
to  the  west  and  no  white  people  to  go  across  to  the  east.'"  Cabarets,  saloons, 
and  public  places  were  ordered  closed,  and  all  large  gatherings  of  either  whites 
or  Negroes  were  prohibited  from  Van  Buren  to  Sixty-ninth  streets  and  from 
Ashland  Avenue  to  the  lake.  The  chief  added,  "Closing  clubrooms  and 
everything  in  the  district  west  of  Wentworth  Avenue  as  well  as  east  of  it." 
A  general  policy  was  adopted  of  search  and  seizure  of  persons  suspected  of 
carrying  weapons  on  the  street,  and  of  houses  from  which  firing  came.  Captain 
Mullen  testified  before  the  coroner's  jury  at  the  Eugene  Williams  inquest 
that  on  July  29  Chief  Deputy  Alcock  fined  up  the  policemen  in  front  of  the 
Stanton  Avenue  Station  and  gave  them  their  orders.  They  were  told  to 
"preserve  the  peace;  that  was  all." 

Police  records  of  clashes  were  incomplete  and  often  inaccurate.  This/^ 
was  in  part  due,  and  naturally  so,  to  the  stress  of  the  moment.  In  many 
cases  the  station  fists  of  injured  were  far  from  complete  and  in  few  instances 
were  the  names  of  witnesses  given.  Even  the  dates  and  hours  of  clashes  were 
loosely  recorded.  Persons  arrested  were  frequently  not  booked  at  aU,  while 
on  the  other  hand  it  was  not  uncommon  to  find  innocent  persons  charged 
with  serious  offenses.  Henry  SchoLz,  policeman  of  the  Twenty-sixth  Precinct, 
threw  much  fight  on  pofice  records  while  being  examined  in  connection  with 
certain  automobile  arrests: 

They  were  all  discharged,  booked  for  "disorderly,"  because  we  couldn't  find 
the  guns  in  the  mix-up.  It  was  the  first  or  second  day  down  there  and  they  were 
bringing  them  in  right  and  left,  and  I  suppose  in  the  mix-up  they  mislaid  the  guns, 
or  put  them  away  somewhere,  or  booked  them  to  someone  else.  We  held  them 
about  a  week  trying  to  find  the  guns  and  trying  to  find  the  officers  that  got  the  guns. 

It  is  important  to  know  how  the  distribution  and  routing  of  pofice  affected 
the  general  riot  situation.  As  aheady  shown  four-fifths  of  the  pofice  forces 
were  concentrated  in  the  "Black  Belt."  This  undoubtedly  both  weakened 
police  forces  elsewhere  and  also  prevented  or  delayed  reinforcements  in  outside 
districts.  Only  34  per  cent  of  the  total  number  of  reported  injuries  occurred 
in  the  area  of  concentration.  Negro  hatred  of  the  police  is  worth  mentioning 
again  here,  especiaUy  since  many  of  the  deaths  and  injuries  occurred  during 
clashes  between  white  poficemen  and  Negro  mobs. 


38  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

That  other  districts  where  danger  existed  were  poorly  protected  is  shown 
by  the  fact  that  fatal  clashes  occurred  there  without  interruption  by  the 
police.  The  most  conspicuous  case  is  noted  in  the  "Loop"  atrocities  on  July 
29,  where  two  Negroes,  Hardwick  and  Williams,  were  killed,  several  were 
injured  and  robbed,  and  business  property  of  whites  was  damaged.  A  pohce 
sergeant  said  that  only  three  officers  and  one  sergeant  were  in  the  district 
on  the  night  of  July  28-29.  I^  the  Stock  Yards  district,  where  41  per  cent 
of  the  injuries  and  several  deaths  occurred,  there  is  no  record  of  an  attempt  by 
the  police  to  increase  the  riot  forces.  In  this  district  gang  raids  by  whites 
were  practically  beyond  control.  On  July  28  B.  F.  Hardy,  a  Negro,  was 
killed  at  Forty-sixth  Street  and  Cottage  Grove  Avenue.  Sergeant  Clancy 
later  testified  that  there  were  no  poHcemen  in  this  district  until  after  the 
trouble.  The  foreman  of  the  grand  jury  investigated  the  activities  of  the 
Deering  Street  Station  under  Police  Captain  Gallery.  He  says:  "They 
didn't  have  a  sufiicient  number  of  policemen  to  handle  the  situation.  If  I 
remember  correctly,  he  had  eight  patrolmen  covering  a  district  of  any  number 
of  square  miles." 

In  spite  of  the  concentration  of  police  in  the  "Black  Belt"  some  parts  of 
that  area  seem  at  times  not  to  have  been  properly  guarded.  Several  serious 
clashes  occurred  there  after  the  police  arrived  in  force.  Theodore  Copling, 
Negro,  was  shot  to  death  at  Thirtieth  and  State  streets  in  the  heart  of  the 
"Black  Belt"  on  July  30.  This  had  been  a  riotous  corner  for  three  days, 
yet  no  policemen  were  at  hand.  The  nearest  was  a  detective  sergeant  on 
Twenty-ninth  Street  between  Federal  and  State  streets.  Samuel  Banks, 
Negro,  was  shot  and  killed  near  the  corner  of  Twenty-seventh  and  Dearborn 
streets  on  July  30  at  11 :  00  p.m.,  yet  Lieutenant  Burns,  in  charge  of  this  district, 
testified  at  the  inquest  that  twelve  to  fourteen  officers  were  at  Twenty-seventh 
and  Dearborn  streets  immediately  before  the  shooting. 

It  was  undoubtedly  the  relatively  large  number  of  clashes  which  the 
police  were  unable  to  prevent  that  led  the  coroner's  jury  to  recommend  that 
"  (6)  there  should  be  organization  of  the  force  for  riot  work  for  the  purpose 
of  controlling  rioting  in  its  incipient  stages." 

The  conduct  of  individual  pohcemen  received  much  adverse  criticism  from 
the  Negroes.  This  was  to  be  expected  in  the  circumstances,  but  disregarding 
the  general  prejudice  of  which  white  officers  were  accused,  certain  cases  of 
discrimination,  abuse,  brutality,  indifference,  and  neglect  on  the  part  of 
individuals  are  deserving  of  examination. 

Abusive  and  brutal  treatment  was  complained  of  by  Horace  Jennings, 
3422  South  Aberdeen  Street.  He  reported  to  the  state's  attorney's  office  that 
Policeman  G — ,  of  the  Grand  Crossing  Station,  approached  him,  as  he  lay 
wounded  by  a  mob  attack,  with  the  words,  "Where's  your  gun,  you  black 

of  a ?    You  damn  niggers  are  raising  hell";  that  the  officer  hit  him 

on  the  head,  and  he  did  not  regain  consciousness  until  some  time  later  in  the 


THE  CHICAGO  RIOT  39 

Burnside  Hospital;  and  he  further  charged  that  Gallagher  took  a  purse  contain- 
ing $13  when  he  searched  him. 

Three  Negroes  were  rescued  by  the  police  from  a  white  mob  of  twenty-five 
or  thirty  men.  Scott,  one  of  the  Negroes,  was  taken  from  the  street  car  on  which 
all  three  were  riding,  by  the  command  of  a  policeman  to  ''  come  out  of  there, ' 
you  big  rusty  brute,  you.  I  ought  to  shoot  you,"  and  was  given  a  blow  on 
the  head.  According  to  a  witness  he  was  again  struck  by  the  policeman 
as  he  was  pushed  into  the  patrol  wagon.  He  was  subjected  to  rough  treatment 
at  the  jail  and  was  kept  incommunicado  from  July  28  to  August  4,  not  being 
permitted  to  notify  his  wife  or  an  attorney.  None  of  the  twenty-five  or 
thirty  white  rioters  was  arrested.  There  was  some  evidence  of  fear  on  the 
part  of  the  pohce  to  arrest  rioting  whites. 

Fear  by  policemen  of  Negroes  is  also  disclosed.  George  Crumm,  white, 
124  East  Forty-sixth  Street,  informed  the  state's  attorney's  office  that  he 
was  beaten  by  a  Negro  mob,  got  police  assistance,  and  pointed  out  the  rioters, 
but  the  police  "didn't  seem  to  want  to  interfere  any." 

On  several  occasions  pohcemen  left  the  scene  of  riots  on  questionable 
excuses  while  the  rioting  was  in  progress.  Of  the  three  mounted  policemen 
at  Thirty-fifth  Street  and  Wabash  Avenue  who  rushed  to  the  spot  where  a 
mob  was  attacking  Otter  son,  two  accompanied  the  automobile  of  Otter  son 
to  the  hospital.  The  mob  was  not  quelled  or  dispersed.  When  the  house  of 
Wilham  O'Deneal,  Negro,  4742  Wells  Street,  was  attacked,  the  pohce  took 
O'Deneal  to  the  station  and  left  the  mob  to  sack  and  burn  his  house.  At  the 
kilhng  of  WiUiam  Dozier,  Negro,  all  three  police  officers  who  responded  to 
notice  of  an  attack  by  a  white  mob  of  300  or  more,  left  in  the  same  patrol 
wagon.  The  names  of  witnesses  were  not  taken.  It  was  the  custom  for  all 
to  accompany  the  wagon,  according  to  Officer  McDonough. 

Pohtical  "pull"  exercised  with  the  police  on  behalf  of  rioters  has  been 
indicated.  It  was  noted  that  one  of  "Ragen's  Colts"  said  an  officer  of  the 
Stock  Yards  Station  "tipped  them  off"  to  stay  away  from  their  club  because 
Attorney  General  Brundage's  office  was  out  investigating  them. 

Indifference  both  to  extreme  lawlessness  during  the  riot  and  to  the  procedure 
of  the  inquest  marked  the  examination  of  Captain  of  PoUce  Mullen  before  the 
coroner's  jury.  He  was  in  command  of  twelve  mounted  men  and  between 
sixty-three  and  100  men  on  foot  at  Thirty-fifth  Street  and  Wabash  Avenue 
when  a  clash  between  the  police  and  a  Negro  mob  occurred.  While  it  appears 
to  be  the  fact  that  he  left  just  before  the  heavy  firing  to  telephone  from  a  saloon 
one  block  away,  yet  the  building  he  was  in  was  struck  by  bullets.  The  follow- 
ing excerpt  from  the  inquest  speaks  for  itself : 

Q.:  What  time  did  the  shooting  take  place  at  the  building  kno^^^l  as  the 
Angelas  Building  ?  Wha.t  time  did  that  occur  ?  Was  there  any  shooting  at  that 
building  ? 

Mullen:  Not  that  I  heard. 


40  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Q.:  Had  there  been  any  shooting  done  there  that  evening  around  ....  before 
you  left  ? 

Mullen:  Not  to  my  knowledge. 

Q.:  When  was  the  shooting  done,  and  where  were  you  ? 

Mullen:  Wha,t  do  you  mean  shooting  ? 

Three  men  were  killed  and  many  injured  at  Thirty-fifth  Street  and  Wabash 
Avenue  at  this  time.     Firing  broke  out  near-by  almost  immediately. 

Q.:  There  were  some  shots  fired  at  Thirty-fifth  and  State,  Captain,  at  eight  that 
night,  right  after  the  volley  was  fired,  we  have  absolute  evidence. 

Mullen:  Well,  you  may  have,  but  I  have  not. 

Yet  Captain  Mullen  was  in  command  of  the  police  who  killed  two  more 
men  and  inflicted  other  wounds  when  the  Negroes  ran  before  the  police 
advance. 

Militia. — The  rapid  growth  of  the  riot  both  in  violence  and  territorially 
created  such  alarm  among  the  authorities  and  the  public  that  the  question  of 
its  control  became  a  matter  of  paramount  concern  to  the  community.  Before 
twenty-four  hours  had  elapsed  requests  were  made  to  the  local  authorities 
for  the  militia.  The  representations  were  based  on  insufl&ciency  of  police 
forces  and  were  strongly  urged  before  the  chief  of  police. 

Chief  Garrity  steadily  refused  to  ask  for  troops,  in  spite  of  his  repeated 
statement  that  the  police  force  was  insufficient.  He  gave  as  his  reason  the 
belief  that  inexperienced  militiamen  would  add  to  the  deaths  and  disorders. 
Mayor  Thompson  supported  the  chief's  refusal  until  outside  pressure  compelled 
him  to  ask  the  governor  for  aid.  On  the  other  hand  the  chief  deputy  of  police 
was  quoted  by  State's  Attorney  Hoyne  as  having  said  at  the  outbreak  of  the 
riot  that  the  police  would  not  be  able  to  handle  the  situation,  and  that  troops 
were  needed.  In  this  he  was  supported  by  Mr.  Hoyne.  From  observation 
of  conditions  on  the  first  three  days  of  the  riot,  the  chief  of  staff  of  the  troops, 
Colonel  Ronayne,  concluded  that  the  police  were  insufficient  in  numbers, 
that  no  improvement  was  apparent  in  the  general  situation,  and  that  therefore 
the  troops  were  necessary.  He  saw  no  reason,  however,  for  putting  the  city 
under  martial  law.    Other  military  men  were  of  the  same  opinion. 

During  all  of  this  time  Governor  Lowden  kept  in  close  touch  with  the 
situation  from  his  quarters  at  the  Blackstone  Hotel.  When  the  riot  appeared 
to  be  subsiding  he  started  to  keep  an  appointment  out  of  town  but,  on  hearing 
that  there  was  a  renewal  of  violence,  returned  to  the  city  on  a  special  train. 
When  the  request  was  made  for  the  active  co-operation  of  the  troops  he  acted 
with  promptness. 

The  troops  themselves  were  clearly  of  high  caliber.  For  the  most  part 
they  were  in  home  service  during  the  war  and  were  older  men  than  are  ordina- 
rily found  in  militia  organizations.  They  "usually  came  from  the  higher 
type  of  business  men,  men  of  affairs,  men  that  knew  how  to  think,"  as  one  of 
their  commanding  officers  described  them.     They  were  all  American-born. 


NEGROES  UNDER  PROTECTION  OF  POLICE  AND  MILITIA  BUYING  PRO- 
VISIONS BROUGHT  INTO  THEIR  NEIGHBORHOOD  IN  WAGONS 


THE  MILITIA  AND  XKC.kOlS  ()\    1  RIKXDLV    lERMS 


THE  CHICAGO  RIOT  41 

The  TTiiliHa  flkriplinp  was  nf ,-thfi -tM>ftf:  •  Not  a  single  case  of  breach  of 
discipline  was  reported  to  the  regimental  commanders.  No  guardhouse 
was  necessary  during  the  riot,  a  remarkable  commentary  on  troop  conduct. 

The  mihtia  had  been  given  special  drills  in  the  suppression  of  riots  and 
insurrections  for  a  year  and  a  half  previous  to  this  occasion,  and  were,  in  the 
estimation  of  their  commanding  officer,  "probably  better  prepared  for  riot 
drill  than  any  troops  ever  put  on  duty  in  the  state." 

The  activities  of  the  militia  did  not  begin  as  early  as  many  citizens  wished. 
Though  troops  began  to  mobilize  in  the  armories  on  Monday  night,  July  28, 
they  were  not  called  to  actual  duty  on  the  streets  until  10:30  p.m.,  Wednesday, 
July  30.  When  called  to  active  duty  they  were  distributed  in  the  areas  of 
conflict.  Between  5,000  and  6,000  troops  were  called  out.  This  number  was 
made  up  entirely  of  white  troops  from  the  Ninth,  Tenth,  and  Eleventh  Infantry, 
Illinois  National  Guard,  and  from  the  First,  Second,  Third,  and  Fourth 
Reserve  Militia  regiments  of  the  mihtia.  Colored  troops  who  had  composed 
the  Eighth  Regiment  were  not  reorganized  at  that  time,  and  therefore  none 
participated. 

Distribution  of  troops  was  determined  not  by  the  rnihtia  command  but 
by  the  police,  because  the  city  was  not  under  martial  law,  the  civil  authority 
being  merely  insufficient,  not  broken.  The  Third  Infantry  covered  the 
territory  from  Thirty-first  to  Thirty-eighth  streets  and  from  State  to  Halsted 
streets;  Eleventh  Infantry  from  Thirty-ninth  to  Forty-seventh  streets,  and 
from  State  to  Halsted  streets;  Tenth  Infantry  from  Forty-eighth  to  Fifty-fifth 
streets  (later  extended  to  Sixty-third  Street  by  details  from  the  First  Infantry), 
and  from  Cottage  Grove  to  Stewart  avenues.  The  First,  Fourth,  and  Ninth 
Infantry  were  held  in  reserve.  Detachments  responded  to  calls  from  the  chief 
of  police  in  districts  outside  these  areas.  Headquarters  for  the  commanding 
general  and  his  chief  of  staff  were  in  the  Congress  Hotel  at  the  northern  boimd- 
ary  of  the  riot  zone. 

The  orders  under  which  the  mihtia  operated  did  not  have  the  authority 
of  martial  law.  The  purpose  of  the  orders  was  to  effect  a  thorough  co-operation 
with  the  police  only,  and  not  to  take  over  any  duties  other  than  the  preservation 
of  law  and  order.  Except  in  this  respect,  civilian  routine  remained  undisturbed. 
The  method  of  co-operation  put  the  commanding  officer  of  a  regiment  in 
absolute  control,  within  the  hmits  above  described,  in  his  district.  The 
pohce  reduced  their  number  to  normal  requirements  by  removing  their  reserves 
as  soon  as  the  militia  moved  in.  The  patrolmen  then  went  about  on  ordinary 
duties  in  the  districts.  Persons  arrested  by  the  mihtia  were  turned  over  to 
the  pohce. 

Responsibihty  for  the  preservation  of  law  and  order  rested  on  the  regi- 
mental commanders.  Careful  instructions  were  given  troops  for  preventing 
violence :  they  were  to  act  as  soldiers  in  a  gentlemanly  manner ;  they  were  fur- 
nished with  arms  to  enable  them  to  perform  their  duties;   they  were  to  use  the 


42  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

arms  only  when  necessary;  they  were  to  use  bayonet  and  butt  in  preference 
to  firing,  but  if  the  situation  demanded  shooting,  they  were  not  to  hesitate 
to  deUver  an  effective  fire.    Above  all,  the  formation  of  mobs  was  to  be  prevented . 

The  manner  in  which  the  miUtia  was  received  by  various  elements  in  the 
communities  where  stationed  is  illuminating.  PoUce  officers  were  glad  that 
the  troops  came  to  relieve  them.  Two  policemen  on  duty  with  a  patrol 
exclaimed,  when  they  heard  the  mihtia  had  come  in  force,  "Thank  God! 
We  can't  stand  up  under  this  much  longer!"  The  pohce  at  Cottage  Grove 
Avenue  said,  "We  are  tickled  to  death  to  see  you  fellows  come  in;  you  have 
never  looked  so  good  to  us  before! "  A  regimental  commander  said  his  organi- 
zation was  "welcomed  into  the  zone,  of  course,  by  everybody,  and  I'd  say 
especially  by  the  colored  people."  A  similar  report  came  from  another 
regimental  commander. 

But  there  was  some  show  of  hostihty  to  the  troops.  Hoodlums  fired  on 
some  detachments  when  they  first  came  in,  and  Colonel  Bolte  reported  a 
hatred  for  the  troops  by  "the  Hamburg  Athletic  Club,  the  Ragen's,  and  the 
Emeralds,  and  a  whole  bunch  of  them  over  there  who  didn't  hke  to  be  con- 
trolled!" Volunteer  ex-service  men  with  no  legal  status,  but  who  aided  the 
police  at  the  time,  and  deputy  sheriffs  with  overseas  training  ridiculed  the 
mihtia  with  such  taunts  as,  "Tin  soldiers!"  The  effect  of  this  attitude  on 
the  populace  necessitated  the  arrest  of  some  disturbers  and  the  removal  of 
unauthorized  persons  from  the  streets. 

It  is  a  singular  fact  that  militia  activities  were  principally  against  gangs 
of  hoodlums,  and  the  majority  of  these  gangs  were  composed  of  white  youths. 
Said  one  commander,  "  Rowdies  of  the  white  population  tried  to  get  through 
the  lines  and  had  to  be  arrested."  "At  one  time  a  heavy  truck  or  two  loaded 
with  white  gangsters  attempted  to  break  through  the  militia  but  was  checked." 
Plenty  of  trouble  "with  the  Ragen's  and  other  similar  organizations"  was 
reported  by  yet  another  commander. 

The  mihtia  unquestionably  prevented  mob  formations,  raids,  and  "snip- 
ing." They  checked  marauders  still  in  search  of  prey.  In  many  cases  they 
prevented  the  initial  moves  of  lawlessness  by  taking  stations  at  critical  points 
long  before  raiders  arrived. 

There  was  a  marked  contrast  between  the  militia  and  the  pohce.  The 
troops  were  under  definite  orders;  commanders  had  absolute  control  of  their 
forces  and  knew  at  all  times  where  and  how  many  effectives  were  available. 
Precision  and  promptness  of  movement  was  the  rule.  Reserves  were  always 
at  hand.  Discipline  was  always  good.  Only  one  person,  a  white  man,  was 
killed  by  the  troops.  Whatever  other  restraining  causes  contributed,  it  is 
certain  that  the  riot  was  not  revived  after  the  troops  were  posted. 

Most  of  the  troops  were  withdrawn  on  August  8. 

Volunteers. — Many  Negro  ex-service  men,  formerly  members  of  the  old 
Eighth  Regiment  (Negro)  of  the  Illinois  National  Guard,  donned  their  uni- 


THE  CHICAGO  RIOT  43 

forms,  armed,  and  offered  their  services  to  the  police  and  militia.  The  militia 
on  duty  found  that  these  Negro  volunteers  had  no  authority  or  military  status 
and  consequently  ordered  them  to  disband,  which  they  did. 

Before  the  troops  were  called  out,  however,  a  determined  effort  was  made 
by  one  Britton,  white  police  reserve,  to  organize  ex-soldiers  for  volunteer 
service.  He  said  as  many  as  thirty-five  joined  him.  They  were  denied  permits 
to  carry  weapons  but  are  reported  to  have  done  so.  It  was  these  men  who 
used  an  automobile,  driven  with  the  mufSers  open,  to  clear  the  streets. 

Evidence  of  the  use  of  Uquor  was  noticed  among  these  men  during  their 
active  period.  Some  were  involved  in  the  killing  of  Samuel  Banks,  Negro; 
some  in  the  robbery  of  a  restaurant  and  in  misdeeds  of  a  minor  character. 
Following  the  impHcation  of  individuals  among  them  in  these  crimes,  numbers 
of  the  ex-soldiers  were  arrested  by  the  police,  but  were  released  by  order  of 
Chief  Garrity  on  account  of  the  assistance  many  of  them  had  rendered  the 
department  and  because  of  representations  of  business  men  who  felt  that 
the  arrests  were  unjust. 

Deputy  sheriffs. — In  addition  to  police,  mihtiamen,  and  volunteers,  another 
group  composed  of  specially  recruited  deputy  sheriffs,  appeared  in  the  riot 
zone  as  preservers  of  the  peace.  They  were  sworn  in  by  Sheriff  Peters,  of  Cook 
County,  after  citizens  had  appealed  to  him,  he  said,  to  quell  the  riot.  In  regard 
to  their  formation,  numbers,  orders,  and  duties,  the  sheriff  had  this  to  say: 

I  advertised  for  ex-service  men  to  serve  as  deputy  sheriffs.  A  thousand  or  more 
applied.  They  were  all  men  who  had  returned  from  the  war  and  were  out  of  work. 
I  hired  500  of  them,  kept  them  in  the  army  uniforms,  and  instructed  them  to  shoot 
to  kill  any  disturbers  or  rioters.  The  presence  of  these  men  and  the  show  of  authority 
thereby  made  was  effective,  and  the  riot  was  queUed. 

Fifteen  thousand  dollars  was  spent  on  this  force. 

It  appears  that  these  deputies  came  on  the  scene  toward  the  end  of  the 
riot  week  and  at  once  fell  into  disfavor  with  the  mihtia,  whom  they  ridiculed 
as  "tin  soldiers"  in  much  the  same  manner  as  did  the  volunteers.  Two  regi- 
mental commanders  of  militia  said  the  special  deputies  "did  not  behave  in  a 
very  pleasant  manner"  and  "in  the  majority  of  instances  were  no  good." 
The  sheriff  was  notified  to  call  them  in  and  they  soon  disappeared.  There  is 
no  record  of  organized  methods  of  procedure  or  of  their  activities. 

Restoration  of  order. — Long  before  actual  hostilities  ceased,  and  even 
before  the  arrival  of  the  militia,  various  agencies,  in  addition  to  the  police, 
were  at  work  trying  to  hold  lawlessness  in  check  and  restore  order.  Efforts 
of  citizens  of  both  races  helped  greatly  in  bringing  about  peace.  As  long  as 
the  rioting  was  in  progress  thousands  of  Negroes  were  cut  off  from  their  employ- 
ment. The  Stock  Yards  workers  especially  were  affected,  since  Negroes 
Hving  east  of  Wentworth  Avenue  would  have  been  forced  to  go  to  work  on 
foot  through  the  district  in  which  the  worst  rioting  occurred.  The  hostihties 
also  cut  off  the  food  supply  in  the  main  riot  areas.    The  dealers  in  the  "Black 


44  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Belt,"  principally  Jewish  merchants,  became  alarmed  lest  temporary  lack 
of  funds  due  to  the  separation  from  work  and  wages  should  lead  Negroes  to 
loot  their  stores. 

On  August  I,  the  various  packing  companies  made  the  unpaid  wages  of 
Negro  employees  available  for  them  by  estabhshing  pay  stations  at  the  Chicago 
Urban  League  at  3032  Wabash  Avenue,  the  Wabash  Avenue  Young  Men's 
Christian  Association  at  3763  Wabash  Avenue,  the  South  Side  Community 
Service  House  at  3201  South  Wabash  Avenue,  and  the  Binga  State  Bank, 
Thirty-eighth  and  State  streets.  Approximately  6,000  employees  were  paid 
in  this  way.  Banks  within  the  district  made  small  temporary  loans  to  stranded 
persons,  sometimes  without  security.  The  cashier  of  the  Franklin  State 
Bank  at  Thirty-fifth  Street  and  Michigan  Avenue  said  that  he  had  made 
loans  of  more  than  $200  to  Negroes  in  sums  of  $2  and  $3  on  their  simple  promise 
to  pay,  and  that  every  dollar  had  been  repaid. 

All  the  local  newspapers  in  their  editorial  columns  took  a  vigorous  stand 
against  disorder,  urged  the  people  to  be  calm  and  avoid  crowds,  and  were 
insistent  that  those  responsible  for  rioting  should  be  brought  to  justice.  The 
Tribune,  for  example,  published  editorials  under  the  following  captions: 
"  Regain  Order  and  Keep  It,"  "  Sane  Men  and  Rioters, "  "  This  Is  No  Hohday," 
"The  Facts  of  the  Riot,"  and  ''Penalties  for  Rioters."  All  of  these  articles 
were  calm  appeals  for  tolerance,  sanity,  and  dispassionate  inquiry  for  the 
facts.  The  Evening  American,  in  an  editorial  entitled  "This  Is  Chicago's 
Crisis;  Keep  a  Cool  Head,"  said: 

Chicago  is  facing  its  crisis  today. 

In  one  great  section  of  the  city  law  and  order  for  the  time  being  seem  to  have  been 
flung  to  the  four  winds.  White  men  and  colored  men  are  shooting  one  another  down 
in  the  streets  for  no  earthly  cause  except  that  the  color  of  their  faces  differs. 

These  mobs  are  not  representative  of  whites  or  blacks.  They  are  the  hoodlums 
of  both  races.    But  the  law  abiding  whites  and  blacks  are  innocent  victims. 

Hotheads  and  smoking  gun  barrels  have  almost  wrested  the  rule  from  the  keepers 
of  the  peace. 

It  is  worse  than  a  calamity,  this  race  rioting.  It  is  a  deadly,  ghastly  scourge,  a 
dire  contagion  that  is  sweeping  through  a  community  for  no  reason  except  that  mob 
violence  is  contagious. 

It  is  up  to  the  cool-headed  men  of  Chicago  to  settle  the  great  difficulty.  It  is  up 
to  the  serious-minded  business  men  of  the  city  to  get  together  and  find  a  solution  to  a 
problem  which  has  become  so  serious. 

To  meet  violence  with  violence  is  but  making  matters  worse.  Gun  toting  at  a 
time  Uke  this  only  adds  fuel  to  the  fire  already  raging. 

Reason  is  the  solution.  It  is  mightier  than  the  six-gun.  How  it  is  to  be  exerted 
is  for  the  level-headed  citizenry  to  decide,  and  decide  at  once. 

Hardly  an  hour  passes  that  more  names  are  not  added  to  the  already  long  list  of 
slain  in  the  South  Side  rioting. 

There  is  no  time  to  be  lost.  Other  matters  must  be  put  aside  for  the  moment 
and  a  solution  reached  for  Chicago 's  greatest  problem. 


NEGRO  STOCK  YARDS  WORKERS  CUT  OFF  FROM  WORK  RECEIVING  WAGES 

Photograph  taken  at  temporary  pay  station  established  at  the  V.M.C.A.  by  packing  companies 


BUYING  ICE  FROM  FREIGHT  CAR  SWITCHED  INTO  XKOKO  Ri;SII)K\(  K  AREA 


THE  CHICAGO  RIOT  45 

Labor  unions  also  took  a  hand  in  the  efforts  toward  peace.  Unionists  of 
both  races  were  exhorted  to  co-operate  in  bringing  about  harmonious  relations, 
and  meetings  for  this  purpose  were  planned  by  trade-union  leaders,  as 
described  in  the  section  of  this  report  dealing  with  the  Negro  in  industry. 
Probably  the  most  effective  effort  of  union  labor  was  the  following  article 
in  the  New  Majority,  the  organ  of  the  Chicago  Federation  of  Labor,  promi- 
nently displayed: 

For  White  Union  Men  to  Read 

Let  any  white  union  worker  who  has  ever  been  on  strike  where  gunmen  or  machine 
gun  have  been  brought  in  and  turned  on  him  and  his  fellows  search  his  memory  and 
recall  how  he  felt.  In  this  critical  moment  let  every  union  man  remember  the  tactics 
of  the  boss  in  a  strike  when  he  tries  by  shooting  to  terrorize  striking  workers  into 
violence  to  protect  themselves. 

Well,  that  is  how  the  Negroes  feel.  They  are  panic-stricken  over  the  prospect  of 
being  kUled. 

A  heavy  responsibility  rests  on  the  white  portion  of  the  community  to  stop 
assault  on  Negroes  by  white  men.  Violence  against  them  is  not  the  way  to  solve  the 
vexed  race  problem. 

This  responsibility  rests  particularly  heavy  upon  the  white  men  and  women  of 
organized  labor,  not  because  they  had  anything  to  do  with  starting  the  present 
trouble,  but  because  of  their  advantageous  position  to  help  end  it.  Right  now  it  is 
going  to  be  decided  whether  the  colored  workers  are  to  continue  to  come  into  the 
labor  movement  or  whether  they  are  going  to  feel  that  they  have  been  abandoned  by 
it  and  lose  confidence  in  it. 

It  is  a  critical  time  for  Chicago. 

It  is  a  critical  time  for  organized  labor. 

All  the  influence  of  the  unions  should  be  exerted  on  the  community  to  protect 
colored  feUow-workers  from  the  unreasoning  frenzy  of  race  prejudice.  Indications 
of  the  past  have  been  that  organized  labor  has  gone  further  in  eliminating  race  hatred 
than  any  other  class.    It  is  up  against  the  acid  test  now  to  show  whether  this  is  so. 

Various  social  agencies  took  steps  to  help  in  the  emergency  and  restore 
order.  The  American  Red  Cross  has  a  branch  at  Thirty-fifth  Street  and 
Michigan  Avenue.  As  soon  as  the  rioting  became  serious  a  special  relief 
headquarters  was  established  here,  and  food  was  distributed  to  needy  famiUes 
cut  off  from  work.  The  Urban  League  was  used  as  a  headquarters  for  the 
distribution  of  food. 

The  Urban  League  had  for  several  years,  through  its  employment  bureau, 
handled  a  large  proportion  of  the  city's  Negro  labor  supply  and  was  conversant 
with  difficulties  likely  to  result  from  the  rioting.  It  made  food  surveys  of 
the  entire  Negro  area,  printed  and  distributed  thousands  of  circulars  and 
dodgers  urging  Negroes  to  stay  off  the  streets,  refrain  from  dangerous  discus- 
sions of  the  riot,  and  co-operate  with  the  police  in  every  way  to  maintain  order. 
The  League  sent  telegrams  to  the  governor  and  mayor  suggesting  plans  for 


5QIA 


46  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

curbing  disorder,  organized  committees  of  citizens  to  aid  the  authorities  in  re- 
storing order,  and  served  as  a  bureau  of  information  and  medium  of  commu- 
nication between  the  white  and  Negro  groups  during  the  worst  hostihties. 

The  Young  Men's  Christian  Association  was  similarly  active  within  the 
area  of  its  efforts.  Religious  bodies,  ministers'  associations,  and  individual 
ministers  exerted  their  influence  over  their  respective  groups  by  advis- 
ing the  citizens  to  "keep  cool,"  "hold  their  heads,"  and  generally  to  let 
the  authorities  settle  the  riot.  Negro  business  men  and  one  Negro  alder- 
man sent  wagons  through  the  streets  bearing  large  signs  which  advised 
Negroes  not  to  congregate  on  streets,  engage  in  arguments,  or  partici- 
pate in  any  way  in  the  disorders.  The  signs  further  stated  that  people  would 
be  advised  when  it  would  be  safe  to  return  to  work.  Other  persons  went  about 
speaking  on  street  corners  urging  co-operation  with  the  police  and  militia. 
Appeals  by  officials  and  leading  citizens  were  pubHshed  in  the  white  and  Negro 
papers,  carrying  similar  advice.  During  the  riot  a  committee  of  citizens 
representing  forty-eight  social,  civic,  commercial,  and  professional  organiza- 
tions met  at  the  Union  League  Club  and  petitioned  the  governor  to  take 
steps  to  quiet  the  existing  disorder  and  appoint  a  commission  to  study  the 
situation  with  a  view  to  preventing  a  repetition  of  it.  As  a  result  of  this  appeal 
followed  by  similar  urgings  by  many  committees,  the  present  Chicago  Commis- 
sion on  Race  Relations  was  appointed  and  began  its  work. 

Aftermath  of  the  riot. — After  the  restoration  of  order  community  activities 
were  superficially  the  same  as  before  the  riot,  but  under  the  surface  there 
remained  a  deepened  bitterness  of  race  feeUng  which  spread  far  beyond  the 
time  and  territorial  limits  of  the  riot  itself. 

All  the  deep-seated  causes  of  friction  which  had  developed  so  largely 
from  the  failure  to  work  out  an  adjustment  of  the  increased  Negro  population 
due  to  the  migration  were  and  are  still  present,  undiminished  in  influence. 
Consciousness  of  racial  difference  and  more  or  less  unconscious  fear  and  distrust 
were  increased  and  spread  by  the  riot.  Among  the  whites  this  was  evidenced 
by  the  general  belief  that  Negroes  were  gathering  stores  of  arms  and  ammuni- 
tion. Among  the  Negroes  a  growing  race  solidarity  has  been  marked.  There  is 
a  greater  lack  of  confidence  in  the  white  man's  law  and  machinery  of  protection. 
Continued  bombings  of  Negro  houses  in  mixed  areas  and  failure  to  apprehend 
the  culprits  no  doubt  strengthen  this  attitude. 

Reports  of  various  Negro  gatherings  held  soon  after  the  riot  show  this 
to  be  the  case.  Many  Negroes  frankly  urged  their  brothers  that  they  must 
arm  themselves  and  fight  if  attacked.  At  one  meeting  a  Negro  is  reported 
to  have  said: 

The  recent  race  riots  have  done  at  least  one  thing  for  the  colored  race.  In  the 
past  we  Negroes  have  failed  to  appreciate  what  solidarity  means.  We  have,  on  the 
contrary,  been  much  divided.  Since  the  riot  we  are  getting  together  and  devising 
ways  and  means  of  protecting  our  interests.    The  recent  race  riots  have  convinced 


THE  CHICAGO  RIOT  47 

us  that  we  must  take  steps  to  protect  ourselves.  Never  again  will  we  be  found  unpre- 
pared. It  is  the  duty  of  every  man  here  to  provide  himself  with  guns  and  ammunition. 
I,  myself,  have  at  least  one  gun  and  at  least  enough  ammunition  to  make  it  useful. 

.  The  riot  furnished  the  gang  and  hoodlum  element  a  chance  to  indulge  in 
lawlessness.  Fear  of  death  and  injury  may  help  to  hold  that  element  in  check. 
But  it  cannot  be  argued  that  fear  of  punishment  is  much  of  a  factor,  for  very 
few  convictions  of  rioters  were  secured. 

Quick  justice  would  have  been  a  salutary  means  of  curbing  tendencies  to 
riot,  according  to  both  the  coroner's  jury  and  the  grand  jury.  The  coroner's 
jury  said:  "One  remedy  for  race  rioting  is  a  speedy  conviction  and  punishment 
of  those  guilty,  regardless  of  race  or  color,  giving  all  concerned  a  fair  and 
impartial  hearing."  Its  eighth  recommendation  reads:  "Above  all,  a  strict 
enforcement  of  the  law  by  public  officials,  fair  and  impartial,  will  do  more 
than  any  other  agency  in  restoring  the  good  name  of  Chicago,  and  prevent 
rioting  from  any  cause  from  again  disturbing  the  peace  of  our  city." 

The  August,  1919,  grand  jury  said:  "This  jury  feels  that  in  order  to  allay 
further  race  prejudice  and  to  prevent  the  re-enactment  of  shameful  crimes 
committed  during  the  recent  riots,  efficient,  prompt,  and  fearless  justice  on 
the  part  of  the  judiciary  be  meted  out  to  the  guilty  ones,  whether  they  be  white 
or  black." 

In  a  fair  consideration  of  whether  swift  and  impartial  justice  was  meted 
out,  it  must  be  noted  that  it  was  extremely  hard  to  secure  evidence  sufficient 
for  successful  prosecution.  Police  attention  upon  arriving  at  the  scene  of  a 
clash  was  directed  more  to  removing  the  injured  than  apprehending  the 
guilty.  Where  attempts  were  made  to  search  out  the  offenders,  it  was  next 
to  impossible  to  get  results  on  account  of  the  keen  race  consciousness  which 
made  Negroes  disclaim  knowledge  of  Negro  culprits  and  white  people  deny 
seeing  specific  white  men  act  aggressively.  Many  of  the  crowds  were  neighbor- 
hood gatherings  and  leaders  were  often  the  sons  of  neighbors. 

In  most  of  the  riot  cases  brought  before  the  state's  attorney's  office  the 
same  difficulty  was  experienced.  Whole  blocks  of  residents  were  subpoenaed 
and  accurately  described  the  assaults,  but  failed  entirely  to  recognize  any  of 
the  assailants.  The  grand  jury  found  the  same  obstacle.  The  foreman, 
referring  to  the  kind  of  testimony  brought  before  that  body  by  Negroes  on 
complaints  against  whites,  said:  "  .  .  .  .  they  [the  grand  jury]  usually  found 
it  to  be  hearsay  testimony.  Some  other  individual  told  them  about  So-and-So. 
That  a  crime  had  been  committted  there  was  no  question,  but  to  get  at  the 
root  of  it  was  absolutely  impossible." 

In  spite  of  these  difficulties,  those  familiar  with  the  riot  situation  believe 
that  more  arrests  of  active  rioters  might  have  been  made  and  more  convictions 
obtained.  A  study  of  the  riot  deaths  shows  that  justice  failed  to  be  as  swift 
and  sure  as  the  coroner's  and  grand  juries  recommended.  The  blame  for 
this  failure  is  variously  placed  on  the  police,  state's  attorney,  judge,  or  jury, 


48 


THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 


according  to  the  prejudice  of  the  one  attempting  to  fix  blame,  or  his  connection 
with  any  of  these  agencies.  The  fact  remains  that  the  punitive  results  of  the 
legal  processes  were  too  negligible  to  furnish  a  proper  deterrent  to  future 
rioters. 

Of  the  thirty-eight  persons  whose  death  constituted  the  riot's  principal 
toll- 
Fifteen  met  death  at  the  hands  of  mobs.  The  coroners'  jury  recommended 
that  the  members  of  the  unknown  mobs  be  apprehended.  None  were  ever 
found. 

Six  were  killed  under  circumstances  estabHshing  no  criminal  responsibility: 
three  white  men  were  killed  by  Negroes  in  self-defense,  and  three  Negroes 
were  shot  by  policemen  in  the  discharge  of  their  duty. 

Four  Negroes  lost  their  lives  in  the  Angelus  riot.  The  coroner  made  no 
recommendations,  and  the  cases  were  not  carried  farther. 

Four  cases — two  Negro  and  two  white — led  to  recommendations  from  the 
coroner's  jury  for  further  investigation  of  certain  persons,  but  sufficient 
evidence  was  lacking  for  indictments. 

Nine  cases  resulted  in  indictments,  four  of  which  led  to  convictions. 

Thus  in  only  four  cases  was  criminal  responsibility  for  death  fixed  and 
punishment  meted  out  to  the  guilty. 

Indictments  and  convictions  are  divided  according  to  the  race  of  the 
persons  criminally  involved  as  follows: 


Negro 

White 

Cases 

Persons 

Cases 

Persons 

Indictments* 

Convictions 

6 

2 

17 
3 

3 

2 

4 

2 

*For  brief  description  of  cases  see  Appendix. 


There  is  evidence  that  the  riot  of  1919  aroused  many  citizens  of  both  races 
to  a  quickened  sense  of  the  suffering  and  disgrace  which  had  come  and  might 
come  again  to  the  community,  and  developed  a  determination  to  prevent  a 
recurrence  of  so  disastrous  an  outbreak  of  race  hatred.  This  was  manifest, 
as  another  section  of  this  report  shows,  in  the  courage  and  control  which  people 
of  both  races  displayed  on  at  least  two  occasions  in  1920  when  confronted 
suddenly  with  events  out  of  which  serious  riots  might  easily  have  grown. 

This  examination  of  the  facts  of  the  riot  reveals  certain  outstanding 
features,  as  follows: 

1.  The  riot  violence  was  not  continuous,  hour  by  hour,  but  was  inter- 
mittent. 

2.  The  greatest  number  of  injuries  occurred  in  the  district  west  of  Went- 
worth  Avenue,  inclusive  of  Wentworth,  and  south  of  the  Chicago  River  to 


MILK  WAS  DISTRIBUTED  FOR    rill'.   HAHIKS 


PRO\  ISIOXS  W  ERE  SUPPLIED  BY  THE  RED  CROSS  TO  HUNDREDS 
OF  NEGRO  FAMILIES 


THE  CHICAGO  RIOT  49 

Fifty-fifth  Street,  or,  broadly  speaking,  in  the  Stock  Yards  district.  The 
next  greatest  number  occurred  in  the  so-called  "Black  Belt,"  Twenty-second 
to  Thirty-ninth  streets,  inclusive,  Wentworth  to  the  lake,  exclusive  of  Went- 
worth;  Thirty-ninth  to  Fifty-fifth  streets,  inclusive,  Clark  Street  to  Michigan 
Avenue,  exclusive  of  Michigan. 

3.  Organized  raids  occurred  only  after  a  period  of  sporadic  clashes  and 
spontaneous  mob  outbreaks. 

4.  Main  thoroughfares  witnessed  76  per  cent  of  the  injuries  on  the  South 
Side.  The  streets  which  suffered  most  severely  were  State,  Halsted,  Thirty- 
first,  Thirty-fifth,  and  Forty-seventh.  Transfer  corners  were  always  centers 
of  trouble. 

5.  Most  of  the  rioting  occurred  after  working  hours.  This  was  particularly 
true  after  the  street-car  strike  started. 

6.  Gangs,  particularly  among  the  young  whites,  formed  definite  nuclei  for 
crowd  and  mob  leadership.    "Athletic  clubs  "  supplied  the  leaders  of  many  gangs. 

7.  Whites  usually  employed  fists  and  clubs  in  their  attacks  upon  Negroes; 
Negroes  used  firearms  and  knives  in  their  attacks. 

8.  Crowds  and  mobs  engaged  in  rioting  were  usually  composed  of  a  small 
nucleus  of  leaders  and  an  acquiescing  mass  of  spectators.  The  leaders  were 
young  men,  usually  between  sixteen  and  twenty-one.  Dispersal  was  most 
effectively  accomplished  by  sudden,  unexpected  gun  fire. 

9.  Rumor  kept  the  crowds  in  an  excited,  potential  mob  state.  The  press 
was  responsible  for  wide  dissemination  of  much  of  the  inflammatory  matter 
in  spoken  rumors,  though  editorials  calculated  to  allay  race  hatred  and  help 
the  forces  of  order  were  factors  in  the  restoration  of  peace. 

10.  The  police  lacked  sufficient  forces  for  handling  the  riot;  they  were 
hampered  by  the  Negroes'  distrust  of  them;  routing  orders  and  records  were 
not  handled  with  proper  care;  certain  officers  were  undoubtedly  unsuited  to 
police  or  riot  duty. 

11.  The  personnel  of  the  mihtia  employed  in  this  riot  was  of  an  unusually 
high  type.  This  unquestionably  accounts  for  the  confidence  placed  in  them 
by  both  races.  Riot  training,  definite  orders,  and  good  staff  work  contributed 
to  their  efficiency. 

12.  The  machinery  of  justice  was  affected  by  prejudices  and  political 
rivalries. 

From  their  reviews  of  the  evidence  brought  before  them,  the  coroner's 
jury  and  the  grand  jury  presented  analyses  of  the  riot,  and  each  made  recom- 
mendations of  a  remedial  sort.     These  recommendations  follow: 
coroner's  jury  recommendations 

1.  We  believe  that  a  representative  committee  of  white  and  colored  people, 
working  together,  could  suggest  and  bring  about  the  necessary  and  advisable  changes. 

2.  In  specifically  attacking  the  housing  situation:  The  correction  of  the  evil  by 
enlarging  the  living  quarters  and  placing  them  in  a  better  sanitary  state  would  in 


50  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

part  solve  the  difficulty.    We  believe  voluntary  segregation  would  follow  and  to  a 
considerable  extent  remove  one  cause  of  unrest. 

This  is  a  matter  that  might  well  be  considered  by  the  Real  Estate  Board  and  by 
improvement  clubs  and  organizations  of  property  owners  in  the  South  Division,  and 
by  the  Health  Department. 

3.  In  regard  to  the  "athletic  clubs":  Properly  governed  and  controlled  they 
should  be  encouraged  and  fostered  and,  when  necessary,  disciplined. 

4.  Hoodlumism  evokes  this  comment:  Citizens  of  Chicago,  make  your  hoodlum 
element  amenable  to  law,  break  up  and  destroy  hoodlumism  as  you  would  a  pestilence. 
It  is  our  belief  that  this  element  can  be  brought  under  control  of  the  law,  and  it  must 
be  done  if  we  are  to  remove  the  danger  of  rioting  from  any  cause.  Vicious  hoodlum- 
ism, entirely  aside  from  race  hatred,  was  present  in  practically  all  of  the  thirty-eight 
kilUngs,  known  as  race  riots. 

5.  We  earnestly  urge  that  fathers  and  mothers  teach  their  children  the  lesson 
of  remaining  at  home  when  rioting  occurs,  and  furthermore,  they  should  be  kept 
occupied,  as  idleness  and  bad  association  often  cause  young  people  to  become  bad 
men  and  women. 

6.  One  remedy  for  race  rioting  is  a  speedy  conviction  and  punishment  of  those 
guilty,  regardless  of  race  or  color,  giving  aU  concerned  a  fair  and  impartial  hearing. 

7.  Tolerance  must  be  practiced  between  both  white  and  colored  in  the  discussion 
of  the  race  problem,  practiced  in  our  everyday  intercourse,  in  public  conveyances, 
and  in  meetings  of  aU  kinds. 

8.  Our  attention  was  called  strikingly  to  the  fact  that  at  the  time  of  race  rioting 
the  arrests  made  for  rioting  by  the  police  of  colored  rioters  were  far  in  excess  of  the 
arrests  made  of  white  rioters.  The  failure  of  the  police  to  arrest  impartially  at  the 
time  of  rioting,  whether  from  insufficient  effort  or  otherwise,  was  a  mistake  and  had  a 
tendency  to  further  incite  and  aggravate  the  colored  population. 

9.  In  cases  of  murder  it  is  of  the  utmost  importance  that  expert  criminologists 
should  arrive  on  the  scene  at  the  earliest  possible  moment,  and  that  a  complete  exami- 
nation may  be  made  of  the  scene  of  the  murder  before  the  body  is  removed  or  handled, 
and  whUe  the  necessary  evidence  for  conviction  may  be  obtained,  which  otherwise 
may  be  lost  or  destroyed.  We  have  found  in  the  riot  cases  many  instances  where  the 
removal  of  bodies  by  inexperienced  men,  in  some  cases  police  officers,  destroyed 
valuable  evidence. 

We  heartily  concur  with  Coroner  Hoffman  as  to  the  fact  that  Chicago  badly  needs 
a  permanent  murder-investigation  squad,  which  the  coroner  planned  and  has  so 
persistently  advocated  in  the  past.  We  believe  that  this  squad  should  be  equipped 
with  motor  vehicles  and  subject  to  call  at  any  hour  of  the  day  or  night.  This  squad 
should  consist  of  six  or  more  trained  policemen,  working  in  relays  of  eight  hours,  a 
photographer,  a  finger-print  expert,  a  coroner's  physician  and  chemist,  the  coroner  or 
deputy  coroner,  and  a  state's  attorney.  In  addition  thereto,  two  trained  policemen 
from  the  pohce  department  precinct  wherein  the  murder  occurred,  and  a  representative 
of  the  City  News  Bureau.  This  squad  should  be  available  for  immediate  service,  and 
it  should  be  the  duty  of  the  police  at  the  scene  of  the  murder  to  allow  no  one  to  handle 
the  body  or  enter  premises  where  murder  occurred  until  the  arrival  of  the  squad. 

10.  The  police  force  should  be  enlarged.  It  is  too  small  to  cope  with  the  needs 
of  Chicago,  and  under  the  present  living  conditions  the  policeman's  pay  is  entirely 
inadequate  and  should  be  substantially  increased. 


THE  CHICAGO  RIOT  51 

Superannuated  and  incapacitated  members  of  the  police  force  should  be  retired 
under  a  proper  and  satisfactory  pension  system. 

There  should  be  organization  of  the  force  for  riot  work,  for  the  purpose  of  control- 
ling rioting  in  its  incipient  stages. 

GRAISTD  JURY  RECOMMENDATIONS 

1.  It  is  reasonable  to  believe  that  the  colored  people,  if  provided  with  proper  ^ 
housing  facihties  and  an  area  sufficient  in  extent,  would  voluntarily  segregate  them- 
selves. The  present  neighborhood  known  as  the  "Black  Belt"  could,  by  reasonable 
public  improvement,  assisted  by  our  leading  public  citizens,  be  made  a  decent  place 
to  live  in  for  a  much  larger  population  than  it  now  accommodates This  move- 
ment should  enUst  the  financial  and  moral  support  of  the  industries  employing  large? 
numbers  of  the  black  race. 

2.  Facilities  for  bathing,  playgrounds,  police  protection,  better  housing  and 
neighborhood  conditions,  are  matters  deserving  the  earnest  attention  of  the  proper 
authorities.  ^^ 

3.  The  employment  of  the  colored  people  is  imperative  to  the  welfare  of  this  com-^ 
munity.    Discriminating  against  the  Negro,  or,  in  other  words,  failure  to  give  him  an 
opportunity  to  make  an  honest  livelihood  after  having  induced  him  to  migrate  to 
this  section  of  the  country,  simply  adds  to  the  already  far  too  great  number  of  hood-j 
lums  that  infest  our  city. 

4.  This  jury  feels  that  in  order  to  allay  further  race  prejudice  and  to  prevent 
the  re-enactment  of  shameful  crimes  committed  during  the  recent  riots,  efficient 
prompt,  and  fearless  justice  on  the  part  of  the  law-enforcing  officers,  as  well  as  on 
the  part  of  the  judiciary,  be  meted  out  to  the  guilty  ones,  whether  they  be  white  or 
black. 

5 There  is  a  lack  of  co-operation  and  harmony  among  the  agencies  of  law 

enforcement,  which  impairs  their  efficiency,  leads  to  miscarriages  of  justice,  and  wastes 
the  public  funds. 

6.  The  parole  law  should  be  amended  so  that  a  criminal  once  paroled  and  sub- 
sequently arrested  may  not  a  second  time  be  paroled. 

7.  The  efficiency  of  the  police  force  would  be  further  greatly  increased  by  the 
co-operation  of  the  judiciary  in  refusing  to  grant  wholesale  continuances  without 
carefully  scrutinizing  the  results  thereof  when  members  of  the  police  force  are  required 
to  act  as  witnesses. 

8.  The  poUce  department  is  in  need  of  a  thorough  house-cleaning.  Every  officer, 
no  matter  what  his  position  is,  who  fails  in  his  fuU  duty  should  be  dismissed.  Graft- 
ers and  those  who  allow  themselves  to  be  dominated  by  political  influences,  who  are 
paid  to  protect  the  lives  and  property  of  our  citizens,  should  be  dismissed  and  punished 
to  the  fullest  extent  of  the  law. 

9.  It  is  the  opinion  of  this  jury  that  the  pohce  force  is  also  inadequate  in  numbers, 
and  at  least  one  thousand  (1,000)  officers  should  be  added  to  the  existing  force. 

10.  Policemen  who  have  arrived  at  the  age  where  their  usefulness  is  a  matter 
of  the  past  should  be  pensioned,  notwithstanding  their  present  number,  and  not- 
withstanding the  fact  that  the  pension  fund  is  already  taxed  to  its  utmost.  The 
needed  funds  for  this  purpose  should  be  provided. 

II payment  of  salaries  to  public  officers  commensurate  with  the  increased 

cost  of  hving. 


52  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

12.  The  authorities  employed  to  enforce  the  law  should  thoroughly  investigate 
clubs  and  other  organizations  posing  as  athletic  and  social  clubs  which  really  are 
organizations  of  hoodlums  and  criminals  formed  for  the  purpose  of  furthering  the 
interest  of  local  poUtics. 

13.  The  jury  also  finds  that  vice  of  all  kinds  is  rampant  in  the  "Black  Belt,"  and 
a  thorough  cleaning  up  of  that  district  is  absolutely  essential  to  the  peace  and  welfare 
of  the  community. 

14.  PoHtical  influence  to  a  large  extent  is  responsible  for  the  brazenness  with 
which  the  Chicago  bimi,  pickpocket,  and  gun  and  hold-up  man  operates.  It  is  also 
the  opinion  of  the  jury  that  the  indeterminate-sentence  law  frequently  operates  in  a 

.miscarriage  of  justice,  and  it  is  our  opinion  that  the  court  should  fix  the  sentence  of 
offenders  at  the  time  of  their  conviction. 

15.  Because  of  the  large  number  of  young  boys  involved  in  the  rioting,  the  jury 
recommends  the  resumption  of  the  activities  of  the  Y.M.C.A.,  the  Knights  of  Colimi- 
bus,  and  Salvation  Army,  as  well  as  other  similar  organizations 


CHAPTER  II 

OTHER  OUTBREAKS  IN  ILLINOIS 

I.    Minor  Clashes  in  and  near  Chicago 

I.   clashes  in  CHICAGO  PRECEDING  THE  RIOT  OF  1919 

The  race  riot  of  19 19  in  Chicago  was  preceded  by  a  long  series  of  more 
or  less  serious  clashes  between  whites  and  Negroes.  Some  of  these  are  discussed 
in  the  section  of  this  report  deahng  with  contacts  in  recreation.  Others  are 
here  described  to  show  the  development  of  friction  and  conflict  leading  up  to 
the  1919  riot.  Two  brutal  and  unprovoked  murders  of  Negroes  by  gangs 
of  white  hoodlums  preceded  the  riot  by  only  a  few  weeks. 

In  many  of  the  antecedent  clashes  a  conspicuous  part  was  played  by  gangs 
or  clubs  of  white  boys  and  young  men.  These  operations  frequently  showed 
organization,  and  the  gangsters  were  often  armed  with  brass  knuckles,  clubs, 
and  revolvers. 

Some  of  the  earlier  clashes,  however,  did  not  have  their  origin  in  gang 
activities.  For  instance,  it  may  be  that  the  resentment  by  whites  of  the 
coming  of  Negroes  into  their  neighborhood  inspired  the  crowd  of  boys  between 
twelve  and  sixteen  years  of  age  who,  in  February,  1917,  stoned  a  four-flat 
building  at  456  West  Forty-sixth  Street.  Two  Negro  families  moved  into 
the  two  second-floor  flats  of  this  building.  The  next  afternoon  about  100 
boys  from  nearby  schools  stoned  the  building.  The  two  Negroes  attempted 
to  remonstrate  but  were  driven  back.  One  of  them  reached  the  office  of  the 
agent  of  the  building,  who  notified  the  pohce.  A  patrol  wagon  responded, 
but  the  boys  had  disappeared.  After  it  had  gone  the  boys  reappeared  and 
renewed  the  stoning.  Every  window  in  the  upper  part  of  the  building  was 
broken.  On  a  second  riot  call  Captain  Caughhn  and  Lieutenant  James 
McGann  and  a  squad  of  pohce  rescued  the  Negroes,  who  shortly  afterward 
sought  other  quarters. 

Detectives  learned  the  identity  of  thirty  of  the  boys,  some  of  whom  con- 
fessed. With  their  parents  they  were  compelled  to  appear  at  the  Stock 
Yards  pohce  station  and  pay  for  the  damage  inflicted. 

The  death  of  a  white  man,  wrongly  thought  to  have  been  murdered  by 
Negroes,  led  to  rioting  on  the  night  of  July  3,  19 17,  in  which  a  party  of  white 
men  in  an  automobile  fired  upon  a  group  of  Negroes  at  Fifty-third  and  Federal 
streets.  Apparently  no  one  was  hit.  Earher  in  the  evening  Charles  A. 
Maronde,  a  saloon-keeper  at  5161  South  State  Street,  had  been  found  dead 
following  an  altercation  with  Negroes  whose  passage  through  his  premises 
had  irritated  him.    Two  shots  were  fired,  but  it  was  not  proved  whether  by 

S3 


54  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Maronde  or  by  the  Negroes.  A  coroner's  jury  found  that  he  had  died  of 
heart  disease. 

In  July  and  August,  19 17,  there  were  minor  outbreaks  of  trouble  between 
Negroes  and  naval  recruits  from  the  Great  Lakes  Naval  Training  Station. 
In  some  instances  recruits  and  in  others  Negroes  were  reported  to  be  the 
aggressors. 

When  organized  gangs  took  part  in  clashes  the  results  were  more  serious. 
A  typical  case  started  in  the  Kohler  saloon  at  South  State  and  Fifty-first 
streets  on  May  27,  1919,  two  months  before  the  riot. 

A  group  of  about  ten  white  men  entered  the  saloon  together.  When  a 
Negro  came  in  and  called  for  a  drink,  one  of  the  whites  knocked  him  down  and 
kicked  him  out  of  the  front  door.  Arming  himself  with  brickbats,  the  Negro 
called  on  the  whites  to  come  out.  The  gang  crossed  to  another  saloon  on  the 
opposite  corner,  and  when  they  left  it  shortly  afterward,  they  carried  revolvers. 
They  then  beat  the  Negro,  cutting  his  head.  Dr.  Homer  Cooper,  whose 
office  is  above  the  Kohler  saloon,  and  one  of  his  patients,  Michael  PantaKono, 
witnessed  the  affray. 

Roscoe  C.  Johnston,  a  Negro  plain-clothes  man  who  had  been  on  the 
police  force  only  four  days,  was  told  of  the  trouble  by  a  citizen  and  found  the 
gang  in  the  second  saloon.  As  he  approached.  Mart.  Flannigan  drew  a  revolver. 
Johnston  called  two  plain-clothes  men,  who  chanced  to  be  outside,  to  summon 
a  patrol  wagon,  then  followed  the  gang  back  to  the  Kohler  saloon  and  disarmed 
and  arrested  Flannigan.  Johnston  found  three  automatic  revolvers  behind 
the  bar  in  the  saloon  and  arrested  three  more  of  the  men  for  carrying  concealed 
weapons.  Later  six  more  of  the  men  were  taken  when  the  patrol  wagon 
returned  to  Kohler 's,  including  Patten,  the  bartender. 

The  cases  of  these  ten  men  were  dismissed  when  they  came  to  trial  a  week 
later  before  Judge  Grant;  lack  of  evidence  was  the  reason  given.  Flannigan 
explained  that  he  carried  the  gun  to  protect  himself  while  taking  money  to 
the  bank.  These  young  men  were  said  by  onlookers  to  be  members  of  "  Ragen's 
Colts." 

"Ragen's  Colts"  were  frequently  identified  with  lawlessness  and  specific 
clashes  before  and  during  the  riot.  They  are  typical  of  the  gangs  and  "athletic 
clubs"  which  were  responsible  for  much  disorder,  including  attacks  upon 
Negroes.  This  organization  was  sponsored  by  Frank  Ragen,  a  politician  whose 
record  and  methods  have  long  offended  the  decent  citizenship  of  Chicago. 
As  a  member  of  the  Board  of  Cook  County  Commissioners,  he  alUed  himself 
with  a  spoils-seeking  majority  against  which  two  or  three  pubUc-spirited 
members  waged  a  courageous  struggle.  His  participation  in  the  Board's 
dehberations  was  marked  by  such  conduct  as  the  hurling  of  a  large  record 
book  and  inkwells  at  members  who  opposed  the  "ring." 

As  part  of  his  poHtical  following  he  gathered  about  him  the  young  hoodlums 
who  make  up  an  important  element  of  the  club  on  which  he  bestowed  his  name. 


OTHER  OUTBREAKS  IN  ILLINOIS  55 

Ragen's  influence  has  often  been  able  to  protect  the  "Colts"  from  punishment 
for  criminal  acts,  including  the  persecution  of  Negroes. 

Other  "athletic"  and  "social"  clubs,  though  not  so  notorious,  have  been 
of  a  like  nature.  Miss  Mary  McDowell,  head  resident  of  the  University  of 
Chicago  Social  Settlement,  told  the  Commission  that  she  knew  of  five  such 
clubs  composed  of  young  men  between  seventeen  and  twenty- two: 

Especially  before  the  war  they  were  always  under  obligation  to  some  politician 
for  renting  a  store  and  paying  the  initial  expenses  of  their  clubs.  That's  what  started 
them,  and  it  has  come  to  be  quite  the  fashion  to  get  an  empty  store  with  big  panes  of 
glass  on  which  they  like  to  put  their  names.  I  am  speaking  now  of  "back  of  the  Yards" 
conditions. 

The  Ragen  Club  is  mostly  Irish-American.  The  others  are  from  the  second 
generation  of  many  nationalities.  I  don 't  think  they  have  deliberate  criminal  desires. 
I  think  they  get  into  these  ways,  and  then  they  are  used  and  exploited  often  by  politi- 
cians  It  is  about  the  most  dangerous  thing  that  we  have  in  the  city.     Whether 

the  police  could  not  stop  them  at  the  time  of  the  riot  on  the  Monday  when  they  went 
down  Forty-seventh  Street  with  firearms  showing  in  their  hands  in  autos  (a  young 
man  living  with  us  can  give  you  his  affidavit  on  it)  and  shouting  as  they  went,  "We'll 
get  those  niggers! "  I  don't  suppose  anybody  would  want  to  say,  but  the  fact  remains 
that  nobody  did  stop  them.  They  went  across  Halsted  Street  towards  State  Street. 
Four  pohcemen  were  there  and  they  never  stopped  them  at  all. 

Miss  Jane  Addams,  of  Hull-House,  also  described  to  the  Commission  the 
way  in  which  the  ward  politicians  are  responsible  for  these  clubs.     She  said: 

The  politicians  have  had  a  new  trick  the  last  few  years  all  over  the  city.  They 
pay  rent,  as  Miss  McDowell  said,  for  clubs  of  boys  below  the  voting  age.  The  poUti- 
cian  used  to  take  care  of  the  young  voter  and  the  boy  nearly  a  voter,  but  now  he  comes 
down  to  boys  of  thirteen  and  fourteen  and  fifteen  and  begins  to  pay  their  rent  and 
give  them  special  privileges  and  keeps  the  police  off  when  they  are  gambling.  The 
whole  boy  problem  is  very  much  more  mixed  up  with  these — I  won 't  caU  them  gangs, 
but  they  are  clubs  with  more  or  less  poUtical  affiliations.  They  are  not  always  loyal 
to  their  political  boss,  but  he  expects  them  to  be  and  they  are,  more  or  less. 

The  gangs  and  "athletic  clubs"  became  more  boldly  active  in  the  spring 
of  1919.  On  the  night  of  June  21,  five  weeks  before  the  riot,  there  were  two 
wanton  murders  of  Negroes  by  gangs  of  white  hoodlums.  One  of  the  Negroes 
was  Sanford  Harris,  the  other  Joseph  Robinson.  There  is  no  evidence  that 
either  had  been  offensive  in  any  way,  yet  they  were  deUberately  killed  by  gangs. 
There  is  evidence  that  the  gangs  in  the  neighborhoods  of  these  crimes  had 
spread  such  fear  among  Negro  residents  that  murders  of  this  kind  were  not 
unexpected. 

Harris  Uved  on  Dearborn  Street  between  Fifty-sixth  and  Fifty-seventh 
streets.  About  11:30  p.m.  on  June  21  he  escorted  from  his  home  to  a  street 
car  at  State  and  Fifty-seventh  streets  a  woman  friend  who  had  been  calUng  on 
his  wife.  A  Negro  man,  woman,  and  child  aUghted  from  this  car,  and  Harris 
walked  behind  them  west  on  Fifty-seventh  Street  on  his  way  home.    A  number 


56  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

of  white  youths  approached  the  man,  woman,  and  child,  one  of  the  gang  saying, 
"Let's  get  that  nigger, "  referring  to  the  man.  Because  of  the  child's  presence 
they  were  allowed  to  pass  umnolested. 

Then  the  gang  caught  sight  of  Harris,  who  started  to  run  across  a  vacant  lot 
toward  his  home.  A  shot  was  fired  and  Harris  fell  after  going  a  short  distance. 
He  died  at  the  Cook  County  Hospital  from  peritonitis  due  to  the  bullet  wound. 

A  woman  living  near  Fifty-seventh  and  Dearborn  streets  caught  hold  of 
one  of  the  gang  who  had  a  pistol  in  his  hand.  A  plain-clothes  policeman 
appeared,  and  she  called  upon  him  to  arrest  the  gangster  who,  she  said,  had 
shot  Harris.  The  detective  merely  asked  how  she  was  able  to  pick  out  the 
man  who  had  fired  the  shot.  Apparently  he  ignored  the  fact  that  the  man 
held  a  revolver  in  his  hand,  nor  does  it  appear  that  he  even  looked  to  see  whether 
it  had  been  recently  discharged. 

A  Mrs.  T — ,  who  lived  above  the  saloon  at  the  northwest  corner  of  State 
and  Fifty-seventh  streets,  had  witnessed  the  assault  on  Harris  from  her  back 
porch.  When  other  plain-clothes  men  came  upon  the  scene,  she  told  them 
that  the  gang  had  hidden  under  the  viaduct  on  Fifty-seventh  Street  west  of 
Dearborn,  but  there  were  no  arrests  and  apparently  no  attempts  to  make  any. 

Earlier  the  same  evening,  an  altercation  had  taken  place  between  a  number 
of  white  boys  from  sixteen  to  twenty  years  of  age  and  Thomas  Johnson, 
a  Negro  who,  with  a  Mrs.  Moss,  conducted  a  store  next  to  a  saloon  at 
State  and  Fifty-seventh  streets.  The  boys  had  been  loafing  outside  the 
door  and  using  foul  language.  Johnson  remonstrated  with  them  and  finally 
got  a  stick  and  started  after  them.  A  number  of  other  Negroes  aided  in 
driving  off  the  boys,  who,  as  they  left,  threatened  to  "get  a  gang  and  come 
back  and  get  you."     It  is  thought  that  this  was  the  gang  that  killed  Harris. 

Joseph  Robinson,  the  other  Negro  killed  that  same  night,  had  lived  at 
514  West  Fifty-fourth  Place.  He  was  forty-seven  years  of  age,  a  laborer  for 
the  Union  Coal  Company,  and  had  a  wife  and  six  children,  the  oldest  seventeen 
years  of  age.  He  was  attacked  by  a  gang  at  Fifty-fifth  Street  and  Princeton 
Avenue,  apparently  without  provocation,  and  received  knife  wounds  in  the 
back  and  left  leg.    He  died  from  shock  and  hemorrhages  on  June  23. 

A  man  named  Morden,  who  lived  at  5713  Drexel  Avenue,  testified  at  the 
Robinson  inquest  that  he  had  met  a  gang  of  from  fifteen  to  thirty  men  at  Fifty- 
fifth  Street  and  Shields  Avenue  about  a  block  from  Princeton  Avenue.  He  said 
the  gang  was  walking  rapidly  east  and  divided  to  pass  him.  He  was  not  far 
away  when  Robinson  was  attacked.  The  Negro  had  evidently  been  coming 
in  the  opposite  direction,  west  on  Fifty-fifth  Street  (Garfield  Boulevard)  and 
the  assault  began  the  Instant  he  met  the  gang.  Morden  heard  a  shot  fired 
and  saw  Robinson  stagger  across  the  street  to  a  candy  store.  He  saw  several 
men  rush  forward  and  help  Robinson  in  the  door  as  the  gang  scattered.  Morden 
declared  that  several  of  the  gang  carried  clubs,  and  that  he  saw  several  of  these 
during  the  assault.  » 


OTHER  OUTBREAKS  IN  ILLINOIS  57 

Nicholas  Gianakas,  who  conducted  the  candy  store  at  5458  Princeton 
Avenue,  into  which  the  wounded  man  had  run,  testified  that  he  heard  the  shot 
and  saw  people  outside  running  in  all  directions.  He  saw  Robinson  coming 
in  the  door  with  blood  running  off  him.  Presently  Robinson  got  up  and  went 
outside  to  sit  on  the  curb.  Gianakas  called  up  the  police  station  for  an  ambu- 
lance. He  saw  no  weapons  in  the  hands  of  any  of  the  crowd  outside  and 
recognized  none  of  them.  He  heard  people  saying  that  a  mob  had  come  from 
"the  Yards." 

Peter  Paul  Byrne,  a  patrohnan,  testified  that  he  had  been  called  from  his 
beat  at  Fifty-fifth  and  State  streets  by  a  man  in  an  automobile,  who  drove  him 
to  the  candy  store.  There  he  also  telephoned  for  an  ambulance,  then  went 
out  and  rounded  up  "some  kids"  on  suspicion.  There  was  a  big  crowd 
around,  he  said,  men,  women,  and  children. 

One  man  testified  at  the  inquest  that  an  acquaintance  spoke  of  having 
seen  a  Greek  run  out  of  the  candy  store  and  hit  Robinson  on  the  head  with  a 
hammer  or  hatchet.  But  this  acquaintance,  when  called  to  testify,  denied 
the  story. 

Captain  Caughlin,  in  charge  of  the  police  of  that  precinct,  testified  that  a 
nimiber  of  men  had  been  arrested  on  suspicion,  but  all  of  them  had  been 
discharged  because  none  of  them  knew  anything  about  the  matter.  People 
had  been  running  in  every  direction,  he  said,  there  had  been  a  good  deal  of 
commotion,  and  he  seemed  to  think  it  would  have  been  virtually  impossible 
for  the  poHce  to  find  any  of  the  guilty  persons. 

C.  L.  McCutcheon,  a  Negro  railway  postal  clerk,  living  at  517  West 
Fifty-fourth  Place,  testified  at  the  inquest  that  he  had  been  threatened  by 
mobs,  that  a  gang  over  on  the  boulevard  had  so  terrorized  the  fifteen  or  twenty 
"colored  boys"  in  the  neighborhood  for  a  long  time  that  none  of  them  dared 
to  go  about  alone;  that  he  himself  had  two  boys  who  would  not  go  on  Halsted 
Street  for  $10  a  trip. 

Following  the  killing  of  Harris  and  Robinson  notices  were  posted  along 
Garfield  Boulevard  and  some  neighboring  streets  saying  that  the  authors  of 
the  notices  would  "get"  all  the  "niggers"  on  July  4,  1919.  These  notices 
also  called  for  help  from  sympathizers.  They  predicted  that  there  would  be 
a  street-car  strike  on  the  appointed  day,  and  that  then  they  expected  to  run 
all  Negroes  out  of  the  district.  Some  witnesses  at  the  inquest  stated  that 
the  Negroes  of  the  district,  who  up  to  that  time  had  done  nothing  to  protect 
themselves,  were  advised  by  friendly  whites  to  "prepare  for  the  worst,"  as 
trouble  could  scarcely  be  avoided. 

2.      RACIAL  OUTBREAK  IN  WAUKEGAN 

May  31  and  June  2,  1920 

Waukegan,  Illinois,  thirty-six  miles  north  of  Chicago  and  near  the  Great 
Lakes  Naval  Training  Station  of  the  United  States  Navy,  was  the  scene  of 


58  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

two  riotous  attacks  during  the  nights  of  May  31  and  June  2,  1920,  on  a  lodging- 
house  for  Negroes,  by  bands  of  recruits  on  leave  from  the  Naval  Training 
Station.  No  Uves  were  lost,  and  only  two  persons  were  hurt,  neither  of  them 
seriously. 

These  outbursts  scarcely  classify  as  race  riots.  The  chief  motive  seems  to 
have  been  a  desire  for  excitement  on  the  part  of  young  and  active  naval  recruits. 

The  Sherman  House  was  a  dilapidated  place  on  Genesee  Street,  the  main 
street  of  the  town.  It  had  been  abandoned  by  whites  and  was  run  as  a  lodging- 
house  for  thirty  or  thirty-five  unmarried  Negroes,  chiefly  factory  workers. 
On  the  first  floor  was  a  poolroom  and  soft-drink  "parlor,"  which  some  of  the 
naval  recruits  had  patronized. 

A  mischievous  Negro  boy  of  ten  years,  George  Taylor,  was  primarily  respon- 
sible for  the  outbreaks.  On  the  afternoon  of  May  31  he  and  his  little  sister  had 
been  throwing  stones  at  passing  automobiles  in  Sheridan  Road.  One  of  these 
missiles  broke  the  wind  shield  of  an  automobile  driven  by  Lieutenant  A.  F. 
Blazier,  an  ofiicer  at  the  Great  Lakes  Station,  who  allowed  this  fact  to  become 
known  to  some  of  the  recruits  at  the  station.  Late  that  evening  an  unorganized 
mob  of  recruits  assembled  at  the  Sherman  House  and  threw  stones,  breaking 
nearly  all  the  windows.  The  mob  was  rushed  by  all  the  available  police  in 
Waukegan,  who  took  six  prisoners.  One  reported  incident  was  the  chasing  of 
a  Negro  by  half  a  dozen  bluejackets  and  marines  and  his  rescue  by  the  police. 

Provost  guards  from  the  Naval  Station  rounded  up  the  rioters  and  took 
them  back  to  Great  Lakes,  thus  ending  the  outbreak. 

Two  nights  later,  or  June  2,  150  boys  on  leave  from  the  Naval  Training 
Station  renewed  the  attack.  They  gathered  in  a  ravine  near  the  hotel  and 
at  ten  o'clock  they  poured  forth,  led  by  a  sailor  carrying  an  American  flag. 
The  police  had  been  warned  and  were  ready  with  reinforcements. 

About  seventy-five  feet  from  the  lodging-house  the  police  ordered  the 
attackers  to  halt;  no  attention  was  paid  to  the  command,  and  they  fired 
their  riot  guns  in  the  air,  wounding  two  marines  who  were  some  distance 
away.  Hand-to-hand  fighting  ensued,  during  which  the  poHce  seized  the 
flag  and  arrested  two  marines.  The  Great  Lakes  boys  gathered  about  the 
police  station  and  demanded  their  comrades. 

Commander  M.  M.  Frucht,  executive  ofl&cer  of  the  Naval  Station,  who 
had  already  been  sent  to  Waukegan  by  Commandant  Bassett,  appeared  at 
the  door  and  quieted  the  crowd  with  a  promise  that  all  concerned  would  have 
a  square  deal.     He  also  advised  them  to  return  at  once  to  the  Naval  Station. 

The  police  released  the  two  prisoners  and  gave  back  the  flag.  Two  hundred 
provost  guards  from  the  Naval  Station  arrived  in  motor  trucks  while  the  crowd 
was  at  the  poUce  station. 

Waukegan  youths,  evidently  banded  together  for  the  purpose,  searched 
the  house  of  Edward  Dorsey,  Negro,  at  905  Market  Street,  on  the  night  of 
June  5.     Ten  of  them,  ranging  from  seventeen  to  twenty- two  years,  were 


OTHER  OUTBREAKS  IN  ILLINOIS  59 

arrested.  They  said  they  had  heard  that  five  white  persons  were  held  prisoners 
in  Dorsey's  home  and  that  it  was  their  intention  to  effect  a  rescue.  It  was 
asserted  that  a  number  of  provost  guards  accompanied  the  crowd  to  the 
Dorsey  house. 

The  general  spirit  of  the  people  of  Waukegan  regarding  Negroes  may  be 
judged  from  a  proclamation  by  Mayor  J.  F.  Bidinger,  in  which  he  disclaimed 
for  the  people  of  the  city  any  intention  to  harass  the  Negro.  Referring  to 
reports  that  some  of  the  white  people  of  the  town  had  participated  in  the 
disturbances,  the  mayor  said:  "In  the  first  they  did  not,  and  in  the  second 
in  no  great  numbers.  Hoodlums  generally  run  true  to  form  and  seldom 
overlook  ready-made  opportunity  to  manifest  their  peculiar  taste  in  deviltry. 
Hence  the  mixing  of  a  few  of  them  into  these  fracases  signifies  nothing  in  so 
far  as  our  general  public  is  concerned." 

Observers  agreed  with  the  mayor  that  the  disturbances  were  not  race 
riots.     In  this  connection  his  proclamation  said : 

Now  it  is  a  definitely  ascertained  fact  that  no  adult  Negro  was  even  remotely 
connected  with  the  first  stone- thro  wing;  that  the  colored  people  did  not  then  retaliate 
and  have  not  since  sought  to  retaliate  in  even  the  smallest  measure;  and  that  all 
the  episodes  have  consisted  simply  of  an  attack  upon  people  who  have  been  as  inof- 
fensive throughout  the  entire  affair  as  they  could  weU  be.  AU  of  which  I  submit 
stamps  this  affair  as  an  example  of  disorderly  conduct  indeed,  but  not  as  a  race  riot. 

3,      THE    "ABYSSINIAN"   APFAIR 

Sunday  afternoon,  June  20,  1920,  a  small  group  of  Negroes  styUng  them- 
selves " Abyssinians "  ended  a  parade  of  their  "order"  in  front  of  a  cafe  at 
209  East  Thirty-fifth  Street  frequented  by  both  whites  and  Negroes.  After 
a  brief  ceremony  one  of  the  leaders  produced  an  American  flag  and  deliberately 
burned  it.  He  then  began  to  destroy  a  second  ^ag  in  the  same  manner. 
Two  white  poHcemen  remonstrated  with  the  men  but  were  intimidated  by 
threats  and  a  brandishing  of  revolvers.  They  left  immediately  to  notify 
police  headquarters.  Patrolman  Owens,  Negro,  arrived  as  a  second  flag  was 
lighted.  Rushing  up  to  the  leader  who  held  the  burning  flag  in  his  hands 
and  remonstrating  with  the  group  for  their  disloyalty,  he  was  immediately 
shot  and  wounded.  Robert  Lawson  Rose,  a  sailor  on  leave  from  the  Great 
Lakes  Naval  Training  Station,  protested  against  the  destruction  of  the  flag 
and  he  too  was  shot;  he  staggered  into  the  doorway  of  a  cigar  store  at 
207  East  Thirty-fifth  Street.  Some  of  the  parade  leaders  got  rifles  from  a 
closed  automobile  which  had  followed  the  parade  and  was  standing  near  by, 
and  fired  into  the  cigar  store.  One  of  these  bullets  killed  Joseph  Hoyt,  a  clerk 
in  the  store.  The  sailor,  Rose,  also  died  from  his  wound.  In  all  about  twenty- 
five  shots  were  fired  during  the  fracas,  and  several  persons  were  injured. 

The  men  who  did  the  shooting  escaped  but  were  arrested  later.  Crowds 
attracted  by  the  demonstration  quickly  dispersed  when  the  shooting  began, 


6o  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

and  from  then  on  there  was  virtually  no  disorder  except  for  attacks  at  a  railroad 
station  on  three  Negro  ministers  who  were  returning  to  the  city  and  knew 
nothing  of  the  shooting.  Nine  Negroes  were  arrested  and  held  to  the  grand 
jury.  One  of  them  was  Grover  Cleveland  Redding,  thirty-seven  or  thirty- 
eight  years  of  age,  who  was  the  "prophet"  of  the  "Abyssinian"  order  in 
Chicago.  Redding,  who  had  admitted  the  shooting  of  Rose,  was  held  with 
Oscar  McGavick  for  murder,  and  the  others  as  accessories  after  the  fact.' 

The  exact  reason  for  this  flag-burning  has  not  been  disclosed,  although 
it  was  apparently  intended  to  S3anbolize  the  feeling  of  the  "Abyssinian" 
followers  that  it  was  time  to  forswear  allegiance  to  the  American  government 
and  consider  themselves  under  allegiance  to  the  Abyssinian  goverimient. 

The  guns  used  in  the  shooting  were  found  by  the  poHce  in  a  garage,  together 
with  the  regaUa  of  the  "  Abyssinians, "  and  much  of  their  printed  matter  and 
other  effects.^ 

The  "Abyssinian"  affair  might  easily  have  been  turned  into  another 
great  outbreak  such  as  that  of  July,  1919.  But  the  poHce,  profiting  by  their 
experience  of  the  previous  year,  were  vigilant.  They  had  organized  an  emer- 
gency force  which  was  quickly  mobilized  and  put  in  service  in  the  district. 
Moreover,  there  was  evident  such  a  feehng  of  restraint  on  the  part  of  both 
whites  and  Negroes  that  they  combined  to  hunt  down  the  offenders. 

Indicative  of  this  spirit  of  co-operation  to  prevent  racial  conflict,  and  helpful 
to  it,  was  the  careful  handling  of  the  matter  by  the  press.  Practically  every 
newspaper  gave  prominence  to  the  way  in  which  the  two  races  worked  together 
to  this  end,  and  aU  dwelt  on  the  courageous  action  of  the  Negro  policeman. 
A  picture  printed  in  the  Herald-Examiner  the  following  morning  showed 
people  of  the  two  races  fraternizing  after  the  shooting.  The  Daily  News  in 
reporting  the  affray  said  that  only  the  co-operation  of  the  white  and  Negro 
merchants  of  the  district  stopped  the  disturbance;  that  rowdies  in  the  neighbor- 
hood were  ready  for  a  fight,  but  that  "the  better  class  of  whites  and  Negroes 
worked  directly  with  the  police  to  stop  any  such  trouble  as  a  recurrence  of 
the  rioting  last  summer,  which  occurred  in  the  same  neighborhood." 

To  understand  the  "Abyssinian"  affair  an  acquaintance  with  other 
characters,  certain  group  propaganda  and  movements,  is  necessary.  The 
"Back  to  Africa"  movement,  which  lent  fervor  and  enthusiasm  to  the  develop- 
ment of  lawlessness  and  wanton  killing  by  this  group  of  unlettered  Negroes, 
has  been  in  progress  for  more  than  two  years.  The  Black  Star  Steamship 
Line  and  the  Universal  Improvement  Association,  headed  by  a  Negro,  Marcus 
Garvey,  a  British  subject,  were  organized  to  establish  commercial  relations 

'  Redding  had  admitted  having  shot  Rose,  and  evidence  against  others  for  their  participa- 
tion in  the  killing,  while  not  conclusive,  was  rather  convincing. 

*At  the  trial  of  these  men  six  months  later,  Grover  Cleveland  Redding  and  Oscar 
McGavick  were  sentenced  to  hang  for  the  murder  of  Rose  and  Hoyt.  The  others  held  for 
trial  were  released.    Redding  has  since  been  hanged. 


THE  LION  OF  JUDAH 

TREATY  ,^ 

BETWEEN  THE  =*^ 

KING  OF  ETHIOPIA 

A\D  THE 

UNITED  STATES 

Icndik  //.,  Kini}  of  Kings  of  Ethiopm 
TO  R1:GUL ATF. 

COMMERCIAL  RELATIONS 
iii  TWEEN  THE  TWO  COUNTRIES 

li>>-,\l)aiia.  DeceTnljc  27.  190.\ 
'vi.od  l.v  the  Senate.  March  12,  U)04 

resident,  March  17,  1904. 
■    .1  iu>tifn.-<l  of  KaiilicatioTi.  Angn       '     ' "^^ 
-il.UMnlH-r  .U).   VXn. 

\\)\\ST  Ol-  THE  \        ■'  ■ 
OV  AMERICA 

A  PROCLAMATION 

WHEREAS  ]>etMecn  the  United  Statf?  of 

America    .md    iii>    ;d.ijv>i\     Alenelik   II..  Kinp    <Si    Kirgs    of 
EthioD>3     u  is  c. HiJvhiiiwd  on  ihi-  iwenl) -seventh  dav  nf   l>ec^iw- 
ber,  one  t  'le  Inindrc*!  an»I  ihree.  the  onjiinrj  of  which  treaty. 

heing    in    •'  •       ■ 

folllov^s 


I'l.M.li     1  iiv'i>ii'i->»     i^    wdTil    tiir    \v«ird   as 


k  1 1     ■.   MI«M 


PROPAGANDA  LITERATURE  USED  BY  "ABYSSINIANS"  IN  RECRUITING 

FOLLOWERS 


OTHER  OUTBREAKS  IN  ILLINOIS  6i 

with  Africa.  To  arouse  interest  and  secure  funds  for  the  enterprise,  sentiment 
has  been  created  among  Negroes  for  the  developing  of  sections  of  Africa  where 
they  may  govern  themselves  and  build  up  their  own  institutions  and  commerce. 
The  movement  has  gained  thousands  of  adherents;  although  the  language  of 
its  appeals  has  frequently  been  extreme,  it  has  engaged  in  no  dangerous  or 
unpatriotic  activities.  Its  connection  with  the  tragic  incident  lies  in  the 
implication  that  "Back  to  Africa"  means  away  from  the  land  of  unfair  treat- 
ment, and  thus  suggests  contempt  for  the  United  States. 

The  "Star  Order  of  Ethiopia  and  Ethiopian  Missionaries  to  Abyssinia" 
appears  to  be  an  illegitimate  offspring  of  the  Universal  Improvement  Associa- 
tion and  the  Black  Star  Steamship  Line.  The  visit  of  the  Abyssinian  Mission 
to  this  country  a  year  ago  to  renew  a  treaty  between  their  country  and  the 
United  States  probably  served  as  an  added  suggestion.  The  leaders  of  the 
movement  were  Redding,  secretary  of  the  order;  Joseph  Fernon,  called 
the  "Great  Abyssinian,"  and  his  son,  "The  Prince."  Together  with  a  "Dr." 
R.  D.  Jonas,  a  white  man  who  for  several  years  has  engaged  in  sundry  activities 
among  Negroes,  they  organized  this  movement  among  a  class  of  Negroes  too 
ignorant  to  exercise  restraint  over  their  racial  resentments. 

Emotionalism  was  aroused  and  a  semi-religious  twist  was  given  through 
their  appeals,  which  played  more  or  less  injudiciously  on  the  desire  of  Negroes 
to  improve  their  economic  status  and  to  escape  from  what  some  of  them 
regard  as  oppression,  either  in  this  or  in  other  countries.  One  or  two  other 
similar  organizations  are  making  such  an  appeal,  not  only  to  Negroes  in  this 
country,  but  to  other  dark-skinned  races  throughout  the  world.  It  is  sought 
to  weld  them  all  together  into  a  great  nation.  Glittering  promises  are  set 
before  the  illiterate  element  of  the  Negro  race,  which  has  responded  sufficiently 
to  fatten  the  purses  of  some,  at  least,  of  the  "prophets." 

Redding  was  one  of  these  "prophets."  He  was  influenced  by  the  white 
man,  "Dr."  R.  D.  Jonas,  and  had  purchased  from  him  the  robe  or  toga 
which  he  wore  during  the  parade  of  June  20.  According  to  those  who  knew 
both  men,  he  had  first  "stolen  Jonas'  thunder"  and  the  following  out  of  which 
the  "Star  Order  of  Ethiopia"  had  been  manufactured.  Having  lost  this, 
Jonas  was  willing  to  sell  the  regaha. 

Jonas,  it  appears,  had  been  promoting  one  movement  after  another  among 
ilUterate  Negroes  for  six  or  seven  years.  At  one  time  he  conducted  a 
co-operative  store  on  State  Street,  in  which  he  sold  shares.  He  was  often 
an  orator  at  street  gatherings  and  had  been  arrested  a  number  of  times.  When 
Alexander  Dowie  of  Zion  City  died,  Jonas  is  said  to  have  attempted  to  put 
himself  into  the  vacant  position.  After  the  East  St.  Louis  riots  he  appeared 
in  Chicago  in  an  express  wagon  with  signs  indicating  that  he  was  collecting 
funds  for  the  Negroes  of  East  St.  Louis. 

During  the  afternoon  of  the  shooting,  Jonas  had  been  the  principal  speaker 
at  a  small,  orderly  meeting  of  Negroes  in  Johnson's  Hall,  3516  South  State 


62  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Street,  at  which  he  had  launched  a  campaign  for  Mayor  Thompson  as  a 
third-party  candidate  for  president  of  the  United  States.  The  Mayor,  he 
said,  was  the  only  man  who  could  be  trusted  "to  carry  out  Roosevelt's  work" 
and  put  through  the  treaty  with  Abyssinia  which  expired  in  19 17.  He  also 
referred  to  the  efforts  of  the  Jews  to  return  to  Palestine  and  of  the  Irish  to 
free  themselves  from  British  domination,  and  suggested  the  desirability  of  a 
coalition  of  the  Negro,  Jewish,  and  Irish  races.  Redding's  hold  on  many  of 
the  Negroes  was  partly  due  to  the  fact  that  he  is  a  Negro  and  claims  to  be  a 
native  of  Abyssinia,  whereas  Jonas  is  a  white  man. 

Quite  evidently  the  "Back  to  Abyssinia"  movement  was  used  as  a  means 
for  exploiting  credulous  Negroes.  For  one  dollar  they  could  purchase  an 
Abyssinian  flag,  a  small  pamphlet  containing  a  prophecy  relating  to  the  return 
of  the  black-skinned  people  to  Africa,  a  copy  of  a  so-called  treaty  between  the 
United  States  and  Abyssinia,  and  a  picture  of  the  "Prince  of  the  Abyssinians." 
Likewise  when  the  propaganda  had  begun  to  take  root,  one  might  sign  a  blank 
form  which  would  commit  him  to  return  to  "my  motherland  of  Ethiopia"  in 
order  that  he  might  fill  any  one  of  forty-four  positions,  such  as  electrical  engineer, 
mechanical  draftsman,  civil  engineer,  architect,  chemist,  sign-painter,  cartoon- 
ist, illustrator,  traffic  manager,  teacher,  auto-repairing,  agriculture,  and 
poultry-raising.     The  blank  itself  was  headed: 

STAR  ORDER  OF  ETHIOPIA 
AND 
THE  ETHIOPIAN  MISSIONARY  TO  ABYSSINIA 

"A  Prince  shall  come  out  of  Egypt.     Ethiopia  shall  soon  stretch 
out  her  hands  to  God." — Ps.  68:31. 

This  is  to  certify  that  my  name  was  given  to  Elder  Grover  Redding,  Missionary 
to  Abyssinia,  to  show  to  my  brothers  in  my  motherland  that  I  am  with  them,  heart 
and  soul. 

Oh,  Wonderful  Land,  God  remembers  Thee.  He  shall  deliver  Thee  from  under 
the  heels  of  Thy  Oppressors.  He  remembers  when  Asia  condermied  Him,  and  Europe 
put  Him  to  death,  and  it  was  Africa  who  haven  him  until  King  Herod  was  dead.  It 
was  Africa's  son  who  helped  Bare  his  Cross  up  to  Calvary.  There  was  Africa's  son 
the  Apostle  Phillip  met,  and  he  carried  the  Gospel  to  Thy  land.  It  was  Thee  whose 
Queen  came  to  King  Solomon  to  prove  him  with  hard  questions.  Ethiopia,  Thou 
was  first  on  Earth;  Thou  shall  be  last,  for  Jehova  has  spoken  it.  (See  Scrip:  Zeph. 
3:8,  9,  10;  Isa.  18  Chap.;  Ps.  68:30,  31.) 

STAR   ORDER   OF  ETHIOPIA 

AND 

ETHIOPIAN  MISSIONARY  TO  ABYSSINIA 

This  is  to  certify  that  I  have  signed  my  name  as  an  Ethiopian  in  America  in 
sympathy  with  our  motherland  Ethiopia.  I  henceforth  denounce  the  name  of  Negro 
which  was  given  me  by  another  race. 

At  this  point  the  appHcant  declares  himself  ready  at  any  time  needed  to 
fill  any  of  the  positions  in  a  list  below,  which  he  has  checked  and  which  he  is 


OTHER  OUTBREAKS  IN  ILLINOIS  63 

qualified  to  fill.  Blank  space  appears  then  for  name,  address,  present  occupa- 
tion, city,  state,  and  county.  At  the  bottom  appears  the  name  of  George 
Gabriel,  described  as  "Abyssinian"  linguist  and  native  of  Abyssinia,  together 
with  that  of  Grover  C.  Redding,  secretary  and  missionary.  The  applicant 
is  requested  to  mail  the  blank  to  181 2  Thirteenth  Street,  Washington,  D.C., 
in  care  of  Mrs.  Dabney,  or  115  W.  138th  Street,  New  York  City,  care  of  Charles 
Manson,  or  Joseph  Goldberg,  Jaffa,  Palestine. 

The  inmiediate  inspiration  of  the  Abyssinians,  as  previously  suggested, 
was  a  visit  to  this  country,  more  than  a  year  before,  of  a  delegation  from 
Abyssinia,  which  had  concerned  itself  with  a  renewal  of  the  old  treaty.  It  is 
pointed  out  that  the  chief  reason  why  Negroes  should  be  interested  in  this 
treaty  is  that  they  might  use  it  to  overthrow  "Jim  Crow"  laws  in  certain 
states.  Under  this  treaty  Abyssinians  had  been  guaranteed  the  right  to 
travel  at  will  in  the  United  States  under  the  protection  of  the  federal  govern- 
ment. Men  like  Redding  had  evidently  interpreted  this  to  mean  that  under 
such  a  treaty  the  United  States  would  be  bound  to  interfere  in  behalf  of  Abys- 
sinians, if  they  should  be  discriminated  against  under  a  "Jim  Crow"  law. 

Redding,  however,  had  some  sort  of  bibhcal  interpretation  for  his  move- 
ment. He  maintained  that  his  mission  was  indicated  in  the  Bible.  He 
quoted  from  the  Scriptures  these  words:  "So  shall  the  King  of  Assyria  lead 
away  the  Egyptian  prisoners,  the  Ethiopian  captives,  young  and  old,  to  the 
shame  of  Egypt."  Asserting  that  the  Ethiopians  do  not  belong  here,  and  that 
they  should  be  taken  back  to  their  own  country,  he  construed  a  bibhcal  passage 
as  meaning  that  the  time  of  their  bondage  in  a  foreign  country  should  be  the 
expiration  of  a  300-year  period.  This  period,  he  said,  began  in  1619,  when 
Negroes  were  first  taken  for  purposes  of  slavery  from  Africa  to  America.  He 
said  that  the  burning  of  the  flag  was  the  symbol  indicated  to  him  through  these 
bibhcal  passages,  and  the  sign  that  Abyssinians  should  no  longer  stay  in  this 
country. 

As  to  the  flag  of  Abyssinia,  he  had  interpreted  it  thus:  "The  red  means 
the  blood  of  Christ;  the  green,  the  grass  on  which  he  knelt  for  you  and  me; 
the  yellow  for  the  clay.  The  Ethiopian  flag  is  better  known  as  'Calvary's 
flag.'" 

Jonas,  from  whom  Redding  had  obtained  these  ideas  of  a  Negro  Utopia 
in  Africa,  claimed  that  he  had  introduced  to  President  Wilson  the  Abyssinian 
delegation  which  had  come  to  this  country.  He  claimed  the  credit  for  having 
taken  Redding  into  his  home  and  cared  for  him  several  years  ago  at  the  behest 
of  Mrs.  Jonas,  who  had  told  him  that  he  was  a  "smart  young  fellow." 

The  ceremonies  and  manifestations  of  the  "Abyssinians"  were  marked  by 
such  fanaticism  that  responsible  Negroes  repudiated  them  and  condemned 
the  leaders  along  with  other  criminals  and  exploiters  of  the  ignorant  Negroes. 
The  Negro  World,  organ  of  the  Universal  Improvement  Association  and  Black 
Star  Line,  carried  the  following  article. 


64  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Appalled  by  the  violence  aroused  on  Sunday  night,  when  an  American  flag  was 
burned  and  two  men  were  killed  by  the  Abyssinian  zealots,  colored  leaders  of  the 
Middle  West  have  begim  a  systematic  campaign  to  eliminate  white  exploitation  among 
the  Negroes  and  to  bring  about  better  racial  co-operation. 

The  Chicago  poUce  announced  today  that  all  the  men  wanted  in  the  case,  except 
two,  are  under  arrest.  They  also  promised  that  the  career  of  Grover  Cleveland 
Redding,  self-styled  "Prince  of  Abyssinia,"  and  identified  as  a  ringleader  in  the 
affair,  will  enter  a  new  phase  tomorrow  when  the  frock-coated  suspect  is  formally 
charged  with  murder,  accessory  to  murder  and  rioting. 

Oscar  McGavick,  one  of  the  men  sought,  was  arrested  in  Pittsburgh  today. 
"Bill"  Briggs  and  Frank  Heans  were  taken  into  custody  here.  This  leaves  the  police 
list  with  only  two  names,  the  Femons,  father  and  son.  "Dr."  R.  D.  Jonas,  known  on 
the  South  Side  as  a  professional  agitator,  was  released  today,  no  evidence  having  been 
found  of  his  direct  connection  with  the  shooting.    Federal  officials  are  investigating  him . 

According  to  the  opinions  of  some  of  the  leaders  among  Chicago  Negroes  the 
"Abyssinian  movement,"  from  which  Sunday  night's  trouble  indirectly  resulted,  is  a 
legitimate  and  valid  enterprise.  It  is  but  one  of  the  manifestations  of  that  bubbling 
activity  which  today  characterizes  the  colored  people  of  America  in  their  struggle  for 
race  progression. 

The  trouble  lies,  they  claim,  in  a  group  of  exploiters  and  movmtebanks,  who, 
xmauthorized  by  real  leaders  in  the  movement,  have  seized  upon  it  as  a  mediiim  for  per- 
sonal gain.    In  Chicago  two  of  these  were  Jonas  and  Redding,  it  is  claimed. 

Pertinent  on  this  point  also  is  the  stand  taken  by  the  Chicago  Defender, 
among  the  most  influential  of  the  Negro  publications,  concerning  the  Abys- 
sinians,  which  said  editorially: 

We  warn  all  agitators,  whether  they  be  white  or  black,  that  this  paper,  standing  as 
it  does  for  law  and  order,  for  justice  to  all  men,  for  that  brotherhood  without  which  no 
coimtry  can  long  prosper,  and  for  the  better  element  of  our  twelve  millions,  that  we 
condemn  their  disloyalty  and  will  do  aU  in  our  power  to  aid  the  constituted  authorities 
in  crushing  them. 

The  burning  of  the  American  flag  by  a  group  of  self-styled  Abyssinians  at  35th  St. 
and  Indiana  Avenue  last  Sunday  evening,  as  a  means  of  showing  their  contempt 
for  the  United  States,  and  the  resultant  murders  that  followed  in  the  wake  of  this 
demonstration,  instead  of  accomphshing  the  end  desired  by  these  malcontents,  acted 
as  a  boomerang.  Every  black  face  portrayed  indignation.  Every  black  arm  was 
lifted  to  strike  a  blow  at  these  law-breakers.  This  is  our  home,  our  country,  our  flag, 
for  whose  honor  and  protection  we  will  give  our  last  drop  of  blood.  With  all  our 
shortcomings  it  can  never  truthfully  be  said  that  we  are  disloyal  or  unpatriotic. 

The  real  problem  indicated  by  the  "Abyssinian"  affair  is  how  to  prevent 
self-seekers  from  playing  upon  the  superstitions  and  emotions  of  ignorant 
Negroes,  to  the  harm  of  others  and  the  disturbance  of  the  peace. 

4.      THE   BARRETT  MXTRDER 

The  murder  of  a  white  man,  Thomas  J.  Barrett,  by  a  Negro  on  September 
20,  1920,  is  not  particularly  significant  in  itself.    But  it  was  committed  in 


A 


y. 


in    <= 
P   t 

1^    ■= 


OTHER  OUTBREAKS  IN  ILLINOIS  65 

the  heart  of  the  district  where  some  of  the  worst  rioting  took  place  in  1919, 
it  created  a  situation  which  might  easily  have  developed  into  another  serious 
riot,  and  it  affords  an  example  of  prompt  and  effective  police  handling. 

Forty-seventh  and  Halsted  streets  is  the  intersection  of  two  main  thorough- 
fares used  by  Negroes  returning  home  from  work  in  the  Stock  Yards.  The 
neighborhood  is  one  where  gangs  of  hoodlums  have  attacked  Negroes,  and  is 
thickly  settled  with  people  who  have  shown  considerable  antagonism  toward 
Negroes. 

Barrett,  who  was  a  motorman  on  the  Chicago  surface  lines,  was  killed 
shortly  after  seven  o'clock  in  the  evening.  He  had  had  his  shoes  shined  at 
the  stand  of  William  Sianis,  4720  South  Halsted  Street,  and  had  purchased 
a  newspaper  at  Halsted  and  Forty-seventh  streets  at  about  7:00  p.m.  About 
the  same  time  three  Negroes  came  out  of  the  yards  of  Ready  &  Callaghan 
on  Halsted  Street  between  Forty-sixth  and  Forty-seventh,  and  one  of  these 
Negroes  went  to  the  news  stand  seeking  a  newspaper  in  which  to  roll  up  his 
overalls.  In  an  encounter  with  these  Negroes,  Barrett  was  fatally  stabbed, 
dying  before  he  reached  a  hospital.  His  head  was  nearly  severed  from  his 
body. 

The  Negroes,  pursued  by  a  rapidly  increasing  crowd  of  whites,  ran  north 
nearly  a  block  on  Halsted  Street.  They  turned  into  a  vacant  lot  and  went 
through  alleys  until  they  emerged  on  Forty-fifth  Street  near  Emerald  Avenue, 
evidently  trying  to  work  their  way  east  to  the  main  Negro  neighborhood. 
The  crowd,  however,  had  thickened  so  rapidly  that  they  took  refuge  in  St. 
Gabriel's  Catholic  Church,  just  east  of  Lowe  Avenue. 

The  mob  was  checked  by  the  appearance  and  quieting  remarks  of  Father 
Thomas  M.  Burke,  pastor  of  the  church.  He  told  them  that  the  Negroes  had 
sought  sanctuary,  that  there  were  laws  to  punish  them,  and  that  it  was  not 
the  province  of  a  mob  to  wreak  summary  vengeance. 

Meanwhile  the  police  were  already  arriving.  A  patrol  wagon  had  left 
the  Stock  Yards  station  about  seven  o'clock,  and  followed  the  pursuing  crowd. 
Acting  Lieutenant  Bullard  telephoned  at  once  to  Chief  Garrity,  and  extra 
police  were  quickly  thrown  into  the  neighborhood  to  control  the  crowd. 

Samuel  C.  Rank,  lieutenant  of  police  at  the  Thirteenth  Precinct  station, 
Forty-seventh  Place  and  Halsted  Street,  had  received  the  alarm  about  seven 
o'clock.  He  sent  five  detectives  and  followed  shortly  after  to  the  scene  of 
the  disturbance.  He  went  into  the  church  with  Sergeant  Brown  and  three 
detectives.  Lieutenant  Rank  forced  a  number  of  the  mob  to  leave  the  church 
and  locked  the  doors.  Captain  Hogan,  of  the  Tenth  Police  Precinct,  and 
Chief  Garrity  arrived  about  this  time.  The  three  Negroes  were  taken  through 
a  rear  entrance  to  a  patrol  wagon  in  the  alley  and  removed  to  the  Hyde  Park 
police  station,  a  considerable  distance  away. 

The  crowd  in  front  of  the  church  had  grown  by  this  time  to  3,000  or  4,000. 
In  order  to  quiet  them  they  were  again  addressed  by  Father  Burke,  who  told 


66  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

them  the  Negroes  had  been  removed  from  the  church.  They  dispersed 
about  10:30  P.M. 

Profiting  by  the  experience  of  1919  Chief  Garrity  made  prompt  use  of 
prearranged  plans  to  check  all  such  disorders  in  their  incipiency.  He  immedi- 
ately closed  saloons  and  "clubs"  in  which  young  hoodlums  were  accustomed 
to  gather.  He  had  the  police  patrol  the  streets  by  twos.  He  drew  a  "dead 
line"  to  prevent  Negroes  from  entering  the  district.  With  his  forces  well 
organized  and  distributed,  he  set  up  headquarters  at  the  Stock  Yards  Precinct 
station  and  spent  the  night  there,  with  Captain  Westbrook,  commander  of 
the  second  battalion  of  police.  Captain  Hogan,  and  Lieutenant  Ira  McDonnell, 
of  the  Desplaines  Street  station.  Street  cars  and  automobiles  approaching 
the  police  "dead  line"  were  stopped  and  all  Negro  passengers  warned  off. 
Street  gatherings  were  broken  up  and  people  were  searched  for  weapons. 
People  were  also  kept  moving  in  the  streets.  This  display  of  force  undoubtedly 
had  its  quieting  effect.  Nevertheless,  a  stray  Negro  was  here  and  there 
attacked  despite  the  vigilance  of  the  police. 

During  the  five  or  six  hours  following  the  murder,  racial  street  fights 
occurred  at  Forty-fifth  Street  and  Wabash  Avenue.  A  mob  stormed  a  house 
at  229  East  Forty-fifth  Street,  attempted  to  burn  it  and  did  considerable 
damage.  Frank  Gavin,  a  white  man,  1509  Marquette  Road,  was  shot  in  the 
back  during  the  mobbing  of  a  Negro  at  Fifty-third  Street  and  Racine  Avenue. 
Hoodlums  pulled  Negroes  from  street  cars  and  beat  them.  A  Negro  who  had 
been  dragged  from  a  car  at  Thirty-ninth  and  Emerald  Avenue,  was  rescued  by 
several  white  women  after  he  had  been  severely  beaten  with  clubs.  A  man 
and  a  small  boy,  Negroes,  were  attacked  by  a  gang  at  Fuller  Park,  Forty-fifth 
Street  and  Shields  Avenue.  At  Forty-seventh  and  Halsted  streets  three 
Negroes  were  taken  from  a  car  and  slugged,  and  two  others  had  a  similar 
experience  at  Forty-seventh  Street  and  Union  Avenue.  Frank  Stevens,  a 
white  man,  3738  Langley  Avenue,  was  badly  injured  by  a  crowd  of  Negroes 
at  Thirty-ninth  Street  and  Normal  Avenue. 

Precautions  were  continued  next  day  for  the  protection  of  Negroes  working 
in  the  Stock  Yards,  and  frequenting  the  district  where  the  disorders  had 
occurred.  This  district  ran  as  far  west  as  Racine  Avenue  and  as  far  east  as 
Prairie;  as  far  north  as  Thirty-second  Street  and  as  far  south  as  Fifty-third 
Street.  Negroes  working  at  the  Stock  Yards  had  police  escorts  to  and  from 
their  work,  and  the  car  lines  on  Halsted  and  Forty-seventh  and  Thirty-fifth 
streets,  and  on  Racine  Avenue,  which  are  much  used  by  the  Negroes,  were 
especially  guarded.  Only  one  clash  was  recorded  the  following  day.  By 
six  o'clock  Wednesday  morning,  thirty-seven  hours  after  the  murder,  the 
special  police  concentration  was  discontinued. 

Nine  persons  in  all  were  reported  injured  during  this  disturbance.  Nine 
men  were  arrested,  including  the  three  Negroes  whom  Barrett  had  encountered. 
These  three  were:    Samuel  Hayes,  forty  years  old,  519  East  Thirty-fifth 


OTHER  OUTBREAKS  IN  ILLINOIS  67 

Street;  Henry  Snow,  thirty- two  years  old,  517  East  Thirty-fifth  Street; 
and  Frank  Gatewood,  forty-three  years  old,  3446  Prairie  Avenue. 

Witnesses  at  the  inquest  differed  as  to  whether  there  was  any  provocation 
for  the  stabbing  of  Barrett.  Only  one  of  them  testified  that  he  heard  any  of 
the  four  persons  say  anything.  This  was  Carl  Duwell,  a  printer,  466  West 
Twenty-fourth  Place,  who  had  just  alighted  from  a  Halsted  Street  car.  He 
said  that  Barrett  was  following  the  three  colored  men  and  seemed  to  be  threat- 
ening them,  saying  "  You  want  to  fight  ?  "  One  of  the  Negroes  suddenly  turned 
and  struck  at  Barrett,  slashing  his  throat.  The  Negroes  had  been  walking  fast, 
with  Barrett  following  a  few  feet  behind  them.  After  he  was  struck,  Barrett 
staggered  a  few  feet  to  the  curb  and  fell. 

Barrett's  widow  said  he  was  not  in  the  habit  of  carrying  weapons,  but  it 
was  current  talk  that  he  had  been  arrested  a  number  of  times  for  street  fights 
with  Negroes.  He  had  been  a  policeman  in  the  service  of  the  South  Park 
Commission,  and  was  an  ex-soldier.  William  Sianis,  at  whose  stand  Barrett 
had  his  shoes  shined  just  before  the  murder,  said  that  Barrett  was  apparently 
sober.  Neighborhood  gossip  was  to  the  effect  that  Barrett  had  been  drinking 
at  McNally's  saloon  at  Forty-seventh  and  Halsted  streets.  Also  Duwell's 
testimony  indicated  that  Barrett  had  been  drinking. 

According  to  Police  Captain  Hogan,  when  the  Negroes  were  arrested  in 
the  church,  knives  were  found  on  the  persons  of  two  of  them.  One  of  these, 
Sam  Hayes,  admitted  to  the  police  at  that  time  that  he  had  stabbed  a  white 
man  at  Forty-seventh  and  Halsted  streets.  His  story  was  that  when  he  asked 
the  newsboy  at  the  comer  for  a  newspaper  in  which  to  wrap  his  overalls, 
Barrett  threatened  him  and  then  struck  him,  and  the  stabbing  followed. 

During  the  night  following  the  murder.  Chief  of  Police  Garrity  issued  a 
statement  which  was  published  conspicuously  in  the  morning  newspapers, 
and  was  most  effectively  worded  to  prevent  misunderstanding  of  the  incident 
and  avert  use  of  it  to  inflame  racial  hostility.    The  statement  began: 

There  has  been  no  race  riot.  The  killing  at  Forty-seventh  and  Halsted  streets 
was  merely  a  street-comer  fight.  There  was  grave  danger  that  it  would  be  followed 
by  serious  trouble.  Precautionary  measures  were  taken  at  once  to  forestall  the  recur- 
rence of  the  riots,  with  the  destruction  of  life  and  property,  of  last  summer. 

This  was  followed  by  a  detailed  account  of  the  special  measures  and 
distribution  of  police  to  handle  the  situation. 

II.  The  Springfield  Riot 
August  14-15,  1908 
The  race  riot  at  Springfield,  Illinois,  in  August,  1908,  which  cost  the  lives 
of  two  Negroes  and  four  white  men,  is  an  outstanding  example  of  the  racial 
bitterness  and  brutality  that  can  be  provoked  by  unsubstantiated  rumor  or, 
as  in  this  case,  by  deliberate  falsehood.  The  two  Negro  victims  were  innocent 
and  unoffending.    They  were  lynched  under  the  shadow  of  the  capitol  of 


68  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Lincoln's  state,  within  half  a  mile  of  the  only  home  he  ever  owned,  and  two 
miles  from  the  monmnent  which  marks  the  grave  of  the  great  emancipator. 

A  second  fundamental  factor  in  the  Springfield  riot  situation  was  the 
fertile  field  prepared  by  admittedly  lax  law  enforcement  and  by  tolerance  in 
the  community  of  vicious  conditions,  the  worst  of  which  were  permitted  to 
surround  the  Negro  areas. 

The  spark  which  touched  off  the  explosion  was  the  old  story  of  the  violation 
of  a  white  woman  by  a  Negro,  and  not  until  the  damage  had  been  done  was 
its  falsity  confessed  by  the  woman  who  had  told  it. 

On  the  night  of  Friday,  August  14,  1908,  according  to  her  story,  Mrs. 
H — ,  wife  of  a  street-railway  conductor,  was  asleep  in  her  room.  She  was 
alone  in  the  house.  She  declared  that  a  Negro  entered,  dragged  her  from  her 
bed  to  the  back  yard,  and  there  committed  the  crime.  She  said  she  had 
attempted  to  scream  but  was  choked  by  her  assailant,  who  left  her  lying  uncon- 
scious in  the  garden. 

A  Negro,  George  Richardson,  who  had  been  at  work  on  a  neighboring 
lawn  the  day  before  the  attack,  was  accused  by  Mrs.  H —  and  was  arrested 
when  he  returned  to  work  the  next  morning.  He  was  placed  in  the  county 
jail  and  on  August  19  he  was  indicted. 

During  inquiry  by  a  special  grand  jury  certain  facts  were  disclosed  concern- 
ing Mrs.  H — 's  character,  and  she  admitted  that,  though  she  had  been 
brutally  beaten  by  a  white  man  on  the  night  indicated,  Richardson  was  not 
present  and  had  no  connection  with  the  affair.  She  admitted  that  she  had 
not  been  raped.  For  reasons  known  only  to  herself,  she  wished  to  keep  the 
name  of  the  real  assailant  a  secret,  and  therefore  she  had  accused  Richardson. 
She  signed  an  affidavit  exonerating  him.  Richardson  had  no  criminal  record. 
He  and  two  of  his  family  were  property  owners  in  Springfield. 

While  Richardson  was  in  custody  and  before  he  was  exonerated,  feeling 
against  him  was  intensified  because  of  the  murder,  three  or  four  weeks  before, 
of  Clergy  A.  Ballard,  a  white  man,  by  Joe  James,  a  Negro  tramp,  who  was  a 
drug  and  whiskey  addict.  James  had  been  taken  from  a  freight  train  and  placed 
in  jail  for  thirty  days  and  had  been  released  on  the  night  of  the  crime.  He 
was  charged  with  entering  the  room  of  Ballard's  daughter,  Blanche,  at 
night.  Ballard  grappled  with  him,  but  James  broke  away  and  ran.  In  the 
struggle  Ballard  was  mortally  injured.  James  was  found  asleep  in  a  park 
near  the  Ballard  home  about  noon  the  next  day,  under  the  influence  of  a 
drug.  He  was  tried  and  hanged,  and  his  body  was  taken  back  to  Mississippi 
by  his  mother  for  interment.  Rev.  Mr.  Dawson,  spiritual  adviser  of  James, 
stated  that  James  declared  he  had  no  knowledge  of  the  crime. 

Springfield  was,  therefore,  in  a  receptive  mood  when,  on  the  morning  of 
Friday,  August  15,  it  got  the  first  rumors  concerning  the  attack  on  Mrs.  H — . 
Richardson  had  been  taken  before  her  and  partially  identified.  In  the  after- 
noon, when  it  became  known  that  he  had  been  arrested,  crowds  gathered 


OTHER  OUTBREAKS  IN  ILLINOIS  69 

about  the  jail.  They  seemed  good-natured  rather  than  blood-thirsty.  It 
was  also  known  that  James,  accused  of  the  Ballard  murder,  occupied  a  cell  in 
the  jail.  The  sheriflf  preserved  order  through  the  afternoon,  no  efifort  being 
made  to  disperse  the  crowd  of  300  or  400  persons.  About  five  o'clock  Richardson 
and  James  were  taken  in  an  automobile  to  Sherman,  north  of  Springfield,  and 
there  they  were  transferred  by  train  to  Bloomington. 

About  7:00  P.M.  leadership  began  to  develop  in  the  mob  about  the  jail. 
The  leaders  demanded  the  two  Negroes,  but  were  finally  convinced  by  the 
sheriff  that  they  were  not  in  the  jail.  Then  the  story  spread  that  Harry 
Loper,  a  restaurant  keeper,  had  provided  the  automobile  in  which  the  men  had 
been  removed.  The  crowd  rushed  to  the  restaurant  five  blocks  away.  In 
response  to  the  mob's  hootings  Loper  appeared  in  the  doorway  with  a  firearm 
in  his  hand.  About  8:30  p.m.  someone  threw  a  brick  through  a  plate-glass 
window  and  in  a  few  minutes  the  front  of  the  restaurant  had  been  smashed 
out.  Then  followed  the  complete  wrecking  of  the  restaurant,  as  well  as  the 
owner's  automobile,  which  had  been  standing  in  front. 

When  the  mob  began  to  surge  through  the  town  the  Fire  Department  was 
called  to  disperse  it,  but  the  mob  cut  the  hose.  Control  having  been  lost 
by  the  sheriff  and  police,  Governor  Deneen  called  out  the  militia.  The  mob, 
by  this  time  very  much  excited,  started  for  the  Negro  district  through  Washing- 
ton Street,  along  which  a  large  number  of  Negroes  lived  on  upper  floors. 
Raiding  second-hand  stores  which  belonged  to  white  men,  the  mob  secured 
guns,  axes,  and  other  weapons  with  which  it  destroyed  places  of  business 
operated  by  Negroes  and  drove  out  all  of  the  Negro  residents  from  Washington 
Street.    Then  it  turned  north  into  Ninth  Street. 

At  the  northeast  corner  of  Ninth  and  Jefferson  streets  was  the  frame 
barber  shop  of  Scott  Burton,  a  Negro.  The  mob  set  fire  to  this  building. 
From  that  point  it  went  a  block  farther  north  to  Madison  Street  and  then  turned 
east  and  began  firing  all  the  shacks  in  which  Negroes  and  whites  lived  in  that 
street. 

Burton,  the  first  victim  of  the  mob's  violence,  was  lynched  in  the  yard 
back  of  his  shop.  The  mob  tied  a  rope  around  his  neck  and  dragged  him 
through  the  streets.  An  effort  was  then  made  to  burn  the  body,  which  had 
been  hung  to  a  tree.     This  was  at  two  o'clock  in  the  morning. 

About  this  time  a  company  of  militia  arrived  from  Decatur,  Illinois, 
and  proceeded  through  Madison  Street  to  Twelfth  Street,  where  the  mob  was 
engaged  in  mutilating  Burton's  body,  riddling  it  with  bullets.  The  mob  was 
twice  ordered  to  disperse,  and  the  militia  fired  in  the  air  twice.  The  third 
time  the  troops  fired  into  the  ankles  and  legs  of  the  mob.  At  least  two  of  the 
men  in  the  mob  were  wounded  and  the  mob  quickly  gave  way. 

By  this  time  the  Negroes  were  badly  frightened  and  began  leaving  town. 
Meanwhile,  Governor  Deneen  had  sent  for  more  troops,  including  two  regi- 
ments from  Chicago .     B  ef ore  the  rioting  ended  5 ,000  militiamen  were  patrolling 


70  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

the  streets  of  Springfield.  On  Saturday  morning  the  mUitia  began  to  arrive 
in  force,  including  detachments  from  Chicago.  This  was  a  comparatively 
quiet  day,  but  that  night  another  Negro  was  l>Tiched  within  a  block  of  the 
State  House.  The  mob  gathered  on  the  Court  House  Square  and  marched 
south  on  Fifth  Street  to  Monroe,  west  on  IMonroe  to  Spring,  and  south  on 
Spring  to  Edwards.  At  the  southeast  comer  of  Spring  and  Edwards  streets 
a  Negro  named  Donegan  and  his  family  had  lived  for  many  years.  Donegan 
was  eighty-four  years  old  and  owned  the  half-block  of  ground  where  he  lived. 
He  was  found  sleeping  in  his  own  yard  and  was  quickly  strung  up  to  a  tree 
across  the  street.  Then  his  throat  was  cut  and  his  body  mutilated.  The 
troops  interfered  at  this  point  and  cut  down  the  man,  taking  htm  in  an  ambu- 
lance to  the  hospital,  where  he  died  the  following  morning.  Donegan's  only 
offense  seems  to  have  been  that  he  had  had  a  white  wife  for  more  than  thirty 
years.  He  bore  a  good  reputation,  and  the  mob  had  found  no  reason  for  lynch- 
ing him. 

Abe  Raymer,  who  was  supposed  to  have  been  the  leader  of  the  mob, 
was  charged  with  the  murder  of  Donegan,  but  was  released. 

As  an  example  of  the  disorder  which  occurred  Friday  evening,  it  is  narrated 
that  Eugene  W.  Chafin,  Prohibition  candidate  for  the  presidency,  was  delivering 
an  address  on  the  east  side  of  the  public  square.  A  Negro  pursued  by  the  mob 
ran  toward  the  speaker's  stand  from  Fifth  and  Washington  streets,  where  he 
had  been  pulled  from  a  street  car.  Two  men  helped  him  to  the  speaker's 
stand,  while  Chafin  at  the  front  of  the  platform  threatened  to  shoot  into  the 
crowd.  Although  he  had  no  revolver  he  made  a  motion  toward  his  hip  pocket. 
During  the  melee  before  gaining  the  platform  the  Negro  drew  a  knife  from  his 
pocket  and  slashed  several  white  men.  WTien  he  had  escaped  from  the  rear 
of  the  platform,  missiles  flew  in  the  direction  of  Mr.  Chafin,  one  of  them  hitting 
him  on  the  head. 

Four  men  were  rounded  up  who  had  been  blacked  up  to  resemble  Negroes 
and  had  been  firing  on  soldiers  during  the  night  in  an  effort  to  substantiate 
the  assertion  that  the  Negroes  did  not  welcome  the  soldiers. 

Sunday  was  quiet.  No  effort  was  made  to  reorganize  the  mob.  The 
whole  city  was  as  if  under  martial  law.  The  saloons  were  shut  and  every  place 
of  business  was  closed  at  9:00  p.m. 

The  people  who  took  part  in  the  mob  violence  had  no  grievances  against 
the  Negroes.  They  were  hoodlums  and  underworld  folk.  ]\Iany  of  the 
hoodlums,  according  to  one  observer,  were  less  than  twenty  years  old. 

During  the  rioting  four  white  men  were  killed.  They  were:  Louis  Johnson, 
of  1208  East  Reynolds  Street,  whose  body  was  found  at  the  foot  of  the  stairs 
leading  to  the  barroom  in  Loper's  restaurant.  He  was  shot  through  the 
abdomen;  John  Colwell,  of  1517  Matheny  Street,  who  died  at  St.  John's 
Hospital;  J.  W.  Scott,  of  125  East  Adams  Street,  who  was  shot  in  the  lungs; 
Frank  Delmore,  who  was  killed  by  a  stray  bullet. 


OTHER  OUTBREAKS  IN  ILLINOIS  71 

Seventy-nine  persons  were  injured.  The  property  destroyed  included 
Loper's  restaurant  and  automobile,  Scott  Burton's  barber  shop,  the  Delmonico 
saloon,  and  one  block  of  houses  between  Tenth  and  Eleventh  streets,  which  were 
burned,  with  all  their  contents.  Scores  of  families  were  left  destitute.  Many 
Negroes  were  severely  beaten  before  they  were  able  to  escape  from  the  district. 
Numbers  of  these  homeless  colored  people  swarmed  to  neighboring  towns  and 
to  Chicago.  Three  thousand  of  them  were  concentrated  at  Camp  Lincoln, 
the  National  Guard  camp  grounds.  Some  of  the  refugees  were  cared  for  at 
the  arsenal. 

Current  comment  concerning  the  riots  suggested  political  corruption  and 
laxity  of  law  enforcement  as  important  underlying  causes  of  the  riots.  An  as- 
sistant state's  attorney  in  Springfield  charged  that  saloons  had  long  been  vio- 
lating the  law,  and  that  the  law  was  not  generally  enforced  as  it  ought  to  be.  He 
cited  these  conditions  as  responsible  in  large  measure  for  the  rioting  and  mur- 
ders. Pastors  in  their  sermons  on  the  riot  focused  attention  on  the  way  in  which 
vicious  elements  were  permitted  to  flout  the  law  with  impunity.  This  comment 
came  so  generally  and  insistently  from  those  conversant  with  the  situation 
that  the  Chicago  Daily  News  was  led  to  remark  editorially  upon  the  responsi- 
bility of  the  public  authorities  of  Springfield.     It  said: 

Vice  and  other  forms  of  law  breaking  have  been  given  wide  latitude  here.  The 
notoriety  of  Springfield 's  evil  resorts  has  been  widespread. 

A  mob  which  murders,  bums  and  loots,  is  a  highly  undesirable  substitute  even 
for  a  complacent  city  administration.  It  is  a  logical  result,  however,  of  long  temporiz- 
ing with  vice  and  harboring  of  the  vicious.  When  a  mob  begins  to  shoot  and  hang, 
to  destroy  and  pillage,  there  is  instant  recognition  on  the  part  of  responsible  persons 
of  the  beauty  of  law  enforcement  and  of  general  orderliness. 

On  the  Sunday  following  the  riots  some  Springfield  saloon-keepers  took 
advantage  of  the  fact  that  large  crowds  of  sight-seers  had  come  to  town  to 
open  their  places,  in  violation  of  the  order  by  Mayor  Reece  to  remain  closed. 
Some  of  them  were  arrested  for  defiance  of  the  mayor's  proclamation  to  remain 
closed  untU  order  had  been  restored. 

By  Monday  or  Tuesday  order  was  pretty  well  restored  in  Springfield. 
Some  of  the  National  Guard  troops  were  kept  on  duty  for  several  days.  Almost 
100  arrests  were  made,  and  a  special  grand  jury  returned  more  than  fifty 
indictments. 

III.    East  St.  Louis  Riots 

May  28  and  July  2,  191 7 

Following  a  period  of  bitter  racial  feeling,  frequently  marked  by  open 
friction,  a  clash  between  whites  and  Negroes  in  East  St.  Louis,  Illinois,  occurred 
on  May  28,  191 7,  in  which,  following  rumors  that  a  white  man  had  been  killed 
by  Negroes,  a  number  of  Negroes  were  beaten  by  a  mob  of  white  men.  This 
outbreak  was  the  forerunner  of  a  much  more  serious  riot  on  July  2,  in  which 


72  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

at  least  thirty-nine  Negroes  and  eight  white  people  were  killed,  much  property 
was  destroyed  by  fire,  and  the  local  authorities  proved  so  ineffective  and 
demoralized  that  the  state  militia  was  required  to  restore  order.  A  Congres- 
sional Committee  investigated  the  facts  of  the  riot  and  the  underlying  condi- 
tions, which  included  industrial  disturbances  and  shameful  corruption  in 
local  government,^ 

The  coroner  of  St.  Clair  County  in  which  East  St.  Louis  is  situated,  held 
thirty-eight  inquests,  as  a  result  of  which  it  was  found  that  twenty-six  of  these 
deaths  had  been  due  to  gun-shot  wounds,  four  to  drowning,  four  to  burns, 
two  to  fractured  skulls,  one  to  hemorrhage  of  the  brain,  and  one  to  pneumonia 
after  a  fracture  of  the  thyroid  cartilage.  Hundreds  of  persons  were  estimated 
to  have  been  more  or  less  seriously  injured,  seventy  having  been  treated  in  St. 
Mary's  Hospital.  It  has  been  impossible  to  get  an  accurate  accounting  of  the 
deaths  and  injuries.  One  man  who  had  taken  a  deep  interest  in  the  situation  es- 
timated that  from  200  to  300  Negroes  were  killed. 

About  200  people  were  arrested.  Some  of  these  were  released,  some  were 
charged  with  rioting  and  conspiracy,  and  others  with  arson.  Two  white  women 
were  tried  for  conspiracy  and  rioting,  and  fined  $50.00.  Ten  Negroes  were 
convicted  of  rioting  and  murder.  Indictments  of  104  white  persons  grew  out 
of  the  immediate  activities  of  the  rioters.  Three  policemen  were  among  those 
indicted  for  murder  in  connection  with  firing  upon  Negro  bystanders.  In 
this  same  group  of  assailants  were  seven  soldiers  who  were  court-martialed. 
No  finding  in  their  cases  has  been  announced.  Three  white  men  were  indicted 
for  murder  in  connection  with  a  raid  upon  a  street-car  load  of  Negro  passengers 
in  which  a  father  and  son  were  killed,  a  mother  was  wounded  severely,  and  a 
little  daughter  escaped.  Twenty-six  men,  two  of  them  Negroes,  were  indicted 
for  arson. 

The  effort  to  bring  the  guilty  to  justice  was  commented  upon  and  sum- 
marized by  this  Congressional  Committee  as  follows: 

Assistant  Attorney  General  Middlekauf  had  active  charge  of  the  prosecutions 
growing  out  of  the  riot,  and  he  showed  neither  fear  nor  favor.  Capable,  determined, 
and  courageous,  he  allowed  neither  political  influence  nor  personal  appeals  to  swerve 
him  from  the  strict  line  of  duty. 

As  a  result  of  these  prosecutions  by  the  attorney  general 's  office  1 1  Negroes  and 
8  white  men  are  in  the  State  penitentiary,  2  additional  white  men  have  been  sentenced 
to  prison  terms,  14  white  men  have  been  given  jail  sentences,  27  white  men,  including 
the  former  night  chief  of  police  and  three  poHcemen,  have  pleaded  guilty  to  rioting 
and  have  been  punished. 

'  This  statement  is  based  mainly  upon  the  report  of  this  special  committee  appointed 
by  Congress  to  investigate  the  East  St.  Louis  riots  and  upon  the  stenographic  report  of  the 
testimony  taken  by  it.  This  testimony,  comprising  6,000  typewritten  pages,  was  placed  at 
the  disposal  of  the  Commission  through  the  courtesy  of  the  chairman  of  the  Committee, 
Representative  Ben  Johnson,  of  Kentucky,  and  the  interest  and  co-operation  of  Representative 
James  R.  Maim,  of  Illinois. 


OTHER  OUTBREAKS  IN  ILLINOIS  73 

These  convictions  were  obtained  in  the  face  of  organized,  determined  effort, 
backed  with  abundant  funds,  to  head  off  the  prosecutions  and  convictions.  In  the 
case  of  Mayor  MoUman  there  seems  to  have  been  an  open,  paid  advertising  campaign 
to  slander  and  intimidate  the  attorney  generah 

The  burned  area  of  the  city  was  on  Fifth  Street,  Broadway,  Walnut  Street, 
Eighth  Street,  Eleventh  Street  and  Bond  Avenue,  as  well  as  "the  Flats"  on 
Seventh  Street,  between  Division  and  Missouri  avenues.  This  latter  area 
was  that  occupied  by  Negroes.  There  were  312  buildings  and  forty-four 
railroad  cars  totally  or  partially  destroyed,  with  a  total  loss  of  $393,600. 

The  riots  in  East  St.  Louis  may  be  traced,  more  or  less  directly,  to  a 
number  of  causes,  the  influence  of  each  being  apparent. 

Without  doubt  conditions  resulting  from  the  migration  of  a  large  number 
of  Negroes  from  the  South,  a  movement  which  was  more  or  less  general  at 
that  time,  account  in  large  measure  for  the  riots,  but  also  involved  in  it  all 
are  the  facts  that  there  had  been  industrial  friction,  and  that  the  city  was 
flagrantly  misgoverned. 

The  Congressional  Committee  observed  an  effort  to  shift  the  blame  from 
one  element  to  another.  The  labor  interests  sought  to  place  responsibility 
for  the  riots  upon  the  employers,  who,  they  said,  had  brought  great  numbers 
of  Negroes  to  East  St.  Louis  in  order  that  they  might  more  readily  dominate 
the  employment  situation.  The  employers,  on  the  other  hand,  thought  the 
blame  rested  upon  the  city  and  county  administration  because  of  laxity  in  law 
enforcement,  exploitation  of  Negroes  for  political  purposes,  and  all  sorts  of 
political  corruption,  including  the  "protection"  of  vice  and  crime.  The 
political  ring  sought  to  dodge  responsibility  by  emphasizing  economic  and 
industrial  causes  of  the  outbreak. 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  conditions  resulting  from  the  influx  of 
Negroes,  they  were  undoubtedly  actuated  by  a  desire  to  improve  their  condi- 
tion. Some  10,000  or  12,000  Negroes  had  come  to  St.  Clair  County  from  the 
South  during  the  winter  of  1916-17.  During  the  year  and  a  half  preceding 
the  riot,  the  number  of  such  migrants  was  estimated  at  18,000,  although  it 
was  reported  that  many  had  returned  during  the  winter  of  1916-17,  because 
of  the  unaccustomed  cold  climate.  It  is  certain  that  this  influx  severely 
taxed  the  housing  accommodations  of  East  St.  Louis,  which  were  of  the  insani- 
tary and  inadequate  nature  that  so  often  characterizes  urban  districts  in  which 
the  Negroes  find  that  they  must  live.  The  report  of  the  Congressional  Com- 
mittee on  this  point  says: 

It  is  a  lamentable  fact  that  the  employers  of  labor  paid  too  little  heed  to  the  com- 
fort or  welfare  of  their  men.  They  saw  them  crowded  into  wretched  cabins  without 
water  or  any  of  the  conveniences  of  life,  their  wives  and  children  condemned  to  live  in 
the  disreputable  quarters  of  the  town,  and  made  no  effort  to  lift  them  out  of  the  mire. 
The  Negroes  gravitated  to  the  insanitary  sections,  existed  in  the  squalor  of  filthy 
cabins  and  made  no  complaint,  but  the  white  workmen  had  a  higher  outlook,  and 


74  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

failure  to  provide  them  with  better  homes  added  to  their  bitter  dissatisfaction  with 
the  burdens  placed  upon  them  by  having  to  compete  with  black  labor. 

It  is  likewise  in  evidence  that  special  inducements  were  oflfered  to  the 
southern  Negroes  to  come  to  East  St.  Louis,  as  well  as  to  other  industrial 
centers  in  the  North.  Advertisements  were  placed  in  southern  newspapers, 
offering  employment  at  wages  far  in  excess  of  those  paid  in  the  South.  Low 
railroad  rates  were  offered,  and  in  some  instances  during  this  general  migration 
the  railroads  are  said  to  have  transported  Negroes  free  in  order  that  they  might 
be  employed  by  the  railroads.  Failures  of  crops  in  the  South,  floods  and  ill 
treatment  of  Negroes  there,  coupled  with  the  hope  that  they  would  find 
fairer  treatment  in  the  North,  as  well  as  better  wages  and  living  conditions, 
were  the  direct  causes  of  migration.  After  this  had  become  fairly  general 
it  was  further  stimulated  by  Negroes  who  had  come  North,  and  who  wrote 
home  painting  northern  conditions  in  glowing  colors. 

From  the  industrial  point  of  view  it  should  be  noted  that  in  the  summer 
of  1916  there  had  been  a  strike  of  4,000  white  men  in  the  packing-plants  of 
East  St.  Louis.  It  was  asserted  that  Negroes  were  used  in  these  plants  as 
strike  breakers.  A  report  on  the  Negro  migration  by  the  United  States 
Department  of  Labor  states  that  when  the  strike  was  ended  Negroes  were  still 
employed,  and  some  of  the  white  men  lost  their  positions.  It  says  further: 
"The  white  leaders  undoubtedly  realized  that  the  effectiveness  of  striking  was 
materially  lessened  by  this  importation  of  black  workers." 

Furthermore,  it  is  stated  in  the  report  of  the  Congressional  Committee 
that  the  Aluminum  Ore  Company,  during  a  strike,  brought  hundreds  of  Negroes 
to  the  city  as  strike  breakers  in  order  to  defeat  organized  labor,  "a  precedent 
which  aroused  intense  hatred  and  antagonism,  and  caused  countless  tragedies 
as  its  aftermath.  The  feeling  of  resentment  grew  with  each  succeeding  day. 
White  men  walked  the  streets  in  idleness  and  their  families  suffered  for  food 
and  warmth  and  clothes,  while  their  places  as  laborers  were  taken  by  strange 
Negroes  who  were  compelled  to  live  in  hovels  and  who  were  used  to  keep 
down  wages." 

In  May,  191 7,  a  strike  followed  demands  which  had  been  made  upon  the 
Alumtnimi  Ore  Company  by  the  "Aluminum  Ore  Employees'  Protective 
Association."  These  related  to  alleged  injustices  and  discriminations  said 
to  have  been  practiced  against  the  employees.  The  company  failed  to  comply 
with  these  demands,  and  a  thousand  white  workers  struck. 

Closely  related  to  this  situation  was  a  notice  sent  to  the  delegates  of  the 
Central  Trades  Labor  Union  by  the  secretary  of  the  Union,  dated  May  23, 
which  declared  that  the  immigration  of  the  southern  Negro  had  reached  a 
point  where  "drastic  action  must  be  taken  if  we  intend  to  work  and  to  live 
peaceably  in  this  community."  This  notice  declared  that  these  men  were 
being  used  "  to  the  detriment  of  our  white  citizens  by  some  of  the  capitalists 
and  a  few  real  estate  owners."    It  called  a  meeting  to  present  to  the  mayor 


OTHER  OUTBREAKS  IN  ILLINOIS  75 

and  city  council  a  demand  for  action  to  "  retard  this  growing  menace,  and  also 
devise  a  way  to  get  rid  of  a  certain  portion  of  those  who  are  already  here." 
The  notice  read  further:  "This  is  not  a  protest  against  the  Negro  who  has 
long  been  a  resident  of  East  St.  Louis,  and  is  a  law  abiding  citizen." 

This  meeting  was  held  on  May  28  in  the  auditorium  of  the  city  hall  and 
was  attended  not  only  by  the  labor  men  but  also  by  a  large  number  of  other 
persons.  The  Congressional  Committee  refers  to  one  of  the  speakers  at  this 
meeting  as  "an  attorney  of  some  ability  and  no  character."  The  report  of 
the  Committee  says  that  he  virtually  advised  the  killing  of  Negroes  and 
burning  of  their  homes.    The  report  says  further: 

He  was  not  authorized  to  speak  for  those  who  went  there  to  protest  against  the 
lawlessness  which  disgraced  the  city  and  the  presence  of  thousands  of  Negroes  who  it 
is  claimed  were  taking  the  places  of  the  white  workmen,  but  his  inflammatory  speech 

caused  many  of  his  hearers  to  rush  into  the  street  and  to  resort  to  acts  of  violence 

He  was  in  full  sympathy  with  the  action  of  the  mob.  They  followed  his  advice  and 
the  scenes  of  murder  and  arson  that  ensued  were  the  logical  result  of  his  utterances. 

That  night,  May  28,  following  the  meeting,  a  crowd  of  white  people 
assembled  in  front  of  the  police  station  and  clamored  for  Negro  prisoners. 
A  rumor  circulated  through  the  crowd  that  a  white  man  had  just  been  killed 
by  Negroes,  and  parts  of  the  crowd  left,  forming  a  mob  which  severely  beat 
a  number  of  Negroes  whom  it  met.  The  situation  was  so  serious  that  the  mayor 
called  for  troops.  The  trouble  subsided,  however.  It  is  important  to  note 
that  from  this  time  until  the  riot  of  July  1-2,  no  effort  was  made  to  strengthen 
the  police  force  nor  were  any  other  steps  taken  to  control  the  situation. 

In  connection  with  the  industrial  phase  of  the  situation,  it  should  be 
remembered  that  the  war  had  cut  off  the  normal  supply  of  foreign  labor,  and 
that  not  a  few  white  workers  had  left  East  St.  Louis  for  other  industrial  centers. 
Most  of  the  Negro  migrants  were  unskilled  workers,  and  their  competition 
was,  therefore,  with  the  unskilled  white  workers.  One  witness  before  the 
Congressional  Committee  expressed  the  view  that  the  labor  shortage  in  East 
St.  Louis  prior  to  the  riot  certainly  did  not  justify  the  great  influx  of  Negroes, 
but  it  is  of  record  that  most  of  the  newcomers  got  profitable  employment  in 
unskilled  occupations. 

The  employers  were  fighting  unions  of  any  sort,  whether  of  whites  or 
Negroes.  Unions  were  seeking  membership  of  Negroes  as  well  as  whites  in 
the  hope  that  the  use  of  Negroes  as  strike  breakers  might  be  prevented. 
Whether  union  men  or  not,  the  white  workers  resented  the  influx  of  Negro 
workers  who  might  take  their  jobs.  The  inevitable  consequence  was  friction 
between  whites  and  Negroes. 

The  Congressional  Committee  laid  great  stress  upon  corrupt  politics  as 
the  leading  cause  of  the  riots  of  July  2.  It  disclosed  an  almost  unbelievable 
combination  of  shameless  corruption,  tolerance  of  vice  and  crime,  maladminis- 
tration, and  debauchery  of  the  courts.    The  report  says  that  East  St.  Louis 


76  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

for  many  years  was  a  plague  spot,  harboring  within  its  borders  "every  offense 
in  the  calendar  of  crime"  and  committing  openly  "every  lapse  in  morals  and 
public  decency."  Politicians  looted  its  treasury,  gave  away  valuable  fran- 
chises, and  elected  plunderers  to  high  office.  Graft,  collusion  with  crime  and 
vice,  and  desecration  of  office  were  openly  and  deliberately  practiced.  Crimi- 
nals were  attracted  and  welcomed,  and  the  good  people  of  the  community 
were  powerless.  Owners  of  large  corporations  and  manufacturers  pitted  white 
against  black  labor,  giving  no  thought  to  their  thousands  of  workmen  living 
in  hovels,  the  victims  of  "poverty  and  disease,  of  long  hours  and  incessant 
labor." 

The  mayor,  continues  the  report,  was  a  tool  of  dishonest  politicians,  the 
electorate  was  "  debauched, "  the  police  were  a  conscienceless  bunch  of  grafters, 
and  the  revenue  of  the  city  was  largely  derived  from  saloons  and  dens  of  vice. 

Several  officials  and  politicians  of  high  standing  were  singled  out  by  the 
Committee  for  especial  condemnation  as  the  "brains  of  the  city's  corruption." 

A  great  deal  of  the  city's  crime  and  vice  was  concentrated  in  what  is  known 
as  "Black  Valley."  This  was  the  section  in  which  the  Negroes  lived,  but 
much  of  the  vice  and  crime  was  promoted  and  practiced  by  vicious  whites. 
There  was  much  mixing  of  whites  and  Negroes  in  the  vilest  practices. 

Similar  conditions  existed  in  the  town  of  Brooklyn  near  by,  with  about 
3,000  people,  of  whom  only  about  fifty  were  white.  Its  dens  of  iniquity  were 
notorious  and  were  the  resort  of  many  white  people.  So  openly  operated 
were  these  resorts  that  the  Congressional  Committee  reported  that  in  the 
Brooklyn  high  school  "  24  out  of  25  girls  who  were  in  the  graduating  class 
went  to  the  bad  in  the  saloons  and  dance  halls  and  failed  to  receive  their 
diplomas." 

Not  only  were  conditions  of  this  sort  demoralizing  and  degrading  for  the 
decent  Negroes,  but  the  sanitary  conditions  were  likewise  extremely  bad. 
Some  of  the  houses  in  the  Negro  districts  had  not  been  painted  for  fifteen 
years  and  were  in  a  state  of  great  disrepair.  Their  setting  consisted  largely 
of  pools  of  stagnant  water  and  beds  of  weeds.  At  one  period  during  the 
migration  Negroes  were  coming  in  so  fast  that  even  these  miserable  housing 
conditions  were  inadequate,  and  some  of  them  were  forced  to  live  in  sheds. 
In  one  instance  sixty-nine  newcomers  were  found  living  in  one  small  house. 
Whenever  houses  were  vacated  by  white  people  and  rented  to  Negroes,  the 
rental  price  was  largely  increased,  sometimes  doubled. 

After  reviewing  the  corruption  in  East  St.  Louis,  the  report  of  the  Congres- 
sional Committee  discussed  the  riot.  It  described  the  condition  of  afifairs 
on  the  night  of  July  i,  191 7,  when  the  second  and  most  serious  outbreak 
occurred.  An  automobile  (some  witnesses  said  two)  went  through  the  Negro 
section  of  the  city,  its  occupants  firing  promiscuously  into  homes.  This  aroused 
fierce  resentment  among  the  Negroes,  who  organized  for  defense  and  armed 
themselves  with  guns.    The  ringing  of  the  church  bell,  a  prearranged  signal 


OTHER  OUTBREAKS  IN  ILLINOIS  77 

for  assembling,  drew  a  crowd  of  them,  and  they  marched  through  the  streets 
ready  to  avenge  the  attack.  A  second  automobile  filled  with  white  men 
crossed  their  path.  The  Negroes  cursed  them,  commanded  them  to  drive  on, 
and  fired  a  volley  into  the  machine.  The  occupants,  however,  were  not  the 
rioters  but  policemen  and  reporters.  One  policeman  was  killed  and  another 
was  so  seriously  wounded  that  he  died  later. 

Thousands  viewed  the  riddled  car  standing  before  police  headquarters. 
The  early  editions  of  the  newspapers  gave  full  accounts  of  the  tragedy,  and 
on  July  2  the  rioting  began.  Negro  mobs  shot  white  men,  and  white  men 
and  boys,  girls  and  women,  began  to  attack  every  Negro  in  sight.  News 
spread  rapidly  and,  as  excitement  increased,  unimaginable  depredations  and 
horrible  tortures  were  committed  and  viewed  with  "placid  unconcern"  by 
hundreds.  Negro  men  were  stabbed,  clubbed,  and  hanged  from  telephone 
poles.  Their  homes  were  burned.  Women  and  children  were  not  spared. 
An  instance  is  given  of  a  Negro  child  two  years  old  which  was  shot  and  thrown 
into  a  doorway  of  a  burning  building. 

On  the  night  of  July  i,  Mayor  Mollman  telephoned  to  the  Adjutant 
General  of  Illinois  saying  that  the  police  were  no  longer  able  to  handle  the 
situation  and  requesting  that  the  militia  be  sent.  Both  the  police  and  the 
militia  are  severely  censured  by  the  Congressional  report  for  gross  failure  to 
do  their  duty.  The  police,  says  the  report,  could  have  quelled  the  riot  instantly, 
but  instead  they  either  ''fled  into  the  safety  of  cowardly  seclusion  or  listlessly 
watched  the  depredations  of  the  mob,  passively  and  in  many  instances  actively 
sharing  in  the  work." 

In  all,  five  companies  of  the  Illinois  National  Guard  were  sent  to  East 
St.  Louis.  Some  of  them  arrived  on  the  morning  of  July  2,  the  first  at 
8:40  A.M.  These  forces  were  in  command  of  Colonel  S.  O.  Tripp.  Concern- 
ing the  conduct  of  the  militia,  the  Congressional  Committee  reported  in  strong 
terms,  singling  out  Colonel  Tripp  for  especial  condemnation.  It  said  that  he 
was  a  hindrance  instead  of  a  help  to  the  troops;  that  "he  was  ignorant  of 
his  duties,  blind  to  his  responsibilities  and  deaf  to  every  intelligent  appeal 
that  was  made  to  him." 

The  troops,  in  the  estimation  of  the  Committee,  were  poorly  officered 
and  in  only  a  few  cases  did  their  duty.  The  report  states  that  "they  seemed 
moved  by  the  same  spirit  of  indifference  or  cowardice  that  marked  the  conduct 
of  the  police  force.  As  a  rule  they  fraternized  with  the  mob,  joked  with  them 
and  made  no  serious  effort  to  restrain  them." 

Many  instances  are  given  of  active  participation  and  encouragement  of 
the  mob  in  its  murders,  arson,  and  general  destruction. 

The  only  redeeming  feature  of  the  activities  of  the  militia,  according  to 
the  Congressional  Committee,  was  "  the  conduct,  bravery,  and  skill  of  the  officer 
second  in  command,  whose  promptness  and  determination  prevented  the  mob 
from  committing  many  more  atrocities." 


78  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

By  eight  o'clock  of  the  evening  of  July  2  there  were  seventeen  officers  and 
270  men  on  duty,  and  by  July  4  the  force  had  increased  to  thirty-seven  officers 
and  1,411  men.  On  the  evening  of  July  2  the  fury  of  the  mob  had  spent  itself, 
and  the  riot  subsided. 

The  behavior  of  the  troops  was  condemned  not  only  by  the  Congressional 
Committee  but  by  citizens  generally,  and  a  special  inquiry  was  made  into  their 
conduct  by  the  Military  and  Naval  Department  of  the  State  of  Illinois. 
Witnesses  to  dereliction  on  duty  on  the  part  of  the  soldiers  were  examined 
and  commanding  officers  of  troops  were  asked  to  testify  and  explain  specffic 
acts  of  violence  and  neglect  of  duty.  In  all  seventy-nine  persons  were  examined. 
Although  the  charges  against  the  soldiers  in  a  large  number  of  cases  were  serious 
and  sufficient  to  warrant  the  criticism  which  they  received,  identification  of 
individuals  guilty  of  these  acts  was  difficult.  This  probably  accounts  for 
the  fact  that  only  seven  court-martials  resulted  from  the  inquiry.  The  com- 
manding officer,  though  severely  censured  by  the  Congressional  Committee, 
was  exonerated  by  this  inquiry. 


CHAPTER  III 
THE  MIGRATION  OF  NEGROES  FROM  THE  SOUTH 

I.      INTRODUCTION 

During  the  period  1916-18  approximately  a  half-million  Negroes  suddenly- 
moved  from  southern  to  northerrust^fes.  This  movement,  however,  was  not 
without  a  precedent.  A  similar*" migration  occurred  in  1879,  when  Negroes 
moved  from  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  Texas,  Alabama,  Tennessee,  and  North 
CaroUna  to  Kansas.  The  origin  of  this  earUer  movement,  its  causes,  and 
manner  resemble  in  many  respects  the  one  which  has  so  recently  attracted 
public  attention. 

The  migration  of  19 16-18  cannot  be  separated  completely  from  the  steady, 
though  inconspicuous,  exodus  from  southern  to  northern  states  that  has  been  in 
progress  since  i860, or,  infact,  since  the  operation  of  the  "underground  railway." 
In  1900  there  were  911,025  Negroes  living  in  the  North,  10.3  per  cent  of  the 
total  Negro  population,  which  was  then  8,883,994.  Census  figures  for  the 
period  1900-1910  show  a  net  loss  for  southern  states  east  of  the  Mississippi 
of  595^703  Negroes.  Of  this  number  366,880  are  found  in  northern  states. 
Reliable  estimates  for  the  last  decade  place  the  increase  of  northern  Negro 
population  around  500,000.  > 

The  1910-20  increase  of  the  Negro  population  of  Chicago  was  from  44,103  ^. 
to  109,  =^94,  or  148.  q  per  cent,  with  a  corresponding  increase  in  the  white  x 
population  ot  21  per  cent,  including  foreign  immigration.     According  to  the 
Census  Bureau  method  of  estimating  natural  increase  of  population,  the  Negro 
population  of  Chicago  unaffected  by  the  migration  would  be  58,056  in  1920, 
and  the  increase  by  migration  alone  would  be  51,538. 

The  relative  1910-20  increases  in  white  and  Negro  population  in  typical 
industrial  cities  of  the  Middle  West,  given  in  Table  II,  illustrate  the  effect  of 
the  migration  of  southern  Negroes. 

The  migration  to  Chicago. — Within  a  period  of  eighteen  months  in  1917-18 
more  than  50,000  Negroes  came  to  Chicago  according  to  an  estimate  based 
on  averages  taken  from  actual  count  of  daily  arrivals.  All  of  those  who  came, 
however,  did  not  stay.  Chicago  was  a  re-routing  point,  and  many  immi- 
grants went  on  to  nearby  cities  and  towns.  During  the  heaviest  period, 
for  example,  a  Detroit  social  agency  reported  that  hundreds  of  Negroes  applying 
there  for  work  stated  that  they  were  from  Chicago.  The  tendency  appears 
to  have  been  to  reach  those  fields  offering  the  highest  present  wages  and 
permanent  prospects. 

79 


8o 


THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 
TABLE  II 


Negroes 

Percentage 
of  Negro 
Increase, 
1910-20 

Percentage 
of  White 

igio 

1920 

Increase, 
1910-20 

Cincinnati,  Ohio 

Dayton,  Ohio 

Toledo,  Ohio 

Fort  Wayne,  Ind .... 

Canton,  Ohio 

Gary,  Ind 

Detroit,  Mich 

Chicago,  lU 

19,639 

4,842 

1,877 

572 

291 

383 

5,741 

44,103 

29,636 
9,029 
5,690 
1,476 
1,349 
5,299 
41,532 
109,594 

50.9 
86.5 
203.1 
158.0 
363 -6 
1,283.6 
623.4 
148.5 

8.0 
28.0 
42.5 
34-3 
71.7 
205.1 
106.9 
21.0 

n.      CAUSES   OF   THE   MIGRATION 

A  series  of  circumstances  acting  together  in  an  unusual  combination  both 
provoked  and  made  possible  the  migration  of  Negroes  from  the  South  on  a 
large  scale.  The  causes  of  the  movement  fall  into  definite  divisions,  even 
as  stated  by  the  migrants  themselves.  For  example,  one  of  the  most  frequent 
causes  mentioned  by  southern  Negroes  for  their  change  of  home  is  the  treatment 
accorded  them  in  the  South.  Yet  this  treatment  of  which  they  complain 
has  been  practiced  since  their  emancipation,  and  fifty  years  afterward  more 
than  nine-tenths  of  the  Negro  population  of  the  United  States  still  remained 
in  the  South.  "Higher  wages"  was  also  commonly  stated  as  a  cause  of  the 
movement,  yet  thousands  came  to  the  North  and  to  Chicago  who  in  the  South 
had  been  earning  more  in  their  professions  and  even  in  skilled  occupations 
than  they  expected  to  receive  in  the  North.  These  causes  then  divide  into 
two  main  classes:  (i)  economic  causes,  (2)  sentimental  causes.  Each  has  a 
bearing  on  both  North  and  South.  The  following  statements  are  based  on 
reports  prepared  by  trustworthy  agencies  during  the  migration,  on  letters  and 
statements  from  migrants,  Negroes  and  whites  hving  in  the  South  and  the 
North,  and  on  family  history  obtained  by  the  Commission's  investigators. 

I.      ECONOMIC  CAUSES   OF  THE  MIGRATION 
A.      THE   SOUTH 

Low  wages. — Wages  of  Negroes  in  the  South  varied  from  75  cents  a  day 
on  the  farms  to  $1.75  a  day  in  certain  city  jobs,  in  the  period  just  preceding 
1914.  The  rise  in  Uving  costs  which  followed  the  outbreak  of  the  war  out- 
stripped the  rise  in  wages.  In  Alabama  the  price  paid  for  day  labor  in  the 
twenty-one  "black  belt"  counties  averaged  50  and  60  cents  a  day.  It  ranged 
from  40  cents,  as  a  minimum,  to  75  cents,  and,  in  a  few  instances,  $1.00 
was  a  maximum  for  able-bodied  male  farm  hands.' 

A  Negro  minister,  writing  in  the  Montgomery  (Alabama)  Advertiser,  said: 

The  Negro  farm  hand  gets  for  his  compensation  hardly  more  than  the  mule  he 

plows;  that  is,  his  board  and  shelter.     Some  mules  fare  better  than  Negroes.    This, 

'  Negro  migration  in  1916-17,  U.S.  Department  of  Labor  Report,  p.  67. 


--^ 


TYPICAL  PLAXTATION  HOMKS  IX  THE  SOUTH  OF  MKIRAXTS  TO  CHICAGO 


THE  MIGRATION  OF  NEGROES  FROM  THE  SOUTH  8i 

too,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  money  received  for  farm  products  has  advanced 
more  than  loo  per  cent.  The  laborer  has  not  shared  correspondingly  in  this  advance. 
High  rents  and  low  wages  have  driven  the  Negro  ofi  the  farms.  They  have  no 
encouragement  to  work.  Only  here  and  there  you  will  find  a  tenant  who  is  getting 
a  square  deal  and  the  proper  encouragement. 

A  white  man,  writing  in  the  same  paper,  said: 

There  is  an  article  in  today's  Advertiser  headed  "Exodus  of  the  Negroes  to  Be 
Probed."  Why  hunt  for  a  cause  when  it's  plain  as  the  noonday  sun  the  Negro  is 
leaving  this  country  for  higher  wages  ?  He  doesn't  want  to  leave  here  but  he  knows 
if  he  stays  here  he  will  starve.  They  have  made  no  crops,  they  have  nothing  to  eat, 
no  clothes,  no  shoes,  and  they  can't  get  any  work  to  do,  and  they  are  leaving  just  as 

fast  as  they  can  get  away If  the  Negro  race  could  get  work  at  50  cents  per 

day  he  would  stay  here.  He  don't  want  to  go.  He  is  easily  satisfied  and  will  live 
on  half  rations  and  will  never  complain.         ^^ 

The  Atlanta  Independent,  white,  said:Qy 

If  our  white  neighbors  will  treat  the  Negro  kindly,  recognizing  his  rights  as  a 
man,  advance  his  wages  in  proportion  as  the  cost  of  hving  advances,  he  will  need 
no  ordinance  nor  legislation  to  keep  the  Negro  here.  The  South  is  his  natural  home. 
He  prefers  to  be  here,  he  loves  its  traditions,  its  ideals  and  its  people.  But  he  cannot 
stay  here  and  starve 

WTien  meat  was  1 5  cents  a  pound  and  flour  $8  a  barrel,  the  Negro  received  from 
$4  to  $8  a  week.  Now  meat  is  30  cents  a  pound  and  flour  $16  a  barrel,  and  the  Negro 
is  receiving  the  same  wages.  He  cannot  live  on  this  and  the  white  man  cannot  expect 
him  to  Uve  in  the  South  and  five  on  the  starvation  wages  he  is  paying  him,  when  the 
fields  and  the  factories  in  the  North  are  offering  him  Uving  wages. 

The  boll  weevil. — In  19 15  and  19 16  the  boll  weevil  cotton  pest  so  ravaged 
sections  of  the  South  that  thousands  of  farmers  were  almost  ruined.  Cotton 
crops  were  lost,  and  the  farmers  were  forced  to  change  from  cotton  to  food 
products.  The  growing  of  cotton  requires  about  thirty  times  as  many  "hands " 
as  food  products.  As  a  result  many  Negroes  were  thrown  out  of  employment. 
The  damage  wrought  by  the  boll  weevil  was  augmented  by  destructive  storms 
and  floods,  which  not  only  affected  crops  but  made  the  living  conditions  of 
Negroes  more  miserable. 

Lack  of  capital. — The  "credit  system"  is  a  very  convenient  and  common 
practice  in  many  parts  of  the  South.  Money  is  borrowed  for  upkeep  until 
the  selling  season,  when  it  is  repaid  in  one  lump  sum.  The  succession  of  short 
crops  and  the  destruction  due  to  the  boll  weevil  and  storms  occasioned  heavy 
demands  for  capital  to  carry  labor  through  the  fall  and  early  winter  until  a 
new  crop  could  be  started.  There  was  a  shortage  of  capital,  and  as  a  result 
there  was  little  opportunity  for  work.  During  this  period  many  white  persons 
migrated  from  sections  of  the  South  most  seriously  affected. 

"Unsatisfactory"  living  conditions. — The  plantation  cabins  and  segregated 
sections  in  cities  where  municipal  laxity  made  home  surroundings  undesirable 
have  been  stated  as  another  contributing  cause  of  the  movement. 


82 


THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 


v< 


Lack  of  school  facilities. — The  desire  to  place  their  children  in  good  schools 
was  a  reason  often  given  by  migrants  with  families  for  leaving  the  South. 
School  faciUties  are  described  as  lamentably  poor  even  by  southern  whites. 
Perhaps  the  most  thorough  statement  of  these  conditions  is  given  in  a  Study 
of  Negro  Education  by  Thomas  Jesse  Jones,  made  under  the  direction  of  tbe 
federal  Bureau  of  Education,  and  comparing  provisions  for  white  and  Negro 
children  in  fifteen  southern  states  and  the  District  of  Columbia.     He  states: 

In  the  South  they  [Negroes]  form  29.8  per  cent  of  the  total  population,  the 
proportion  in  Mississippi  and  South  Carolina  being  over  55  per  cent  and  ranging  in 
the  "black  belt"  counties  from  50  to  90  per  cent  of  the  total  population.  Almost 
3,000,000  are  engaged  in  agricultural  pursuits.  They  form  40.4  per  cent  of  all  persons 
engaged  in  these  pursuits  in  the  Southern  States. 

Though  the  United  States  census  shows  a  decrease  in  illiteracy,  there  are  still 
about  2,225,000  Negroes  illiterate  in  the  South,  or  over  2i2>  per  cent  of  the  Negro 
population  ten  years  of  age  and  over. 

TABLE  III 


Total  population 

Population  six  to  fourteen  years  of  age .  .  . 

Population  six  to  fourteen* 

Teachers'  salaries  in  public  schools 

Teachers'  salaries  per  child  six  to  fourteen . 

Per  cent  of  illiteracy 

Per  cent  rural 


White 


Colored 


23,682,352 
4,889,762 

3,552,431 
$36,649,827 
$10.32 

7-7 
76.9 

8,906,879 

2,023,108 

1,852,181 

$5,860,876 

$2.89 

33-3 
78.8 

*In  i,oss  counties. 

In  the  fifteen  states  and  the  District  of  Columbia  for  which  salaries  by  race 
could  be  obtained,  the  public  school  teachers  received  $42,510,431  in  salaries.  Of 
this  sum  $36,649,827  was  for  the  teachers  of  3,552,431  white  children  and  $5,860,876 
for  teachers  of  1,852,181  colored  children.  On  a  per  capita  basis,  this  is  $10.32  for 
each  white  child  and  $2.89  for  each  colored  chUd. 

TABLE  IV 


County  Groups,  Percentage  of  Negroes 
in  the  Population 

White  School 
Population 

Negro  School 
Population 

Per  Capita 
for  White 

Per  Capita 
for  Negro 

Counties  under  10  per  cent 

Counties  10  to  25  per  cent 

974,289 
1,008,372 

1,132,999 

364,990 

40,003 

45,039 
215,744 
709,259 
661,329 
207,900 

$   7-96 

9-55 

II.  II 

12.53 

22.  22 

$7-23 
5.55 

Counties  25  to  50  per  cent 

3.  19 

Counties  50  to  75  per  cent 

1.77 

Counties  75  per  cent  and  over 

1.78 

The  supervisor  of  white  elementary  rural  schools  in  one  of  the  states  recently 
wrote  concerning  the  Negro  schools: 

'T  never  visit  one  of  these  [Negro]  schools  without  feeling  that  we  are  wasting 
a  large  part  of  this  money  and  are  neglecting  a  great  opportunity.  The  Negro  school- 
houses  are  miserable  beyond  aU  description.  They  are  usually  without  comfort, 
equipment,  proper  lighting,  or  sanitation.    Nearly  all  of  the  Negroes  of  school  age 


THE  MIGRATION  OF  NEGROES  FROM  THE  SOUTH  83 

in  the  district  are  crowded  into  these  miserable  structures  during  the  short  term 
which  the  school  runs.  Most  of  the  teachers  are  absolutely  untrained  and  have  been 
given  certificates  by  the  county  board,  not  because  they  have  passed  the  examination, 
but  because  it  is  necessary  to  have  some  kind  of  a  Negro  teacher.  Among  the  Negro 
rural  schools  which  I  have  visited,  I  have  found  only  one  in  which  the  highest  class 
knew  the  multiplication  table." 

A  state  superintendent  writes: 

"There  has  never  been  any  serious  attempt  in  this  state  to  oflfer  adequate  educa- 
tional facilities  for  the  colored  race.  The  average  length  of  the  term  for  the  state 
is  only  four  months;  practically  all  of  the  schools  are  taught  in  dilapidated  churches, 
which,  of  course,  are  not  equipped  with  suitable  desks,  blackboards,  and  the  other 
essentials  of  a  school;  practically  all  of  the  teachers  are  incompetent,  possessing 
little  or  no  education  and  having  had  no  professional  training  whatever,  except  a  few 
weeks  obtained  in  the  summer  schools;  the  schools  are  generally  overcrowded, 
some  of  them  having  as  many  as  100  students  to  the  teacher;  no  attempt  is  made  to 
do  more  than  teach  the  children  to  read,  write,  and  figure,  and  these  subjects  are 
learned  very  imperfectly.  There  are  six  or  eight  industrial  supervisors  financed  in 
whole  or  in  part  by  the  Jeanes  Fund;  most  of  these  teachers  are  stimulating  the 
Negro  schools  to  do  very  good  work  upon  the  practical  things  of  life.  A  few  wide- 
awake Negro  teachers  not  connected  with  the  Jeanes  Fund  are  doing  the  same  thing. 
It  can  probably  be  truthfully  said  that  the  Negro  schools  are  gradually  improving, 
but  they  are  still  just  about  as  poor  and  inadequate  as  they  can  be." 

Commenting  on  the  cause  of  the  migration,  the  Atlanta  Constitution,  a 
prominent  southern  white  paper,  says: 

While  mob  violence  and  the  falsehood  which  has  been  built  upon  that  foundation 
constitutes,  perhaps,  a  strong  factor  in  the  migration  of  the  Negroes,  there  is  scarcely 
a  doubt  that  the  educational  feature  enters  into  it.  Negroes  induced  to  go  to  the 
North  undoubtedly  beUeve  they  can  secure  better  educational  facilities  there  for  their 
children,  whether  they  really  succeed  in  getting  them  or  not. 

Georgia,  as  well  as  other  southern  states,  is  undoubtedly  behind  in  the  matter 
of  Negro  education,  unfair  in  the  matter  of  facilities,  in  the  quality  of  teachers  and 
instructors,  and  in  the  pay  of  those  expected  to  impart  proper  instruction  to  Negro 
children. 

We  have  proceeded  upon  the  theory  that  education  would,  in  his  own  mind,  at 
least,  carry  the  Negro  beyond  his  sphere;  that  it  woidd  give  him  higher  ideas  of  himself 
and  make  of  him  a  poorer  and  less  satisfactory  workman.     That  is  nonsense 

B.      THE  NORTH 

The  cessation  of  immigration. — Prior  to  the  war  the  yearly  immigration  to 
the  United  States  equaled  approximately  the  total  Negro  population  of  the 
North.  Foreign  labor  filled  the  unskilled  labor  field,  and  Negroes  were  held 
closely  in  domestic  and  personal-service  work.  The  cessation  of  immigration 
and  the  return  of  thousands  of  aliens  to  their  mother-country,  together  with 
the  opening  of  new  industries  and  the  extension  of  old  ones,  created  a  much 
greater  demand  for  American  labor.  Employers  looked  to  the  South  for 
Negroes  and  advertised  for  them. 


84  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

High  wages. — Wages  for  unskilled  work  in  the  North  in  191 6  and  19 17 
ranged  from  $3.00  to  $8.00  a  day.  There  were  shorter  hours  of  work  and 
opportunity  for  overtime  and  bonuses. 

Living  conditions. — Houses  available  for  Negroes  in  the  North,  though 
by  northern  standards  classed  as  unsanitary  and  unfit  for  habitation,  afforded 
greater  comforts  than  the  rude  cabins  of  the  plantation.  For  those  who  had 
owned  homes  in  the  South  there  was  the  opportunity  of  seUing  them  and 
applying  the  money  to  payment  for  a  good  home  in  the  North. 

Identical  school  privileges. — Co-education  of  whites  and  Negroes  in  northern 
schools  made  possible  a  higher  grade  of  instruction  for  the  children  of  migrants.* 

2.      SENTIMENTAL  CAUSES   OF  THE   MIGBATION 

The  causes  classed  as  sentimental  include  those  which  have  reference  to 
the  feelings  of  Negroes  concerning  their  surroundings  in  the  South  and  their 
reactions  to  the  social  systems  and  practices  of  certain  sections  of  the  South. 
Frequently  these  causes  were  given  as  the  source  of  an  old  discontent  among 
Negroes  concerning  the  South.  Frequently  they  took  prominence  over 
economic  causes,  and  they  were  held  for  the  most  part  by  a  fairly  high  class 
of  Negroes.     These  causes  are  in  part  as  follows: 

Lack  oj  protection  from  mob  violence. — Between  1885  and  1918,  2,881 
Negroes  were  lynched  in  the  United  States,  more  than  85  per  cent  of  these 
lynchings  occurring  in  the  South.  In  191 7,  2,500  Negroes  were  driven  by 
force  out  of  Dawson  and  Forsythe  counties,  Georgia.* 

The  Chicago  Urban  League  reported  that  numbers  of  migrants  from  towns 
where  lynchings  had  occurred  registered  for  jobs  in  Chicago  very  shortly 
after  lynchings.  Concerning  mob  violence  and  general  insecurity  both  whites 
and  Negroes  living  in  the  South  have  had  much  to  say.  Their  statements 
at  the  time  of  the  migration  are  here  quoted. 

From  the  Atlanta  Constitution  (white),  November  24, 

Current  dispatches  from  Albany,  Georgia,  in  the  center  of  the  section  apparently 
most  affected,  and  where  efforts  are  being  made  to  stop  the  exodus  by  spreading 
correct  information  among  the  Negroes,  say: 

The  heaviest  migration  of  Negroes  has  been  from  those  counties  in  which  there 
have  been  the  worst  outbreaks  against  Negroes.  It  is  developed  by  investigation  that 
where  there  have  been  lynchings,  the  Negroes  have  been  most  eager  to  believe  what 
the  emigration  agents  have  told  them  of  plots  for  the  removal  or  extermination  of  the 
race.  Comparatively  few  Negroes  have  left  Dougherty  County,  which  is  considered 
significant  in  view  of  the  fact  that  this  is  one  of  the  counties  in  southwest  Georgia 
in  which  a  lynching  has  never  occurred. 

These  statements  are  most  significant.  Mob  law  as  we  have  known  in  Georgia 
has  furnished  emigration  agents  with  all  the  leverage  they  want;  it  is  a  foundation 
upon  which  it  is  easy  to  build  with  a  well  concocted  lie  or  two,  and  they  have  not 
been  slow  to  take  advantage  of  it. 

'  See  "Contacts  in  Public  Schools."  "  Colored  Missions,  January,  1921. 


^,  igibr^ 


THE  MIGRATION  OF  NEGROES  FROM  THE  SOUTH    85 

This  loss  of  her  best  labor  is  another  penalty  Georgia  is  paying  for  her  indifference 
and  inactivity  in  suppressing  mob  law. 

From  the  Southwestern  Christian  Advocate  (Negro),  April  26,  1917: 
But  why  do  they  [the  Negroes]  go  ?  We  give  a  concrete  answer:  some  months 
ago  Anthony  Crawford,  a  highly  respectable,  honest  and  industrious  Negro,  with  a 
good  farm  and  holdings  estimated  to  be  worth  $300,000,  was  lynched  in  Abbeville, 
South  Carolina.  He  was  guilty  of  no  crime.  He  would  not  be  cheated  out  of  his 
cotton.  That  was  insolence.  He  must  be  taught  a  lesson.  When  the  mob  went 
for  him  he  defended  himself.  They  overpowered  him  and  brutally  lynched  him. 
This  murder  was  without  excuse  and  was  condemned  in  no  uncertain  words  by  the 
Governor,  other  high  officials  and  the  press  in  general  of  South  Carolina.  Officials 
pledged  that  the  lynchers  would  be  punished.  The  case  went  to  the  grand  jury. 
Mr.  Crawford  was  lynched  in  the  daytime  and  dragged  through  the  streets  by 
unmasked  men.  The  names  of  the  leaders  were  supposed  to  have  been  known,  and 
yet  the  grand  jury,  vmder  oath,  says  that  it  could  not  find  sufficient  evidence  to  warrant 

an  indictment 

Is  any  one  surprised  that  Negroes  are  leaving  South  Carolina  by  the  thousands  ? 
The  wonder  is  that  any  of  them  remain.  They  will  suffer  in  the  North.  Some  of 
them  will  die.  But  Anthony  Crawford  did  not  get  a  chance  to  die  in  Abbeville, 
South  Carolina.  He  was  shamefully  murdered.  Any  place  would  be  paradise 
compared  with  some  sections  of  the  South  where  the  Negroes  receive  such  maltreat- 
ent. 

From  the  Savannah  (Georgia)  Morning  News  (white),  January  3,  1917:' 
Another  cause  is  the  feehng  of  insecurity.  The  lack  of  legal  protection  in  the 
country  is  a  constant  nightmare  to  the  colored  people  who  are  trying  to  accumulate 
a  comfortable  little  home  and  farm,  ^here  is  scarcely  a  Negro  mother  in  the  country 
who  does  not  live  in  dread  and  fear'that  her  husband  or  son  may  come  in  unfriendly 
contact  with  some  white  person  as  to  bring  the  lynchers  or  the  arresting  officers  to 
her  door  which  may  result  in  the  wiping  out  of  her  entire  family.  It  must  be  acknowl- 
edged that  this  is  a  sad  condition 

The  Southern  white  man  ought  to  be  wilhng  to  give  the  Negro  a  man's  chance 
without  regard  to  his  race  or  color,  give  him  at  least  the  same  protection  of  law  given 
to  anyone  else.  If  he  will  not  do  this,  the  Negro  must  seek  those  North  or  West, 
who  will  give  him  better  wages  and  better  treatment.  I  hope,  however,  that  this 
will  not  be  necessary. 

Injustice  in  the  courts. — An  excerpt  from  one  of  the  newspapers  of  that 
period  illustrates  the  basis  of  this  cause: 

While  our  very  solvency  is  being  sucked  out  from  underneath  we  go  out  about 
affairs  as  usual — our  police  officers  raid  poolrooms  for  "loafing  Negroes,"  bring  in 
twelve,  keep  them  in  the  barracks  all  night,  and  next  morning  find  that  many  of  them 
have  steady,  regular  jobs,  valuable  assets  to  their  white  employers,  suddenly  left  and 
gone  to  Cleveland,  "where  they  don't  arrest  fifty  niggers  for  what  three  of  'em  done" 
[Montgomery  (Alabama)  Advertiser  (white),  September  21,  19 16]. 

Inferior  trans poration  facilities. — This  refers  to  "Jim  Crow  cars,"  a  par-  y 
titioned  section  of  one  railway  car,  usually  the  baggage  car,  and  partitioned 


>/ 


N,' 


86  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

sections  of  railway  waiting-rooms,  poorly  kept,  bearing  signs,  "For  colored 
only."  This  dissatisfaction  is  expressed  in  part  in  the  following  comment 
of  a  Negro  presiding  elder,  writing  in  the  Macon  (Georgia)  Ledger,  a  white 
paper: 

The  petty  offenses,  which  you  mention,  are  far  more  numerous  than  you  are 
aware  of,  besides  other  unjust  treatments  enacted  daily  on  the  streets,  street  cars 
and  trains.  Our  women  are  inhumanly  treated  by  some  conductors,  both  on  the  street 
cars  and  trains.  White  men  are  often  found  in  compartments  for  Negroes  smoking  ^ 
and  if  anything  is  said  against  it  they  who  speak  are  insulted,  or  the  car  is  purposely 
filled  with  big  puffs  of  smoke  and  the  conductor's  reply  is,  "He'll  quit  to-rectly." 
Recently  a  white  man  entered  a  trailer  for  Negroes  with  two  Uttle  dogs.  One  of  the 
dogs  went  between  the  seats  and  crouched  by  a  woman;  she  pushed  him  from  her 
and  the  white  man  took  both  dogs  and  set  them  aside  her  and  she  was  forced  to  ride 
with  them.  This  is  one  of  the  many,  many  acts  of  injustice  which  often  result  in  a 
row  for  which  the  Negro  has  to  pay  the  penalty.  These  things  are  driving  the  Negro 
from  the  South. 

Other  causes  stated  are  (a)  the  deprivation  of  the  right  to  vote,  (b)  the 
"rough-handed"  and  unfair  competition  of  "poor  whites,"  (c)  persecution  by 
petty  ofl&cers  of  the  law,  and  (d)  the  "persecution  of  the  Press." 


III.      BEGINNING   AND   SPREAD   OF   MIGRATION 

The  enormous  proportions  to  which  the  exodus  grew  obscure  its  beginning. 
Several  experiments  had  been  tried  with  southern  labor  in  the  Northeast, 
particularly  in  the  Connecticut  tobacco  fields  and  in  Pennsylvania.  In 
Connecticut,  Negro  students  from  the  southern  schools  had  been  employed 
during  summers  with  great  success.  Early  in  1916,  industries  in  Pennsylvania 
imported  many  Negroes  from  Georgia  and  Florida.  During  July  one  railroad 
company  stated  that  it  had  brought  to  Pennsylvania  more  than  13,000  Negroes. 
They  wrote  back  for  their  friends  and  families,  and  from  the  points  to  which 
they  had  been  brought  they  spread  out  into  new  and  "labor  slack"  territories. 
Once  begun,  this  means  of  recruiting  labor  was  used  by  hard-pressed 
industries  in  other  sections  of  the  North.  The  reports  of  high  wages,  of  the 
unexpected  welcome  of  the  North,  and  of  unusually  good  treatment  accorded 
Negroes  spread  throughout  the  South  from  Georgia  and  Florida  to  Texas. 

The  stimuli  of  suggestion  and  hysteria  gave  the  migration  an  almost 
religious  significance,  and  it  became  a  mass  movement.  Letters,  rumors, 
^  Negro  newspapers,  gossip,  and  other  forms  of  social  control  operated  to  add 
volume  and  enthusiasm  to  the  exodus.  Songs  and  poems  of  the  period  charac- 
terized the  migration  as  the  "FUght  Out  of  Egypt,"  "Bound  for  the  Promised 
Land,"  "Going  into  Canaan,"  "The  Escape  from  Slavery,"  etc. 

The  first  movement  was  from  Southeast  to  Northeast,  following  main 
lines  of  transportation.  Soon,  however,  it  became  known  that  the  Middle 
West  was  similarly  in  need  of  men.  Many  industries  advertised  for  southern 
Negroes  in  Negro  papers.    The  federal  Department  of  Labor  for  a  period  was 


THE  MIGRATION  OF  NEGROES  FROM  THE  SOUTH  87 

instrumental  in  transporting  Negroes  from  the  South  to  relieve  the  labor     ^ 
shortage  in  other  sections  of  the  country,  but  discontinued  such  efforts  when  \r 
southern  congressmen  pointed  out  that  the  South's  labor  supply  was  being 
depleted.     It  was  brought  out  in  the  East  St.  Louis  riot  inquiry  that  plants 
there  had  advertised  in  Texas  newspapers  for  Negro  laborers. 

Chicago  was  the  logical  destination  of  Negroes  from  Mississippi,  Arkansas, 
Alabama,  Louisiana,  and  Texas,  because  of  the  more  direct  railway  lines,  the 
way  in  which  the  city  had  become  known  in  these  sections  through  its  two     -"^ 
great  mail-order  houses,  the  Stock  Yards,  and  the  packing-plants  with  their     '. 
numerous  storage  houses  scattered  in  various  towns  and  cities  of  the  South.     -A 
It  was  rumored  in  these  sections  that  the  Stock  Yards  needed  50,000  men; 
it  was  said  that  temporary  housing  was  being  provided  by  these  hard-pressed 
industries.     Many  Negroes  came  to  the  city  on  free  transportation,  but  by  far 
the  greater  numbers  paid  their  own  fare.     Club  rates  offered  by  the  railroads 
brought  the  fare  within  reach  of  many  who  ordinarily  could  not  have  brought 
their  families  or  even  come  themselves.     The  organization  into  clubs  composed 
of  from  ten  to  fifty  persons  from  the  same  community  had  the  effect,  on  the 
one  hand,  of  adding  the  stimulus  of  intimate  persuasion  to  the  movement,  and, 
on  the  other  hand,  of  concentrating  solid  groups  in  congested  spots  in  Chicago. 

A  study  of  certain  Negro  periodicals  shows  a  powerful  influence  on  southern 
Negroes  already  in  a  state  of  unsettlement  over  news  of  the  "opening  up  of 
the  North." 

Th^  Chicago  Defender  became  a  "herald  of  glad  tidings"  to  southern 
Negroes.  Several  cities  attempted  to  prevent  its  circulation  among  their 
Negro  population  and  confiscated  the  street-  and  store-sales  supplies  as  fast 
as  they  came.  Negroes  then  relied  upon  subscription  copies  deUvered  through 
the  mails.  There  are  reports  of  the  clandestine  circulation  of  copies  of  the 
paper  in  bundles  of  merchandise.  A  correspondent  of  the  Defender  wrote: 
"White  people  are  paying  more  attention  to  the  race  in  order  to  keep  them  in 
the  South,  but  the  Chicago  Defender  has  emblazoned  upon  their  minds  'Bound 
for  the  Promised  Land.'" 

In  Gulfport,  Mississippi,  it  was  stated,  a  man  was  regarded  "intelUgent" 
if  he  read  the  Defender,  and  in  Laurel,  Mississippi,  it  was  said  that  old  men 
who  had  never  known  how  to  read,  bought  the  paper  simply  because  it  was 
regarded  as  precious.' 

Articles  and  headlines  carrying  this  special  appeal  which  appeared  in  the 
Defender  are  quoted: 

Why  Should  the  Negro  Stay  in  the  South? 
west  indians  live  north 
It  is  true  the  South  is  nice  and  warm,  and  may  I  add,  so  is  China,  and  we  find 
Chinamen  living  in  the  North,  East,  and  West.    So  is  Japan,  but  the  Japanese  are 
living  everywhere. 

'  Johnson,  Migration  to  Chicago. 


88  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

SCHOOL  BOARDS  BAD 

While  in  Arkansas  a  member  of  the  school  board  in  one  of  the  cities  of  that  state 
(and  it  is  said  it  is  the  rule  throughout  the  South  that  a  Race  woman  teacher  to  hold 
her  school  must  be  on  friendly  terms  with  some  one  of  them)  hved  openly  with  a 
Race  woman,  and  the  entire  Race,  men  and  women,  were  afraid  to  protest  or  stop 
their  children  from  going  to  school,  because  this  school  board  member  would  get  up 
a  mob  and  run  them  out  of  the  state.     They  must  stomach  this  treatment. 

FROZEN  DEATH  BETTER 

To  die  from  the  bite  of  frost  is  far  more  glorious  than  that  of  the  mob.  I  beg 
of  you,  my  brothers,  to  leave  that  benighted  land.  You  are  free  men.  Show  the  world 
that  you  will  not  let  false  leaders  lead  you.  Your  neck  has  been  in  the  yoke.  Will 
you  continue  to  keep  it  there  because  some  "white  folks  Nigger"  wants  you  to? 
Leave  to  all  quarters  of  the  globe.  Get  out  of  the  South.  Your  being  there  in  the 
numbers  you  are  gives  the  southern  politician  too  strong  a  hold  on  your  progress. 

TURN  DEAF  EAR 

Turn  a  deaf  ear  to  everybody.  You  see  they  are  not  h'fting  their  laws  to  help 
you,  are  they  ?  Have  they  stopped  their  Jim  Crow  cars  ?  Can  you  buy  a  Pullman 
sleeper  where  you  wish  ?  Will  they  give  you  a  square  deal  in  court  yet  ?  When  a 
girl  is  sent  to  prison,  she  becomes  the  mistress  of  the  guards  and  others  in  authority, 
and  women  prisoners  are  put  on  the  streets  to  work,  something  they  don't  do  to  a 
white  woman.  And  your  leaders  wUl  teU  you  the  South  is  the  best  place  for  you. 
Turn  a  deaf  ear  to  the  scoundrel,  and  let  him  stay.  Above  all,  see  to  it  that  that 
jvunping-jack  preacher  is  left  at  the  South,  for  he  means  you  no  good  here  at  the  North. 

GOOD-BYE,  DIXIE   LAND 

One  of  our  dear  southern  friends  informs  an  anxious  public  that  "the  Negroes  of 
the  North  seem  to  fit  very  well  into  their  occupations  and  locations,  but  the  southern 
Negro  will  never  make  a  success  in  the  North.  He  doesn't  understand  the  methods 
there,  the  people  and  the  work  are  wholly  unsuited  to  him.  Give  him  a  home  in 
the  South  where  climatic  conditions  blend  into  his  peculiar  physical  makeup,  where 
he  is  understood  and  can  understand,  and  let  him  have  a  master  and  you  have  given 
him  the  ideal  home."  There  is  the  solution  of  the  problem  in  a  nutshell.  This  dear 
friend  thinks  that  under  a  master  back  of  the  sugar  cane  and  cotton  fields,  we  might 
really  be  worth  something  to  the  world.  How  thoughtful  to  point  out  the  way  for 
our  stvunbling  feet. 

Those  who  live  in  the  North  presiunably  always  lived  there,  and,  like  Topsy, 
they  "just  growed"  in  that  section,  so  naturally  fit  well  into  their  occupations. 
There  is  such  a  difference  between  the  white  man  and  the  black  man  of  the  South; 
the  former  can  travel  to  the  North  Pole  if  he  chooses  without  being  affected,  the  latter, 
"they  say"  will  die  of  a  million  dread  diseases  if  he  dares  to  leave  Dixie  land,  and  yet 
the  thousands  who  have  migrated  North  in  the  past  year  look  as  well  and  hearty 
as  they  ever  did.     Something  is  wrong  in  our  friend's  calculations. 

We  hear  again  and  again  of  our  "peculiar  physical  makeup."  Is  there  something 
radically  different  about  us  that  is  not  found  in  other  people  ?  Why  the  constant 
fear  of  Negro  supremacy  if  the  white  brain  is  more  active  and  intelligent  than  the 
brain  foimd  in  the  colored  man  ?    A  good  lawyer  never  fears  a  poor  one  in  a  court 


THE  MIGRATION  OF  NEGROES  FROM  THE  SOUTH  89 

battle — he  knows  that  he  has  him  bested  from  the  start.  The  fact  that  we  have 
made  good  wherever  and  whenever  given  an  opportunity,  we  admit,  is  a  little  dis- 
quieting, but  it  is  a  way  we  have,  and  is  hard  to  get  out  of.  Once  upon  a  time  we 
permitted  other  people  to  think  for  us — today  we  are  thinking  and  acting  for  ourselves, 
with  the  result  that  our  "friends"  are  getting  alarmed  at  our  progress.  We'd  like 
to  oblige  these  unselfish  ( ?)  souls  and  remain  slaves  in  the  South,  but  to  other  sections 
of  the  country  we  have  said,  as  the  song  goes:  "I  hear  you  calling  me,"  and  boarded \  4f  V^** 
the  train  singing,  "Good-by  to  Dixie-Land."  ^"^ 

News  articles  in  the  Defender  kept  alive  the  enthusiasm  and  fervor  of  the 
exodus: 

LEAVING  FOR  THE  NORTH 

Tampa,  Fla.,  Jan.  19. — J.  T.  King,  supposed  to  be  a  race  leader,  is  using  his 
wits  to  get  on  the  good  side  of  the  white  people  by  calling  a  meeting  to  urge  our 
people  not  to  migrate  North.  King  has  been  termed  a  "good  nigger  "  by  his  pernicious 
activity  on  the  emigration  question.  Reports  have  been  received  here  that  all  who 
have  gone  North  are  at  work  and  pleased  with  the  splendid  conditions  in  the  North. 
It  is  known  here  that  in  the  North  there  is  a  scarcity  of  labor,  mills  and  factories 
are  open  to  them.  People  are  not  paying  any  attention  to  King  and  are  packing 
and  ready  to  travel  North  to  the  "promised  land." 

DETERMINED  TO   GO  NORTH 

Jackson,  Miss.,  March  23. — Although  the  white  poUce  and  sherifif  and  others 
are  using  every  effort  to  intimidate  the  citizens  from  going  North,  even  Dr.  Redmond's 
speech  was  circulated  around,  this  has  not  deterred  our  people  from  leaving.  Many 
have  walked  miles  to  take  the  train  for  the  North.  There  is  a  determination  to  leave 
and  there  is  no  hand  save  death  to  keep  them  from  it. 

THOMAS  LIKES  THE  NORTH 

J.  H.  Thomas,  Birmingham,  Ala.,  Brownsville  Colony,  has  been  here  several 
weeks  and  is  very  much  pleased  with  the  North.  He  is  working  at  the  Pullman 
shops,  making  twice  as  much  as  he  did  at  home.  Mr,  Thomas  says  the  "exodus" 
will  be  greater  later  on  in  the  year,  that  he  did  not  find  four  feet  of  snow  or  would 
freeze  to  death.    He  lives  at  346  East  Thirty-fifth  St. 

LEAVING  FOR  THE  EAST 

Huntsville,  Ala.,  Jan.  19. — Fifteen  families,  all  members  of  the  Race,  left  here 
today  for  Pittsburgh,  Pa.,  where  they  will  take  positions  as  butlers,  and  maids, 
getting  sixty  to  seventy-five  doUars  per  month,  against  fifteen  and  twenty  paid  here. 
Most  of  them  claim  that  they  have  letters  from  their  friends  who  went  early  and  made 
good,  saying  that  there  was  plenty  of  work,  and  this  field  of  labor  is  short,  owing  to 
the  vast  amount  of  men  having  gone  to  Europe  and  not  returned. 

they're  leaving   MEMPHIS  IN  DROVES 

Some  are  coming  on  the  passenger, 
Some  are  coming  on  the  freight, 
Others  wUl  be  found  walking. 
For  none  have  time  to  wait. 


go  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Other  headlines  read:  "Thousands  Leave  Memphis";  "Still  Planning 
to  Come  North";  "Northbound  Their  Cry."  These  articles  are  especially 
interesting  for  the  impelling  power  of  the  suggestion  of  a  great  mass  move- 
ment. 

Denunciation  of  the  South. — The  idea  that  the  South  is  a  bad  place,  unfit 
for  the  habitation  of  Negroes,  was  "played  up"  and  emphasized  by  the  Defetider. 
Conditions  most  distasteful  to  Negroes  were  given  first  prominence.  In  this 
it  had  a  clear  field,  for  the  local  southern  Negro  papers  dared  not  make  such 
unrestrained  utterances.     Articles  of  this  type  appeared: 

EXODUS  TO   START 

Forest  City,  Ark.,  Feb.  i6. — 'David  B.  Smith  (white)  is  on  trial  for  life  for  the 
brutal  murder  of  a  member  of  the  Race,  W.  H.  Winford,  who  refused  to  be  whipped 
like  others.  This  white  maii  had  the  habit  of  making  his  "slave"  submit  to  this 
sort  of  punishment  and  when  Winford  refused  to  stand  for  it,  he  was  whipped  to 
death  with  a  "black  snake"  whip.  The  trial  of  Smith  is  attracting  very  Uttle  atten- 
tion. As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  white  people  here  think  nothing  of  it  as  the  dead  man 
is  a  "nigger." 

This  very  act,  coupled  with  other  recent  outrages  that  have  been  heaped  upon 
our  people,  are  causing  thousands  to  leave,  not  waiting  foi  the  great  spring  movement 
in  May. 

The  Defender  had  a  favorite  columnist,  W.  Allison  Sweeney.  His  specialty 
was  "breaking  southerners  and  'white  folks'  niggers  on  the  wheel."  One  of 
his  articles  in  the  issue  of  June  23,  1917,  was  captioned:  "A  Chicago  'Nigger' 
Preacher,  a  'Feeder,'  of  The  'Little  Hells,'  Springs  up  to  Hinder  Our  Brethren 
Coming  North." 

A  passage  from  this  article  will  illustrate  the  temper  of  his  writings.  Aroused 
by  what  he  calls  a  "white  folks  nigger,"  he  remarks: 

Such  a  creature  has  recently  been  called  to  my  attention,  and  for  the  same 
reason  that  an  unchecked  rat  has  been  known  to  jeopardize  the  life  of  a  great  ship, 
a  mouse's  nibble  of  a  match  to  set  a  mansion  aflame,  I've  concluded  to  carve  a 

"Slice  of  liver  or  two" 

from  that  bellowing  ass,  who,  at  this  very  moment  no  doubt,  somewhere  in  the  South, 
is  going  up  and  down  the  land,  telling  the  natives  why  they  should  be  content,  as  the 
Tribune,  puts  it,  to  become  "Russianized,"  to  remain  in  that  land — to  them — of 
blight;  of  murdered  kin,  deflowered  womanhood,  wrecked  homes,  strangled  ambitions, 
make-believe  schools,  roving  "gnn  parties,"  midnight  arrests,  rifled  virgmity ,  trumped 
up  charges,  lonely  graves,  where  owls  hoot,  and  where  friends  dare  not  go!  Do  you 
wonder  at  the  thousands  leaving  the  land  where  every  foot  of  ground  marks  a  tragedy, 
leaving  the  grave  of  their  fathers  and  all  that  is  dear,  to  seek  their  fortunes  in  the 
North?  And  you  who  say  that  their  going  is  to  seek  better  wages  are  insulting 
truth,  dethroning  reason,  and  consoling  yourself  with  a  groundless  allegation. 

Retaliation. — In  answer  to  the  warnings  of  the  South  against  the  rigors  of 
the  northern  winters,  articles  of  this  nature  appeared: 


THE  MIGRATION  OF  NEGROES  FROM  THE  SOUTH  91 

FREEZING  TO  DEATH  IN  THE   SOUTH 

So  much  has  been  said  through  the  white  papers  in  the  South  about  the  members 
of  the  race  freezing  to  death  in  the  North.  They  freeze  to  death  down  South  when 
they  don't  take  care  of  themselves.  There  is  no  reason  for  any  human  staying  in 
the  Southland  on  this  bugaboo  handed  out  by  the  white  press,  when  the  following 
clippings  are  taken  from  the  same  journals: 

AGED  NEGRO  FROZEN  TO  DEATH 

Albany,  Ga.,  Feb.  8. — ^Yesterday  the  dead  body  of  Peter  Crowder,  an  old  Negro, 
was  found  in  an  out-of-the-way  spot  where  he  had  been  frozen  to  death  during  the 
recent  cold  snap  [from  the  Macon  (Georgia)  Telegraph]. 

DIES  FROM  EXPOSURE 

Spartanburg,  Feb.  6. — [Marshall  Jackson,  a  Negro  man,  who  lived  on  the  farm  of 
J.  T.  Harris  near  Campobello  Sunday  night  froze  to  death  [from  the  South  Carolina 
State]. 

NEGRO   FROZEN  TO  DEATH  IN  FIRELESS  GRETNA  HUT 

Coldest  weather  of  the  last  four  years  claimed  a  victim  Friday  night,  when 
Archie  Williams,  a  Negro,  was  frozen  to  death  in  his  bed  in  a  little  hut  in  the  outskirts 
of  Gretna  [from  the  New  Orleans  Item,  dated  Feb.  4th]. 

NEGRO  WOMAN  FROZEN  TO  DEATH  MONDAY 

Harriet  Tolbert,  an  aged  Negro  woman,  was  frozen  to  death  in  her  home  at  18 
Garibaldi  Street  early  Monday  morning  during  the  severe  cold  [Atlanta  (Ga.)  Consti- 
tution, dated  Feb.  6]. 

If  you  can  freeze  to  death  in  the  North  and  be  free,  why  freeze  to  death  in  the 
South  and  be  a  slave,  where  your  mother,  sister,  and  daughter  are  raped  and  burned 
at  stake,  where  your  father,  brother  and  son  are  treated  with  contempt  and  hung  to 
a  pole,  riddled  with  bullets  at  the  least  mention  that  he  does  not  like  the  way  he  has 
been  treated  ? 

Come  North  then,  all  of  you  folks,  both  good  and  bad.  If  you  don't  behave 
yourself  up  here,  the  jails  will  certainly  make  you  wish  you  had.  For  the  hard  working 
man  there  is  plenty  of  work — if  you  reaUy  want  it.    The  Defender  says  come. 

Still  in  another  mood: 

DIED,   BUT   TOOK   ONE   WITH   HIM 

Alexandria,  La.,  Sept.  29. — Joe  Pace  (white)  a  southern  workman,  who  had  a 
way  of  bulldozing  members  of  the  Race  employed  by  the  Elizabeth  Lumber  Company, 
met  his  match  here  last  Saturday  night. 

Pace  got  into  one  of  his  moods  and  kicked  a  fellow  named  Israel.  Israel  deter- 
mined to  get  justice  some  way  and  knowing  that  the  courts  were  only  for  white  men 
in  this  part  of  the  country,  he  took  a  shot  at  Pace  and  his  aim  was  good. 

Another  type  of  article  appeared.  In  keeping  with  the  concept  of  the 
South  as  a  bad  place  for  Negroes,  their  escape  from  it  under  exceptional 
circumstances  was  given  unique  attention.  Thus,  there  were  reported  the 
following  kind  of  cases. 


92  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Saved  prom  the  South 
Lawyers  Save  Another  from  Being  Taken  South 

Saved  from  the  South 
Charged  with  Murder,  but  His  Release  Is  Secured  by  Habeas  Corpus 

New  Scheme  to  Keep  Race  Men  in  Dixie  Land 

A  piece  of  poetry  which  received  widespread  popularity  appeared  in  the 
Defender  under  the  title  "Bound  for  the  Promise  Land."  Other  pubUshed 
poems  expressing  the  same  sentiment  were:  "  Farewell,  We're  Good  and  Gone  " ; 
"Northward  Bound";  "The  Land  of  Hope." 

Five  young  men  were  arraigned  before  Judge  E.  Schwartz  for  reading  poetry. 
The  police  claim  they  were  inciting  riot  in  the  city  and  over  Georgia.  Two  of  the  men 
were  sent  to  Brown  farm  for  thirty  days,  a  place  not  fit  for  human  beings.  Tom 
Amaca  was  arrested  for  having  "Bound  for  the  Promise  Land, "  a  poem  published  in 
the  Defender  several  months  ago.  J.  N.  Chislom  and  A.  A.  Walker  were  arrested 
because  they  were  said  to  be  the  instigators  of  the  movement  of  the  race  to  the  North, 
where  work  is  plentiful  and  better  treatment  is  given. 

The  ''Great  Northern  Drive.'' — The  setting  of  definite  dates  was  another 
stimulus.  The  "Great  Northern  Drive"  was  scheduled  to  begin  May  15, 
191 7.  This  date,  or  the  week  following,  corresponds  with  the  date  of  the 
heaviest  arrivals  in  the  North,  the  period  of  greatest  temporary  congestion 
and  awakening  of  the  North  to  the  presence  of  the  new  arrivals.  Letters  to 
the  Chicago  Defender  and  to  social  agencies  in  the  North  informed  them  of 
many  Negroes  who  were  preparing  to  come  in  the  "  Great  Drive."  The  follow- 
ing letter  tells  its  own  story: 

April  24th,  1 91 7 
Mr.  R.  S.  Abbot 

Sir:  I  have  been  reading  the  Defender  for  one  year  or  more  and  last  February 
I  read  about  the  Great  Northern  Drive  to  take  place  May  15th  on  Thursday  and 
now  I  can  hear  so  many  people  speaking  of  an  excursion  to  the  North  on  the  15th 
of  May  for  $3.00.  My  husband  is  in  the  North  already  working,  and  he  wants  us 
to  come  up  in  May,  so  I  want  to  know  if  it  is  true  about  the  excursion.  I  am  getting 
Y^  ready  and  oh  so  many  others  also,  and  we  want  to  know  is  that  true  so  we  can  be  in 
the  Drive.    So  please  answer  at  once.    We  are  getting  ready. 

Yours, 

Usually  the  dates  set  were  for  Wednesday  and  Saturday  nights,  following 
pay  days. 

It  is  probably  no  exaggeration  to  say  that  the  Defender's  policy  prompted 
thousands  of  restless  Negroes  to  venture  North,  where  they  were  assured  of 
its  protection  and  championship  of  their  cause.  Many  migrants  in  Chicago 
attribute  their  presence  in  the  North  to  the  Defender's  encouraging  pictures 
of  rehef  from  conditions  at  home  with  which  they  became  increasingly  dis- 
satisfied as  they  read. 


A  NEGRO  FAIMILY  JUST  ARRIVED  IN  CHICAGO  FROM  THE  RURAL  SOUTH 


NEGRO  CHURCH  IN  THE  SOUTH 


\ 


THE  MIGRATION  OF  NEGROES  FROM  THE  SOUTH  93 

IV.      THE  ARRIVAL  IN  CHICAGO 

At  the  time  of  the  migration  the  great  majority  of  Negroes  in  Chicago 
lived  in  a  limited  area  on  the  South  Side,  principally  between  Twenty-second 
and  Thirty-ninth  streets,  Wentworth  Avenue  and  State  Street,  and  in  scattered 
groups  to  Cottage  Grove  Avenue  on  the  east.  State  Street  was  the  main 
thoroughfare.  Prior  to  the  influx  of  southern  Negroes,  many  houses  stood 
vacant  in  the  section  west  of  State  Street,  from  which  Negroes  had  moved 
when  better  houses  became  available  east  of  State  Street.  Into  these  old  and 
frequently  almost  uninhabitable  houses  the  first  newcomers  moved.  Because 
of  its  proximity  to  the  old  vice  area  this  district  had  an  added  undesirability 
for  old  Chicagoans.  The  newcomers,  however,  were  unacquainted  with  its 
reputation  and  had  no  hesitancy  about  moving  in  until  better  homes  could 
be  secured.  As  the  number  of  arrivals  increased,  a  scarcity  of  houses  followed, 
creating  a  problem  of  acute  congestion. 

During  the  summer  of  1917  the  Chicago  Urban  League  made  a  canvass 
of  real  estate  dealers  supplying  houses  for  Negroes,  and  found  that  in  a  single 
day  there  were  664  Negro  applicants  for  houses,  and  only  fifty  houses  avail- 
able. In  some  instances  as  many  as  ten  persons  were  listed  for  a  single  house. 
This  condition  did  not  continue  long.  There  were  counted  thirty-six  new  neigh- 
borhoods, formerly  white,  opening  up  to  Negroes  within  three  months. 

At  the  same  time  rents  increased  from  5  to  30  and  sometimes  as  much  as 
50  per  cent.  A  more  detailed  study  of  living  conditions  among  the  early  migrants 
in  Chicago  was  made  by  the  Chicago  School  of  Civics  and  Philanthropy. 
The  inquiry  included  seventy-five  families  of  less  than  a  year's  residence. 
In  the  group  were  sixty  married  couples,  128  children,  eight  women,  nine 
married  men  with  famihes  in  the  South.  Of  these  migrants  forty-five  families 
came  from  rural  and  thirty-two  from  urban  locaHties.  The  greatest  number, 
twenty-nine,  came  from  Alabama;  twenty-five  were  from  Mississippi,  eleven 
from  Louisiana,  five  from  Georgia,  four  from  Arkansas,  two  from  Tennessee, 
and  one  from  Florida.  Forty-one  of  these  seventy-five  famiUes  were  each 
living  in  one  room.  These  rooms  were  rented  by  the  week,  thus  making  possible 
an  easy  change  of  home  at  the  first  opportiuiity. 

It  was  at  this  period  that  the  greatest  excitement  over  the  "incoming 
hordes  of  Negroes"  prevailed. 

A  significant  feature  was  the  large  number  of  young  children  found.  The,' 
age  distribution  of  128  children  in  these  seventy-five  families  was  forty-sevenl 
under  seven  years,  forty-one  between  seven  and  fourteen  years,  and  forty! 
over  fourteen  years.  ' 

Most  of  these  children  were  of  school  age  and  had  come  from  districts  in , 
the  South  which  provided  few  school  facilities.  The  parents  were  unaccustomed 
to  the  requirements  of  northern  schools  in  matters  of  discipline,  attendance, 
and  scholarship.     Considerable  difficulty  was  experienced  by  teachers,  parents, 
and  children  in  these  first  stages  of  adjustment. 


94 


THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 


V.      ADJUSTMENTS   TO   CHICAGO   LIFE 

Meeting  actual  conditions  of  life  in  Chicago  brought  its  exaltations  and 
disillusionments  to  the  migrants.  These  were  reflected  in  the  schools,  public 
amusement  places,  industry,  and  the  street  cars.  The  Chicago  Urban  League, 
Negro  churches,  and  Negro  newspapers  assumed  the  task  of  making  the 
migrants  into  "city  folk."  The  increase  in  church  membership  indicates 
prompt  efforts  to  re-engage  in  community  life  and  establish  agreeable  and 
helpful  associations.  It  also  reflects  the  persistence  of  religious  life  among 
the  migrants.    This  increase  is  shown  in  Table  V. 

Adjustment  to  new  conditions  was  taken  up  by  the  Urban  League  as  its 
principal  work.  Co-operating  with  the  Travelers  Aid  Society,  United  Charities, 
and  other  agencies  of  the  city,  it  met  the  migrants  at  stations  and,  as  far  as 
its  facilities  permitted,  secured  living  quarters  and  jobs  for  them.  The  churches 
took  them  into  membership  and  attempted  to  make  them  feel  at  home.     Negro 

TABLE  V 


Name 

OF  Church 

Increase  in  Membership  dur- 
ing Migration  Period 

Number 

Percentage 

Salem 

700 
5,543 
2,425 
1,800 

95 
650 

351 

51 
80 

Olivet 

South  Park 

1,872 

St  Mark's    

100 

Hyde  Park 

131 
800 

Bethel 

Walters 

338 

newspapers  published  instructions  on  dress  and  conduct  and  had  great  influence 
in  smoothing  down  improprieties  of  manner  which  were  likely  to  provoke 
criticism  and  intolerance  in  the  city. 

Individual  experiences  of  the  migrants  in  this  period  of  adjustment  were 
often  interesting.  The  Commission  made  a  special  effort  to  note  these  experi- 
ences for  the  Hght  they  throw  upon  the  general  process.  Much  of  the  adjust- 
ment was  a  double  process,  including  the  adjustment  of  rural  southern  Negroes 
to  northern  urban  conditions.  It  is  to  be  remembered  that  over  70  per  cent 
of  the  Negro  population  of  the  South  is  rural.  This  means  familiarity  with 
rural  methods,  simple  machinery,  and  plain  habits  of  living.  Farmers  and 
plantation  workers  coming  to  Chicago  had  to  learn  new  tasks.  Skilled  crafts- 
men had  to  relearn  their  trades  when  they  were  thrown  amid  the  highly 
specialized  processes  of  northern  industries.  Domestic  servants  went  into 
industry.  Professional  men  who  followed  their  clientele  had  to  re-establish 
themselves  in  a  new  community.  The  small  business  men  could  not  compete 
with  the  Jewish  merchants,  who  practically  monopolized  the  trade  of  Negroes 
near  their  residential  areas,  or  with  the  "Loop"  stores. 


THE  MIGRATION  OF  NEGROES  FROM  THE  SOUTH 


95 


Many  Negroes  sold  their  homes  and  brought  their  furniture  with  them. 
Reinvesting  in  property  frequently  meant  a  loss;  the  furniture  brought  was 
often  found  to  be  unsuited  to  the  tiny  apartments  or  large,  abandoned  dwelling- 
houses  they  were  able  to  rent  or  buy. 

The  change  of  home  carried  with  it  in  many  cases  a  change  of  status.  The 
leader  in  a  small  southern  community,  when  he  came  to  Chicago,  was  immedi- 
ately absorbed  into  the  strugghng  mass  of  unnoticed  workers.  School  teachers, 
male  and  female,  whose  positions  in  the  South  carried  considerable  prestige, 
had  to  go  to  work  in  factories  and  plants  because  the  disparity  in  educational 
standards  would  not  permit  continuance  of  their  profession  in  Chicago. 

These  illustrations  in  Table  VI,  taken  from  family  histories,  show  how 
adjustment  led  to  inferior  occupation. 

TABLE  VI 


Occupation  in  South 

Occupation  on  First  Arrival 
in  Chicago 

Occupation  One  or  More 
Years  Later 

Display  man  on  furniture 

Laborer 

Laborer  in  factory 

Stone  mason 

Laborer  in  coal  yard 

Laborer  in  Stock  Yards 

Proprietor  of  cafe 

Laborer 

Elevator  man 

Farmer 

Laborer  in  Stock  Yards 

Laborer  in  Stock  Yards 

Coal  miner 

Porter  in  tailoring  shop 

Janitor 

Proprietor  of  boarding-house 

Laborer 

Laborer  in  Stock  Yards 

Farmer 

Factory  worker 

Factory  worker 

Barber 

Painter 

Janitor 

Hotel  waiter 

Waiter 

Porter  in  factory 

Plasterer 

Laborer  in  Stock  Yards 

Laborer  in  steel  mill 

Farmer 

Hostler 

Laborer  in  livery  stable 

Clergyman 

Stationary  fireman 

Laborer  in  Stock  Yards 

Tinsmith 

Waiter 

Laborer 

Farmer 

Laborer  in  cement  factory 

Laborer  in  Stock  Yards 

Blacksmith 

Barber 

Janitor 

Office  boy 

Porter 

Laborer  in  Stock  Yards 

The  following  experiences  of  one  or  two  families  from  the  many  histories 
gathered,  while  not  entirely  typical  of  all  the  migrants,  contain  features 
common  to  all: 

The  Thomas  family.— Mr.  Thomas,  his  wife  and  two  children,  a  girl  nineteen 
and  a  boy  seventeen,  came  to  Chicago  from  Seals,  Alabama,  in  the  spring  of  191 7. 


96  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

After  a  futile  search,  the  family  rented  rooms  for  the  first  week.  This  was  expensive 
and  inconvenient,  and  between  working  hours  all  sought  a  house  into  which  they 
could  take  their  furniture.  They  finally  found  a  five-room  flat  on  Federal  Street. 
The  buUding  had  been  considered  uninhabitable  and  dangerous.  Three  of  the  five 
rooms  were  almost  totally  dark.  The  plumbing  was  out  of  order.  There  was  no 
bath,  and  the  toUet  was  outside  of  the  house.  There  was  neither  electricity  nor  gas, 
and  the  family  used  oil  lamps.  The  rent  was  $i  5  per  month.  Although  the  combined 
J  income  of  the  famUy  could  easily  have  made  possible  a  better  house,  they  could  find 
none. 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Thomas  were  farmers  in  the  South.  On  the  farm  Mrs.  Thomas 
did  the  work  of  a  man  along  with  her  husband.  Both  are  illiterate.  The  daughter 
had  reached  the  fourth  grade  and  the  boy  the  fifth  grade  in  school.  At  home  they 
belonged  to  a  church  and  various  fraternal  orders  and  took  part  in  rural  community  life. 

On  their  arrival  in  Chicago  they  were  short  of  funds.  Father  and  son  went  to 
work  at  the  Stock  Yards.  Although  they  had  good  jobs  they  found  their  income 
insufficient;  the  girl  went  to  work  in  a  laundry,  and  the  mother  worked  as  a  laundress 
through  the  first  winter  for  $1  a  day.  She  later  discovered  that  she  was  working  for 
half  the  regular  rate  for  laundry  work.  Soon  she  went  back  to  housekeeping  to  reduce 
the  food  bill. 

AU  the  family  were  timid  and  self-conscious  and  for  a  long  time  avoided  contacts, 
thus  depriving  themselves  of  helpful  suggestions.  The  children  became  ashamed  of 
the  manners  of  their  parents  and  worked  diligently  to  correct  their  manner  of  speech. 
The  children  attended  Wendell  PhiUips  night  school  in  the  hope  of  improving  their 
community  status. 

The  freedom  and  independence  of  Negroes  in  the  North  have  been  a  constant 
novelty  to  them  and  many  times  they  have  been  surprised  that  they  were  "not 
noticed  enough  to  be  mistreated."  They  have  tried  out  various  amusement  places, 
parks,  ice-cream  parlors,  and  theaters  near  their  home  on  the  South  Side  and  have 
enjoyed  them  because  they  were  denied  these  opportunities  in  their  former  home. 

The  combined  income  of  this  family  is  $65  a  week,  and  their  rent  is  now  low. 
Many  of  their  old  habits  have  been  preserved  because  of  the  isolation  in  which  they 
have  lived  and  because  they  have  not  been  able  to  move  into  better  housmg. 

The  Jones  family. — Mr.  Jones,  his  wife,  a  six-year-old  son,  and  a  nephew  aged 
twenty-one,  came  from  Texas  early  in  191 9.  Although  they  arrived  after  the  heaviest 
migration,  they  experienced  the  same  difficulties  as  earlier  comers. 

They  searched  for  weeks  for  a  suitable  house.  At  first  they  secured  one  room 
on  the  South  Side  in  a  rooming-house,  where  they  were  obliged  to  provide  gas,  coal, 
linen,  bedding,  and  part  of  the  furniture.  After  a  few  weeks  they  got  two  rooms  for 
light  housekeeping,  for  $10  a  month.  The  associations  as  well  as  the  physical  condi- 
tion of  the  house  were  intolerable.  They  then  rented  a  flat  on  Carroll  Avenue  in 
another  section.  The  building  was  old  and  run  down.  The  agent  for  the  property, 
to  induce  tenants  to  occupy  it,  had  promised  to  clean  and  decorate  it,  but  failed 
to  keep  his  word.  When  the  Jones  family  asked  the  owner  to  make  repairs,  he  refused 
flatly  and  was  exceedingly  abusive. 

Finally  Jones  located  a  house  on  the  West  Side  that  was  much  too  large  for  his 
family,  and  the  rent  too  high.  They  were  forced  to  take  lodgers  to  aid  in  paying  the 
rent.     This  was  against  the  desire  of  Mrs.  Jones,  who  did  not  like  to  have  strangers 


THE  MIGRATION  OF  NEGROES  FROM  THE  SOUTH  97 

in  her  house.  The  house  has  six  rooms  and  bath  and  is  in  a  state  of  dilapidation. 
Mr.  Jones  has  been  forced  to  cover  the  holes  in  the  floor  with  tin  to  keep  out  the  rats. 
The  plumbing  is  bad.  During  the  winter  there  is  no  running  water,  and  the  agent 
for  the  buUding  refuses  to  clean  more  than  three  rooms  or  to  furnish  screens  or  storm 
doors  or  to  pay  for  any  plumbing.  In  the  back  yard  under  the  house  is  an  accumula- 
tion of  ashes,  tin  cans,  and  garbage  left  by  a  long  series  of  previous  tenants.  There 
is  no  alley  back  of  the  house,  and  all  of  the  garbage  from  the  back  yard  must  be  carried 
out  through  the  front.  Jones  made  a  complaint  about  insanitary  conditions  to  the 
Health  Department,  and  the  house  was  inspected,  but  so  far  nothing  has  been  done. 
It  was  difiicult  to  induce  the  agent  to  supply  garbage  cans. 

Jones  had  reached  the  eighth  grade,  and  Mrs.  Jones  had  completed  the  first 
year  of  high  school.  The  nephew  had  finished  public-school  grades  provided  in  his 
home  town  and  had  been  taught  the  boiler  trade.  He  is  now  pursuing  this  trade 
in  hope  of  securing  sufficient  funds  to  complete  his  course  in  Conroe  College,  where 
he  has  already  finished  the  first  year.  The  boy  of  six  was  placed  in  a  West  Side 
school.  He  was  removed  from  this  school,  however,  and  sent  back  south  to  live 
with  Mrs.  Jones's  mother  and  attend  school  there.  Mrs.  Jones  thought  that  the 
influence  of  the  school  children  of  Chicago  was  not  good  for  him.  He  had  been  almost 
blinded  by  a  blow  from  a  baseball  bat  in  the  hands  of  one  of  several  older  boys  who 
continually  annoyed  him.  The  child  had  also  learned  vulgar  language  from  his 
school  associates. 

The  Jones  family  were  leading  citizens  in  their  southern  home.  They  were 
members  of  a  Baptist  church,  local  clubs,  and  a  missionary  society,  while  Jones  was 
a  member  and  ofiicer  in  the  Knights  of  Tabor,  Masons,  and  Odd  Fellows.  TheyL/<-«i 
owned  their  home  and  two  other  pieces  of  property  in  the  same  town,  one  of  which  :b^ 
brought  in  $20  a  month.  As  a  boiler-maker,  he  earned  about  $50  a  week,  which  is  f"— ^ 
about  the  same  as  his  present  income.  Their  motive  in  coming  to  Chicago  was  to 
escape  from  the  undesirable  practices  and  customs  of  the  South.  ' 

They  had  been  told  that  no  discrimination  was  practiced  against  Negroes  in 
Chicago;  that  they  could  go  where  they  pleased  without  the  embarrassment  or  hin- 
drance because  of  their  color.  Accordingly,  when  they  first  came  to  Chicago,  they 
went  into  drug-stores  and  restaurants.  They  were  refused  service  in  numbers  of 
restaurants  and  at  the  refreshment  counters  in  some  drug-stores.  The  family  has 
begun  the  re-establishment  of  its  community  life,  having  joined  a  West  Side  Baptist 
church  and  taking  an  active  interest  in  local  organizations,  particularly  the  Wendell 
Phillips  Social  Settlement.  The  greatest  satisfaction  of  the  Joneses  comes  from  the  / 
"escape  from  Jim  Crow  conditions  and  segregation"  and  the  securing  of  improved 
conditions  of  work,  although  there  is  no  difference  in  the  wages. 

VI.      MIGRANTS   IN   CHICAGO 

Migrants  have  been  visited  in  their  homes,  and  met  in  industry,  in  the 
schools,  and  in  contacts  on  street  cars  and  in  parks.  Efforts  have  been  made 
to  learn  why  they  came  to  Chicago  and  with  what  success  they  were  adjusting 
themselves  to  their  new  surroundings. 

Some  of  the  replies  to  questions  asked  are  given: 
Question:  Why  did  you  come  to  Chicago  ? 


>/ 


98  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Answers: 

1.  Looking  for  better  wages. 

2.  So  I  could  support  my  family. 

3.  Tired  of  being  a  flunky. 

4.  I  just  happened  to  drift  here. 

5.  Some  of  my  people  were  here. 

6.  Persuaded  by  friends. 

7.  Wanted  to  make  more  money  so  I  could  go  into  business;   couldn't  do  it  in 
the  South. 

8.  To  earn  more  money. 

9.  For  better  wages. 

10.  Wanted  to  change  and  come  to  the  North. 

11.  Came  to  get  more  money  for  work. 

12.  To  better  my  conditions. 

13.  Better  conditions.  ♦ 

14.  Better  conditions. 

15.  Better  hving. 

16.  More  work;  came  on  visit  and  stayed. 

17.  Wife  persuaded  me. 

18.  To  establish  a  church. 

19.  Tired  of  the  South. 

20.  To  get  away  from  the  South,  and  to  earn  more  money. 

Question:  Do  you  feel  greater  freedom  and  independence  in  Chicago  ?    In  what  ways  ? 
Answers: 

1.  Yes.    Working  conditions  and  the  places  of  amusement. 

2.  Yes.    The  chance  to  make  a  living;    conditions  on  the  street  cars  and  in 
-  movies. 

^v      3.  Going  into  places  of  amusement  and  living  in  good  neighborhoods. 
*>.•       4.  Yes.    Educationally,  and  in  the  home  conditions. 

S       5.  Yes.     Go  anywhere  you  want  to  go;  voting;   don't  have  to  look  up  to  the 
^  white  man,  get  off  the  street  for  him,  and  go  to  the  buzzard  roost  at  shows. 

6.  Yes.    Just  seem  to  feel  a  general  feeling  of  good-fellowship. 

7.  On  the  street  cars  and  the  way  you  are  treated  where  you  work. 

8.  Yes.     Can  go  any  place  I  like  here.    At  home  I  was  segregated  and  not 
treated  like  I  had  any  rights. 

9.  Yes.    Privilege  to  mingle  with  people;   can  go  to  the  parks  and  places  of 
amusement,  not  being  segregated. 

10.  Yes.     Feel  free  to  do  anything  I  please.     Not  dictated  to  by  white  people. 

11.  Yes.  Had  to  take  any  treatment  white  people  offered  me  there,  compelled 
to  say  "yes  ma'am"  or  "yes  sir"  to  white  people,  whether  you  desired  to 
or  not.  If  you  went  to  an  ice  cream  parlor  for  anything  you  came  outside 
to  eat  it.     Got  off  sidewalk,  for  white  people. 

12.  Yes.     Can  vote;  feel  free;  haven't  any  fear;  make  more  money. 

13.  Yes.    Voting;  better  opportunity  for  work;  more  respect  from  white  people. 

14.  Yes.  Can  vote;  no  lynching;  no  fear  of  mobs;  can  express  my  opinion  and 
defend  myself. 

15.  Yes.  Voting,  more  privileges;  white  people  treat  me  better,  not  as  much 
prejudice. 


5 


v^ 


THE  MIGRATION  OF  NEGROES  FROM  THE  SOUTH  99 

16.  Yes.     Feel  more  like  a  man.    Same  as  slavery,  in  a  way,  at  home.    I  don't 
have  to  give  up  the  sidewalk  here  for  white  people  as  in  my  former  home. 

17.  Yes.     No  restrictions  as  to  shows,  schools,  etc.    More  protection  of  law. 

18.  Yes.    Have  more  privileges  and  more  money. 

19.  Yes.    More  able  to  express  views  on  all  questions.    No  segregation  or 
discrimination. 

20.  Sure.     Feel  more  freedom.    Was  not  counted  in  the  South;  colored  people 
allowed  no  freedom  at  all  in  the  South. 

21.  Find  things  quite  different  to  what  they  are  at  home.    Haven't  become   ^ 
accustomed  to  the  place  yet. 

Question:  What  were  your  first  impressions  of  Chicago  ? 
Answers:  *1(^W*-^ 

1.  I  liked  the  air  of  doing  things  here. 

2.  A  place  of  real  opportunity  if  you  would  work. 

3.  Place  just  full  of  life.    Went  to  see  the  sights  every  night  for  a  month. 

4.  I  thought  it  was  some  great  place  but  found  out  it  wasn't.  Uncle  told  me 
he  was  hving  on  Portland  Avenue,  that  it  was  some  great  avenue;  found 
nothing  but  a  mud  hole.    I  sure  wished  I  was  back  home. 

5.  When  I  got  here  and  got  on  the  street  cars  and  saw  colored  people  sitting 
by  white  people  all  over  the  car  I  just  held  my  breath,  for  I  thought  any^ 
minute  they  would  start  something,  then  I  saw  nobody  noticed  it,  and  I  just 
thought  this  was  a  real  place  for  colored  people.  No,  indeed,  I'll  never 
work  in  anybody's  kitchen  but  my  own,  any  more,  that's  the  one  thing  that 
makes  me  stick  to  this  job. 

6.  Was  completely  lost,  friend  was  to  meet  me  but  didn't  and  I  was  afraid  to 
ask  anyone  where  to  go;  finally  my  friend  came;   was  afraid  to  sleep  first   / 
night — so  much  noise;    thought  the  cars  would  finally  stop  running  so  I 
could  rest. 

7.  Liked  the  place. 

8.  Always  liked  Chicago,  even  the  name  before  I  came. 

9.  Liked  it  fine. 

10.  Good  city  for  colored  people. 

11.  Fine  city. 

12.  Thought  it  the  best  place  for  colored  people. 

13.  Thought  it  a  good  place  for  colored  people  to  live  in. 

14.  Very  favorable,  thought  it  the  place  to  be  for  myself  and  family. 

15.  Didn't  like  it;  lonesome,  until  I  went  out.    Then  liked  the  places  of  amuse-  ^ 
ment  which  have  no  restrictions. 

16.  Liked  it  fine,  like  it  even  better  now. 

17.  Liked  Chicago  from  the  first  visit  made  two  years  ago;  was  not  satisfied 
until  I  was  able  to  get  back. 

18.  Think  I  will  like  it  later  on. 

Question:  In  what  respects  is  life  harder  or  easier  here  than  in  the  South  ? 
Answers: 
w*-      -"--I,  Easier.    I  don't  have  to  work  so  hard  and  get  more  money. 

2.  Easier  in  that  here  my  wife  doesn't  have  to  work.  I  just  couldn't  make  it 
by  myself  in  the  South. 

3.  Living  is  much  easier;  chance  to  learn  a  trade.    I  make  and  save  more  money. 


loo  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

-^        4.  Easier,  you  can  make  more  money  and  it  means  more  to  you. 

5.  Easier  to  make  a  living  here. 
>       6.  Easier,  I  get  more  money  for  my  work  and  have  some  spare  time. 

7,  Have  better  home,  but  have  to  work  harder.  I  make  more  money,  but 
spend  it  all  to  live. 

8.  Have  more  time  to  rest  here  and  don't  work  as  hard. 
^'             9.  Find  it  easier  to  live  because  I  have  more  to  live  on. 

\  10.  Earn  more  money;   the  strain  is  not  so  great  wondering  from  day  to  day 

>  how  to  make  a  little  money  do. 

^-   ^     II.  Work  harder  here  than  at  home. 

'    12.  Easier.    Work  is  hard,  but  hours  are  short.     I  make  more  money  and  can 
live  better. 
13.  More  money  for  work,  though  work  is  harder.    Better  able  to  buy  the  neces- 
sities of  life. 
\^         14.  Easier;  more  work  and  more  money  and  shorter  hours. 
Is         15.  Living  higher,  but  would  rather  be  here  than  in  South.     I  have  shorter 
hours  here. 
---16.  Don't  have  to  work  as  hard  here  as  at  home.     Have  more  time  for  rest  and 
to  spend  with  family. 
17.  Easier  to  live  in  St.  Louis.    More  work  here  and  better  wages.    Living 
■    ,  .  .  higher  here.     Saved  more  there. 
"^   18.  Must  work  very  hard  here,  much  harder  than  at  home. 

19.  Harder  because  of  increased  cost  of  living. 

20.  The  entire  family  feels  that  life  is  much  easier  here  than  at  home.    Do  not 
find  work  as  hard  anywhere. 

Question:  What  do  you  like  about  the  North  ? 
Answers: 

1.  Freedom  in  voting  and  conditions  of  colored  people  here.  I  mean  you  can 
live  in  good  houses;  men  here  get  a  chance  to  go  with  the  best-looking  girls 
in  the  race;  some  may  do  it  in  Memphis,  but  it  ain't  always  safe. 

2.  Freedom  and  chance  to  make  a  living;  privileges. 

3.  Freedom  and  opportunity  to  acquire  something. 

4.  Freedom  allowed  in  every  way. 

5.  More  money  and  more  pleasure  to  be  gotten  from  it;  personal  freedom 
Chicago  affords,  and  voting. 

6.  Freedom  and  working  conditions. 

7.  Work,  can  work  any  place,  freedom. 

8.  The  schools  for  the  children,  the  better  wages,  and  the  privileges  for  colored 
people. 

9.  The  chance  colored  people  have  to  Uve;  privileges  allowed  them  and  better 
homes. 

10.  The  friendliness  of  the  people,  the  climate  which  makes  health  better. 

11.  Like  the  privileges,  the  climate;  have  better  health. 

12.  No  discrimination;  can  express  opinion  and  vote. 

13.  Freedom  of  speech,  right  to  live  and  work  as  other  races.   Higher  pay  for  labor. 

14.  Freedom;  privileges;  treatment  of  whites;    ability  to  live  in  peace;    not 
held  down. 


THE  MIGRATION  OF  NEGROES  FROM  THE  SOUTH         loi 

15.  Freedom  of  speech  and  action.     Can  live  without  fear,  no  Jim  Crow. 

16.  More  enjoyment;  more  places  of  attraction;  better  treatment;  better 
schools  for  children. 

17.  Liberty,  better  schools. 

18.  I  like  the  North  for  wages  earned  and  better  homes  colored  people  can  Uve 
in  and  go  more  places  than  at  home, 

19.  Privileges,  freedom,  industrial  and  educational  facilities. 

20.  The  people,  the  freedom  and  liberty  colored  people  enjoy  here  that  they  never 
before  experienced.    Even  the  ways  of  the  people  are  better  than  at  home. 

21.  Haven't  found  anything  yet  to  like,  except  wife  thinks  she  will  like  the 
opportunity  of  earning  more  money  than  ever  before. 

Question:  What  difficulties  do  you  think  a  person  from  the  South  meets  in  coming  to 

Chicago  ? 
Answers: 
'"       «■     I.  Getting  used  to  climate  and  houses. 

■v^*  2.  Getting  accustomed  to  cold  weather  and  flats. 
^  3.  Getting  used  to  living  conditions  and  make  more  money;   not  letting  the 

life  here  run  away  with  you. 
.      v'    4.  Adjusting  myself  to  the  weather  and  flat  life:    rooming  and  " closenessii^^''^ 
of  the  houses. 
•V-       5.  Getting  used  to  flat  conditions  and  crowded  houses. 

^       6.  Getting  used  to  living  in  flats,  and  growing  accustomed  to  being  treated  like 
people. 
O"^   >^'  7.  Getting  used  to  the  ways  of  the  people;   not  speaking  or  being  friendly  ;v^ 
colder  weather,  hard  on  people  from  the  South. 
8.  Just  the  treatment  some  of  the  white  people  give  you  on  the  trains.     Some- 
times treat  you  like  dogs. 

Know  of  no  difficulties  a  person  from  the  South  meets  coming  to  Chicago.  • 
I  didn't  meet  any  difficulties  coming  from  the  South.  Know  of  none  persons 
would  likely  meet. 

Can  think  of  no  difficulties  persons  meet  coming  from  the  South  to  Chicago. 
Adjustment  to  working  conditions  and  climate. 
Climatic  changes. 

Change  in  climate,  crowded  living  conditions,  lack  of  space  for  gardens,  etc. 
Change  in  climate,  crowded  housing  conditions. 
16.  Coming  without  knowing  where  they  are  going  to  stop  usually  causes  some 
difficulty.     Get  in  with  wrong  people  who  seek  to  take  advantage  of  the 
ignorance  of  newcomers. 
V     17.  Becoming  adjusted  to  climate. 

18.  If  they  know  where  they  are  going,  when  they  come  here.  The  danger  lies 
in  getting  among  the  wrong  class  of  people. 

19.  Adjustment  to  city  customs,  etc. 

20.  If  persons  know  where  they  are  going  and  what  they  are  going  to  do,  will 
not  have  any  trouble.  Must  come  with  the  intention  of  working  or  else 
expect  many  difficulties. 

-  21.  Know  of  no  difficulties. 
Question:  Do  you  get  more  comforts  and  pleasures  from  your  higher  wages  ? 


9- 

" 

10. 

..* 

II. 

V" 

12. 

V 

13- 

w^ 

14. 

15- 

ro2  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Answers:        b».^^  i^/'^^^^   -    ^^^i^^     "  -  - 

1.  Yes.  Better  homes,  places  of  amusement,  and  the  buying  of  your  clothes 
here.  You  can  try  on  things;  you  can  do  that  in  some  stores  in  ]Memphis, 
but  not  in  all. 

2.  Yes.  Living  in  better  houses,  can  go  into  almost  any  place  if  you  have  the 
money,  and  then  the  schools  are  so  much  better  here. 

3.  Yes.    I  Uve  better,  save  more,  and  feel  more  like  a  man. 

4.  Yes.  I  can  buy  more,  my  wife  can  have  her  clothes  fitted  here,  she  can 
try  on  a  hat,  and  if  she  doesn't  want  it  she  doesn't  have  to  keep  it;  go 
anywhere  I  please  on  the  cars  after  I  pay  my  fare;  I  can  do  any  sort  of 
work  I  know  how  to  do. 

5.  Yes.  Go  anywhere  I  please,  buy  what  I  please;  ain't  afraid  to  get  on  cars 
and  sit  where  I  please. 

6.  Well,  I  make  more  money.  I  can't  save  anything  from  it.  There  are  so 
many  places  to  go  here,  but  down  South  you  work,  work,  work,  and  you 
have  to  save,  for  you  haven't  any  place  to  spend  it. 

7.  Yes.  Better  homes.  Spend  money  anywhere  you  want  to,  go  anyTvhere 
you  have  money  enough  to  go;  don't  go  out  very  much  but  like  to  know 
I  can  where  and  when  I  want  to. 

8.  Have  chance  to  make  more  money,  but  it  is  all  spent  to  keep  family  up. 

9.  At  home  did  not  earn  much  money  and  did  not  have  any  left  to  go  what 
few  places  colored  people  were  allowed  to  go.  Here,  Negroes  can  have 
whatever  they  want. 

10.  Don't  have  to  worry  about  how  you  are  going  to  live.  More  money  earned 
affords  anything  wanted. 

11.  Have  more  comforts  in  the  home  that  could  not  have  at  home;  more  con- 
veniences here.    Wages  sons  earn  make  it  possible  to  have  all  that  is  wanted. 

12.  Yes.    Better  houses  and  more  enjoyment. 

•s^     13.  Yes.    I  live  in  larger  house  and  have  more  conveniences.     Can  take  more 
pleasure;  have  more  leisure  time. 

14.  Yes.  Better  houses  and  more  amusement.  More  time  of  my  own,  better 
furniture  and  food. 

15.  Yes.  Better  houses  and  furniture.  More  pleasures  because  of  shorter 
hours  of  work,  giving  me  more  time. 

16.  What  little  was  earned  at  home  was  used  for  food  and  clothing.  Here, 
earn  more,  have  more  to  spend;  now  and  then  put  some  in  the  bank,  and 
can  spend  some  for  pleasure  without  strain  or  inconvenience. 

17.  Yes.  More  places  to  go,  parks  and  playgrounds  for  children,  and  no  differ- 
ence made  between  white  and  colored.    Houses  more  convenient  here. 

18.  Have  more  money  to  spend  but  when  you  have  to  live  in  houses  where 
landlord  won't  fix  up  you  can't  have  much  comfort.  Go  no  place  for  pleasure, 
but  enjoy  the  chance  of  earning  more  money. 

19.  No  comment, 

20.  Have  money  to  get  whatever  is  desired.  Live  in  a  better  house  and  can  go 
places  denied  at  home.  All  the  family  are  perfectly  satisfied  and  are  happier 
than  they  have  ever  been. 

21.  Live  in  better  house  than  ever  lived  in.  Never  had  the  comforts  furnished 
here.  Some  houses  there  had  no  water  closets;  only  had  cistern  and  wells 
out  in  the  yard. 


THE  MIGRATION  OF  NEGROES  FROM  THE  SOUTH         103 

Question:  Are  you  advising  friends  to  come  to  Chicago  ? 
Answers: 

1.  Yes.  People  down  there  don't  really  believe  the  things  we  write  back, 
I  didn't  believe  myself  until  I  got  here. 

2.  No.  lam  not  going  to  encourage  them  to  come,  for  they  might  not  make  it, 
then  I  would  be  blamed. 

3.  Yes.    If  I  think  they  will  work. 

4.  Some  of  them,  those  who  I  think  would  appreciate  the  advantages  here. 

5.  No.  Not  right  now,  come  here  and  get  to  work,  strikes  come  along,  they're 
out  of  work.     Come  if  they  want  to,  though. 

6.  Yes.  I  have  two  sisters  still  in  Lexington.  I  am  trying  to  get  them  to 
come  up  here.  They  can't  understand  why  I  stay  here,  but  they'll  see  if 
they  come. 

7.  Yes.  People  here  don't  realize  how  some  parts  of  the  South  treat  colored 
folks;  poor  white  trash  were  awful  mean  where  we  came  from;  wish  all  the 
colored  folks  would  come  up  here  where  you  ain't  afraid  to  breathe. 

8.  Yes.    Want  friend  and  husband  to  come;  also  sister  and  family  who  want 

her  to  come  back  that  they  may  see  how  she  looks  before  they  break  up  and 

come.    Youngest  son  begs  mother  never  to  think  of  going  back  South. 

Oldest  son  not  so  well  satisfied  when  first  came,  but  since  he  is  working. 

likes  it  a  little  better. 

">, 
Only  a  few  migrants  were  found  who  came  on  free  transportation,  and  many  j 

of  these  had  friends  in  Chicago  before  they  came.     Few  expressed  a  desire  to  I 

return. 

Vn.   EFFORTS  TO  CHECK  MIGRATION 

The  withdrawal  of  great  numbers  of  Negroes,  both  because  of  the  migration 
and  because  of  military  service,  left  large  gaps  in  the  industries  of  the  South 
dependent  upon  Negro  labor.  Thousands  of  acres  of  rice  and  sugar  cane 
went  to  waste.  The  turpentine  industry  of  the  Carolinas  and  the  milling 
interests  of  Tennessee  were  hard  pressed  for  labor.  Cotton-growing  was 
much  affected,  especially  in  the  delta  region  of  Mississippi.  The  situation 
became  critical,  presenting  a  real  economic  problem.  Organized  efforts  were 
made,  and  at  times  extreme  measures  were  taken,  to  start  a  return  movement. 
A  report  was  circulated  that  on  one  day  in  the  winter  of  19 19  in  Chicago, 
17,000  Negroes  were  counted  in  a  bread  line.  The  "horrors  of  northern 
winters"  were  played  up  as  they  had  been  during  the  migration. 

The  press  throughout  the  country  was  used  to  spread  broadcast  the 
South's  needs,  its  kind  treatment  of  Negroes,  its  opportunities,  and  its  growing  ■ 
change  of  heart  on  the  question  of  race  relations.  Newspaper  articles  from 
sections  of  the  North  and  South  carried  about  the  same  story.  The  Chicago 
Tribune  said  in  a  conspicuous  headline:  " Louisiana  Wants  Negroes  to  Return." 
Other  such  headUnes  were:  Washington  Post — "South  Needs  Negroes.  Try 
to  Get  Labor  for  Their  Cotton  Fields.  Tell  of  Kind  Treatment";  New  York 
Evening  Sun — "To  Aid  Negro  Return";  Philadelphia  Press — "South  Is 
Urging  Negroes  to  Return.     Many  Districts  WilUng  to  Pay  Fare  of  Those 


I04  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Who  Come  Back";  Memphis  Commercial  Appeal — "South  Is  Best  for  Negro, 
Say  Mississippians.     Colored  People  Found  Prosperous  and  Happy." 

Though  such  reports  were  widely  circulated  throughout  the  North,  the 
actual  efforts  of  agencies  from  the  South  seeking  the  return  of  Negro  labor 
centered  around  Chicago.  This  was  due  largely  to  the  fact  that  from  the 
southern  states  most  acutely  in  need  the  drift  during  the  migration  had  been 
to  Chicago,  and  because  the  increase  of  Chicago's  Negro  population  had  been 
so  great. 

Immediately  following  the  riots  in  Chicago  and  Washington,  rumors 
gained  wide  currency  that  hundreds  of  migrants  were  leaving  for  sections  of 
the  South.  So  strong  was  the  belief  in  the  truth  of  this  report  that  a  Chicago 
newspaper  telegraphed  the  governors  of  southern  states  inquiring  the  number 
of  Negroes  they  needed.  Agents  of  the  South,  including  representatives  of 
the  Tennessee  Association  of  Commerce,  the  Department  of  Immigration  of 
Louisiana,  the  Mississippi  Welfare  League,  and  the  Southern  Alluvial  Land 
Association,  visited  northern  cities  with  a  view  to  providing  means  for  the 

^ return  of  Negroes.  Although  free  transportation  was  offered,  together  with 
promises  of  increased  wages  and  better  Hving  conditions,  the  various  commis- 
sions were  disappointed. 

Their  interviews  with  Negroes  hving  in  Chicago  revealed  a  determi- 
nation not  to  return  to  conditions  they  had  left  two  years  before.  To  offset 
this  objection,  two  Chicago  Negroes  and  one  white  man  were  taken  to 
Mississippi  by  a  representative  of  the  Mississippi  Welfare  League  to  make  an 
investigation.  They  visited  several  delta  towns,  travehng  for  the  most  part 
in  automobiles  and  interviewing  farmers  and  laborers.  They  reported  in 
substance  as  f ohows : 

Railroad  accommodations  for  Negroes  were  adequate  and  uniform,  irrespective 
of  locality;  treatment  accorded  Negro  passengers  by  railroad  officials  was  courteous 
throughout.  Public-school  terms  were  nine  months  in  the  city  and  eight  months 
in  the  country  for  white  and  colored  alike,   and  the  strongest  possible  human  ties 

between  planter  and  worker  exist In  no  instance  were  Negroes  not  given  the 

freest  use  of  sidewalks,  streets,  and  thoroughfares  and  we  were  unable  to  find  any 
trace  of  friction  of  any  kind  between  the  races. 

An  effort  was  then  made  by  the  Chicago  Urban  League  to  ascertain  the 
precise  state  of  affairs.  Its  southern  representative  questioned  hundreds  of 
Negroes  hving  in  the  South,  regarding  improved  relationships.  Answers  to 
this  query  were  all  about  the  same.     Some  of  them  are  quoted: 

There  has  been  no  change.  Lincoln  League  organized  in  this  city  has  been 
denounced  by  the  white  newspapers  as  a  movement  that  will  cause  trouble,  and  the 
National  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Colored  People,  and  the  Urban  Leagues 
of  various  cities  have  been  called  "strife  breeders  and  meddlers  in  southern  affairs"; 
Jim  Crow  accommodations  are  just  the  same  as  ever.  If  there  is  any  change  for  the 
better,  I  can't  see  it. 


THE  MIGRATION  OF  NEGROES  FROM  THE  SOUTH        105 

It  is  ridiculous  for  any  Negro  to  say  he  finds  conditions  better  here.  Don't  y^ 
you  remember  that  Negroes  answering  an  invitation  to  meet  the  Welfare  Committee 
of  white  men  not  long  ago  were  told  as  soon  as  they  got  into  the  meeting  place  that 
the  Committee  was  ready  to  hear  what  Negroes  wanted,  but  that  the  question  of  the 
Negro's  right  to  exercise  the  right  of  voting  would  not  be  allowed  to  be  discussed  at 
aL,  and  that  that  must  be  agreed  to  before  any  discussion  whatever  would  be  enter- 
tained, and  that  the  Negroes  left  the  meeting  place  without  a  chance  to  demand  the 
one  thing  they  wished  to  enjoy  ? 

Some  deceitfiil,  lying  Negro  may  say  that  times  are  better,  but  he  would,  at  the 
same  time,  know  that  he  was  not  telling  the  truth.  Haven't  you  been  hearing  more 
reports  of  lynching  of  Negroes  than  you  ever  did  in  your  life,  since  the  war  ?  Where, 
then,  is  there  any  improvement  ?  Ain't  all  the  judges,  all  the  police  and  constables, 
all  the  juries  as  white  man  as  ever  ?  Does  the  word  of  -a  Negro  count  for  more  now 
than  it  did  before  the  war  ?  Don't  white  men  instilt  our  wives  and  daughters  and 
sisters  and  get  off  at  it,  unless  we  take  the  law  into  our  own  hand  and  punish  them 
for  it  ourselves,  and  get  lynched  for  protecting  our  own,  just  as  often  as  ever  ?  How 
much  more  schooling  from  public  funds  do  our  children  get  now  than  they  got  before 
the  war  ?  How  much  more  do  we  have  to  say  now  than  we  had  to  say  before  the  war 
about  the  way  the  taxes  we  pay  shall  be  spent  for  schools,  or  for  salaries,  or  for  anything 
connected  with  administration  and  government  ?  Why,  even  the  colored  man  in 
Caddo  parish  who  subscribed  for  $100,000  in  Liberty  bonds  and  bought  lots  of  War 
Savings  stamps,  and  others  who  bought  less,  but  in  the  hundreds,  and  thousands  of 
the  bonds  and  War  Saving  stamps,  have  no  more  to  say  about  affairs  now  than  they 
ever  had.    Where  is  the  improvement  ? 

The  Urban  League  also  made  an  inquiry  into  the  numbers  of  Negroes  leav- 
ing and  arriving  in  the  week  following  the  riot,  and  when  the  strongest  efforts 
were  being  made  to  induce  a  return  of  migrants.  During  this  period  261 
Negroes  came  to  Chicago  and  219  left  the  city.  Of  the  219  leaving,  eighty- 
three  gave  some  southern  state  as  their  destination.  For  the  most  part,  they 
were  persons  returning  from  vacations  in  the  North,  and  Chicago  Negroe^ 
going  South  to  visit  or  on  business.  Some  were  rejoining  their  families.! 
Fourteen  were  leaving  because  of  the  riot.  None,  however,  indicated  any' 
intention  of  going  South  to  work. 

It  is  clear  that  migrant  Negroes  are  not  returning  South.  On  the  contrary, 
there  is  a  small  but  continuous  stream  of  migration  to  the  industrial  centers 
oS  the  North.  No  great  number  of  Negroes  returned  to  the  South  even  during 
tne  trying  unemployment  period  in  the  early  part  of  1921.  Census  figures 
for  Chicago  for  1920  show  a  number  much  smaller  than  the  usual  estimates 
of  the  size  of  the  Negro  population  during  the  period  of  the  heaviest  migration. 
This  may  be  accounted  for  by  the  fact  that  Chicago  has  been  used  as  a 
re-routing  point  to  other  northern  cities.  The  decrease  from  1918  undoubtedly 
means  that  some  returned  to  the  South,  but  it  is  apparent  that  the  great 
majority  of  the  migrants  remain,  despite  the  hardships  attending  shortage  of 
work. 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE  NEGRO  POPULATION  OF  CHICAGO 
A.    DISTRIBUTION  AND  DENSITY 

The  Negro  population  of  Chicago,  as  reported  by  the  Federal  Bureau  of 
the  Census,  was  44,103  in  1910  and  109,594  in  1920.  The  increase  during  the 
decade  was  therefore  65,491,  or  148.5  per  cent.  Negroes  constituted  2  per 
cent  of  the  city's  total  population  in  1910  and  4.1  per  cent  in  1920.  The 
increase  in  the  white  population  during  the  decade  was  450,047,  or  21  per  cent, 
bringing  the  white  population  up  to  2,589,104  in  1920.  The  remainder  of 
the  population  consisted  of  3,007  Chinese,  Japanese,  and  Indians,  of  whom 
there  were  2,123  ^^  1910.     Chicago's  total  population  in  1920  was  2,701,705. 

In  order  to  indicate  where  the  Negro  population  of  the  city  Hved  in  1910 
and  in  1920,  the  Commission  sought  the  co-operation  of  the  Census  Bureau. 
On  the  basis  of  a  rough  preliminary  survey,  certain  areas  in  which  it  was 
evident  that  the  main  groups  of  Negroes  lived  were  deUmited,  and  Hberal 
margins  allowed  to  include  scattered  residents  Hving  near  the  main  areas. 
For  these  areas  the  Census  Bureau  supplied  figures  showing  the  total  and 
Negro  population  by  census-enumeration  districts.  Since  each  enumeration 
district  embraced  from  one  or  two  to  six  city  blocks  in  the  more  crowded 
portions  of  the  city,  the  data  thus  made  available  enabled  the  Commission 
to  prepare  maps  showing  with  a  fair  degree  of  accuracy  where  Negroes  in 
Chicago  hved  in  1910  and  in  1920,  and  also  their  proportion  to  the  total 
population  in  these  units  of  area. 

The  510  enumeration  districts  covered  for  1910  included  40,739,  or  92.3 
per  cent  of  the  44,103  Negroes  reported  by  the  Census  Bureau  for  that  year; 
and  the  730  enumeration  districts  covered  for  1920  included  106,089,  ^^  96.8 
per  cent  of  the  109,594  Negroes  reported  for  that  year.  The  small  remaining 
number  of  Negroes  scattered  throughout  the  parts  of  the  city  not  embraced 
in  these  areas  in  19 10  and  1920  included  many  janitors  living  in  the  buildings 
where  they  worked,  and  others  employed  in  private  homes  and  living  on  the 
premises,  thus  making  their  presence  inconspicuous  among  white  residents. 
The  areas  in  which  40,739  Negroes  were  living  in  1910  contained  a  totahpopula- 
tion  of  657,044,  the  Negroes  thus  constituting  6.2  per  cent  of  the  total.  The 
areas  in  which  106,089  Negroes  Hved  in  1920  contained  a  total  population  of 
779,279,  the  Negroes  thus  constituting  about  13  per  cent  of  the  total. 

The  outstanding  fact  concerning  these  data  for  1910  and  1920  is  that  the 
large  increase  in  Negro  population  did  not  bring  into  existence  any  new  large 
colonies  but  resulted  in  the  expansion  and  increased  density  of  areas  in  which 
groups  of  Negroes  aheady  Uved  in  19 10. 

106 


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THE  NEGRO  POPULATION  OF  CHICAGO  107 

By  far  the  largest  number  of  Negroes  in  1910  and  1920  lived  in  what  may 
be  termed  the  old  "South  Side,"  which  includes  the  original  "Black  Belt" 
embracing  the  area  from  Twelfth  to  Thirty-first  streets  and  from  Wentworth 
to  Wabash  avenues.  This  and  other  areas  of  Negro  residence  in  various  parts 
of  the  city,  with  their  approximate  boundaries  in  1910  and  1920  and  their 
Negro  population  for  both  years,  are  listed  here  under  designations  which  are 
arbitrarily  given  for  convenient  reference;  they  do  not  embrace  the  whole 
of  each  area  commonly  included  under  such  designations. 

SOUTH  smE 

1910  boundaries:  On  the  north,  Twelfth  Street;  on  the  west,  Wentworth  Avenue; 
on  the  south.  Fifty-fifth  Street;  and  on  the  east,  Indiana  Avenue.  Negro  population, 
34)335)  or  n  per  cent  of  the  total  population  of  311,049. 

1920  boundaries:  The  same  as  in  1910.  Negro  population,  92,501,  or  24.6 
per  cent  of  the  total  population  of  376,171. 

WOODLAWN 

1910  boundaries:  On  the  north,  Sixty-third  Street;  on  the  west,  Eberhart 
Avenue;  on  the  south.  Sixty-seventh  Street;  and  on  the  east.  Grand  Avenue.  Negro 
population,  319;  total  population,  4,783. 

1920  boundaries:  On  the  north.  Sixty-first  Street;  on  the  west,  South  Park 
Avenue;  on  the  south.  Sixty-seventh  Street;  and  on  the  east,  Cottage  Grove  Avenue. 
Negro  population,  1,235;  total  population,  8,861. 

LAKE  PARK  AVENUE  AREA 

1910  boundaries:  On  the  north.  Fifty-third  Street;  on  the  west,  Harper  Avenue; 
on  the  south.  Fifty-seventh  Street;  and  on  the  east,  Lake  Park  Avenue.  Negro 
population,  438. 

1920  boundaries  the  same  as  in  1910.    Negro  population,  238. 

OGDEN  PARK  AREA 

(Vicinity  of  Ogden  Park  in  Englewood) 

1910  boundaries:  On  the  north,  Fifty-ninth  Street;  on  the  west,  Loomis  Street; 
on  the  south,  Sixty-third  Street;  and  on  the  east,  Halsted  Street.  Negro  population, 
1,403;  total  population,  25,880. 

1920  boimdaries  the  same  as  in  1910.  Negro  population,  1,859;  total  population, 
38,893. 

MORGAN  PARK  AREA 

1910  boundaries:  On  the  north,  107th  Street:  on  the  west,  Vincennes  Avenue; 
on  the  south,  iiith  Street;  and  on  the  east,  Loomis  Street.    Negro  population,  126. 

1920  boundaries,  the  same  as  in  1910,  except  on  the  south,  115th  Street.  Negro 
population,  695. 

THREE  MINOR  COLONIES  IN  THE   SOUTHERN  DIVISION  OF   THE  CITY 

South  Chicago  in  the  vicinity  of  the  steel  plants  bordering  on  Lake  Michigan  at 
Ninety-first  Street:  36  Negroes  in  1910  and  117  in  1920. 


THE  NEGRO  POPULATION  OF  CHICAGO  107 

By  far  the  largest  number  of  Negroes  in  1910  and  1920  lived  in  what  may 
be  termed  the  old  "South  Side,"  which  includes  the  original  "Black  Belt" 
embracing  the  area  from  Twelfth  to  Thirty-first  streets  and  from  Wentworth 
to  Wabash  avenues.  This  and  other  areas  of  Negro  residence  in  various  parts 
of  the  city,  with  their  approximate  boundaries  in  1910  and  1920  and  their 
Negro  population  for  both  years,  are  listed  here  under  designations  which  are 
arbitrarily  given  for  convenient  reference;  they  do  not  embrace  the  whole 
of  each  area  commonly  included  under  such  designations. 

SOUTH  sn)E 

1910  boundaries:  On  the  north,  Twelfth  Street;  on  the  west,  Wentworth  Avenue; 
on  the  south,  Fifty-fifth  Street;  and  on  the  east,  Indiana  Avenue.  Negro  population, 
34)335;  or  II  per  cent  of  the  total  population  of  311,049. 

1920  boundaries:  The  same  as  in  1910.  Negro  population,  92,501,  or  24.6 
per  cent  of  the  total  population  of  376,171. 

WOODLAWN 

1910  boundaries:  On  the  north,  Sixty-third  Street;  on  the  west,  Eberhart 
Avenue;  on  the  south.  Sixty-seventh  Street;  and  on  the  east,  Grand  Avenue.  Negro 
population,  319;  total  population,  4,783. 

1920  boundaries:  On  the  north,  Sixty-first  Street;  on  the  west,  South  Park 
Avenue;  on  the  south.  Sixty-seventh  Street;  and  on  the  east.  Cottage  Grove  Avenue. 
Negro  population,  1,235;  total  population,  8,861. 

LAKE  PAKE  AVENUE  AREA 

1910  botmdaries:  On  the  north,  Fifty-third  Street;  on  the  west.  Harper  Avenue; 
on  the  south.  Fifty-seventh  Street;  and  on  the  east.  Lake  Park  Avenue.  Negro 
population,  438. 

1920  boundaries  the  same  as  in  1910.    Negro  population,  238. 

OGDEN  PARK  AREA 

(Vicinity  of  Ogden  Park  in  Englewood) 

1910  bovmdaries:  On  the  north,  Fifty-ninth  Street;  on  the  west,  Loomis  Street; 
on  the  south,  Sixty-third  Street;  and  on  the  east,  Halsted  Street.  Negro  population, 
1,403;  total  popvdation,  25,880. 

1920  boimdaries  the  same  as  in  1 910.  Negro  population,  1,859;  total  population, 
38,893. 

MORGAN  PARK  AREA 

1910  boundaries:  On  the  north,  107th  Street:  on  the  west,  Vincennes  Avenue; 
on  the  south,  iiith  Street;  and  on  the  east,  Loomis  Street.     Negro  population,  126. 

1920  boundaries,  the  same  as  in  1910,  except  on  the  south,  115th  Street,  Negro 
population,  695. 

THREE  MINOR  COLONIES  IN  THE  SOUTHERN  DIVISION  OF  THE  CITY 

South  Chicago  in  the  vicinity  of  the  steel  plants  bordering  on  Lake  Michigan  at 
Ninety-first  Street:  36  Negroes  in  1910  and  117  in  1920. 


io8  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Burnside,  in  the  vicinity  of  South  State  and  Ninety-first  streets:  2  Negroes  in 
1910  and  205  in  1920. 

Oakwoods,  in  the  vicinity  immediately  east  of  Oakwoods  Cemetery,  between 
Sixty-seventh  and  Seventy-first  streets:  52  Negroes  in  1919  and  58  in  1920. 

WEST   SIDE 

1910  boundaries:  On  the  north,  Austin  Avenue;  on  the  west.  Western  Avenue; 
on  the  south.  Lake  Street  to  Racine  to  Washington  to  Halsted;  on  the  east,  Halsted 
Street.  Negro  population,  3,379.  This  includes  a  scattering  of  Negroes  living 
immediately  southwest  of  this  area. 

1920  boundaries:  On  the  north,  Austin  Street;  on  the  west,  California  Avenue; 
on  the  south,  Washington  Boulevard;  and  on  the  east,  Morgan  Street.  Negro 
population,  8,363,  including  scattered  residents  as  far  south  as  Twelfth  Street. 

NORTH   SIDE 

1910  boundaries:   On  the  north,  North  Avenue;   on  the  west,  Larrabee  Street; 
on  the  south,  Chicago  Avenue;  and  on  the  east.  State  Street.     Negro  population,  744. 
1920  boundaries:  The  same  as  in  1910.    Negro  population,  1,050. 

RAVENSWOOD 

1910  boundaries:  On  the  north,  Lawrence  Avenue;  on  the  west,  Ashland  Avenue ; 
on  the  south,  Montrose  Avenue;  and  on  the  east,  Sheridan  Road.  Negro  popula- 
tion, 105. 

1920  boundaries:  The  same  as  in  1910.     Negro  population,  175. 

The  total  Negro  population  in  the  north  division  of  the  city,  including  the  part 
designated  "North  Side,"  the  Ravenswood  colony,  and  scattered  residents  in  other 
parts,  was  1,427  in  1910  and  1,820  in  1920. 

B.    NEIGHBORHOODS  OF  NEGRO  RESIDENCE 

While  the  principal  colony  of  Chicago's  Negro  population  is  situated  in  a 
central  part  of  the  South  Side,  Negroes  are  to  be  found  in  several  other  parts 
of  the  city  in  proportions  to  total  population  ranging  from  less  than  i  per  cent 
to  more  than  95  per  cent.  In  some  of  these  neighborhoods  whites  and  Negroes 
have  become  adjusted  to  one  another;  in  others  they  have  not.  There  are 
numerous  degrees  of  variation  between  the  two  extremes.  In  this  study  the 
term  "adjusted  neighborhood"  indicates  one  in  which  whites  and  Negroes 
have  become  accommodated  to  each  other,  and  friction  is  either  non-existent 
or  negligible;  "non-adjusted  neighborhood"  is  one  where  misunderstandings, 
dislikes,  and  antagonisms  resulting  from  contacts  of  any  degree  between  whites 
and  Negroes  express  themselves  in  racial  hostility,  sometimes  involving  open 
clashes. 

I.      ADJUSTED   NEIGHBORHOODS 
I.      THE  SOUTH  SIDE 

The  most  striking  example  of  "adjusted  neighborhoods"  is  the  district 
known  as  the  "Black  Belt."  Because  90  per  cent  of  the  Negroes  of  Chicago 
live  within  this  area,  it  is  usually  assumed  that  the  district  is  90  per  cent 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  AMONG  CHILDRFA"  IN  AX  ADJUSTED  NEIGHBORHOOD 


THE  NEGRO  POPULATION  OF  CHICAGO  109 

Negro.  This,  however,  is  not  the  case.  The  area  between  Twelfth  and 
Thirty-ninth  streets,  Wentworth  Avenue  and  Lake  Michigan,  includes  the 
oldest  and  densest  Negro  population  of  any  section  of  its  size  in  Chicago. 
However,  the  actual  numbers  of  whites  and  Negroes  living  there  are  42,797 
and  54,906  respectively.  In  this  area  the  Negro  population  has  increased 
gradually  and  without  disturbance  for  many  years.  Although  for  a  long  period 
Negroes  were  confined  to  the  area  bounded  by  State  Street,  Wentworth 
Avenue,  Twelfth,  and  Thirty-ninth  streets,  their  movement  into  the  neighbor- 
hood east  of  State  Street  was  ultimately  looked  upon  as  a  natural  and  expected 
expansion.  Within  the  whole  of  this  territory  a  relationship  exists,  which, 
although  perhaps  not  uniformly  friendly,  yet  is  without  friction  or  disorder. 
During  the  riot  few  white  persons  hving  or  engaged  in  business  there  were  at- 
tacked by  Negroes,  who  were  in  the  majority  in  many  parts  of  the  area.  Many 
whites  remaining  in  the  area,  which  was  formerly  all  white,  are  small  property 
owners  who  for  sentimental  reasons  prefer  to  live  there.  Numbers  of  family 
hotels  and  large  apartment  houses  there  continue  to  be  occupied  by  whites, 
who  are  apparently  httle  affected  by  the  presence  of  10  per  cent  more  Negroes 
than  whites  around  them.  Michigan  Avenue  and  Grand  Boulevard  are  the 
streets  into  which  Negroes  have  moved  most  recently.  The  only  recorded 
bombing  within  this  area  occurred  on  Grand  Boulevard.  The  Grand  Boulevard 
district  is  affihated  with  the  Kenwood  and  Hyde  Park  Property  Owners' 
Association.  Although  the  bombing  was  an  expression  of  resentment  against 
Negroes  because  they  moved  into  this  block,  there  are  circumstances  which 
indicate  that  the  resentment  did  not  come  from  the  neighbors.  For  example, 
the  wife  of  a  Negro  physician  owning  and  hving  in  a  house  in  the  same  block 
was  asked  by  her  white  neighbors  to  serve  as  chairman  of  a  conamittee  to  keep 
up  the  property  in  the  neighborhood. 

The  first  Negro  family  to  move  into  the  Vernon  Avenue  block  immediately 
south  of  Thirty-first  Street  bought  its  residence  in  1911.  It  was  five  years 
before,  another  Negro  family  came.  White  neighbors,  who  were  and  are  very 
friendly,  said  this  family's  good  care  of  its  lawn  was  an  example  for  the  whole 
block. 

When  an  apartment  house  in  which  a  Negro  family  Uved  on  South  Park 
Avenue  near  Thirty-first  Street  was  burned,  white  neighbors  took  them  into 
their  home  and  kept  them  until  another  house  was  secured.  At  a  meeting  of 
the  City  Club  of  Chicago  a  white  man  who  had  lived  in  this  area  for  forty 
years  thus  characterized  the  relations  between  whites  and  Negroes  living  there: 

Having  lived  on  the  South  Side  in  what  is  now  known  as  the  "Black  Belt"  for 
forty  years,  I  can  testify  that  I  have  never  had  more  honest,  quiet,  and  law-abiding 
neighbors  than  those  who  are  of  the  African  race,  either  full  or  mixed  blood.  In 
the  precinct  where  I  live  we  have  several  families  blessed  with  many  orderly  and 
well-behaved  children,  of  Caucasian  and  African  blood.  They  seem  to  get  along 
nicely,  and  why  should  they  not?  ....  There  is  no  race  question,  it  is  a  question 
of  intelligence  and  morality,  pure  and  simple. 


no  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Occasional  minor  misunderstandings  have  resulted  from  contacts  in  this 
area,  but  they  have  not  been  conspicuously  marked  by  racial  bitterness. 
Objections,  sometimes  expressed  when  the  tradition  of  an  "all  white"  neighbor- 
hood was  first  broken,  disappeared  as  the  neighbors  came  to  know  each  other. 
Long  residence  is  apparently  one  condition  of  the  adjustment  process. 

Expansion  and  adjustment. — -The  first  noticeable  expansion  of  the  Negro 
population  following  the  migration  in  1917  and  1918  was  in  the  area  extending 
south  from  Thirty-ninth  Street  to  Forty-seventh  Street  on  Langley,  St.  Lawrence, 
and  Evans  avenues.  Negroes  began  moving  into  this  area  early  in  1917, 
first  a  few  and  finally  in  large  numbers.  There  is  yet  no  compact  group,  for 
these  Negro  families,  while  numerous,  are  well  distributed.  The  experiences 
of  some  of  the  first  famihes  there  are  interesting. 

A  Negro  woman  bought  a  piece  of  property  on  Langley  Avenue,  near 
Forty-third  Street,  when  every  other  family  in  the  block  was  white.  The 
courtesy  shown  her  by  them  was  all  that  could  be  desired,  she  declares.  There 
are  still  six  or  eight  white  famihes  in  the  block,  and  they  continue  on  the  most 
friendly  terms  with  her.  A  Negro  woman  in  another  block  has  white  neighbors 
all  around  her,  but  there  has  been  no  racial  objection  or  friction.  Another, 
who  owns  her  property  on  Evans  Avenue,  has  had  no  trouble  with  white  families 
that  remain  in  the  block.  So  with  a  Negro  who  rents  from  the  Negro  owner  of 
a  flat  on  East  Thirty-sixth  Street.  A  Negro  who  has  bought  a  home  on  St. 
Lawrence  Avenue  near  Forty-seventh  Street  declares  that  the  white  famihes 
hving  thereabouts  "treat  my  family  right."  In  one  block  on  St.  Lawrence 
Avenue  a  Negro  family  is  surrounded  by  white  neighbors,  but  no  trouble  has 
been  experienced.  In  a  block  on  Langley  Avenue  another  family  of  Negroes  has 
had  no  clashes  with  the  white  neighbors  who  compose  most  of  the  neighborhood. 
A  woman  who  built  her  home  in  the  4800  block  on  Champlain  Avenue,  when 
hers  was  the  only  Negro  family  there  and  has  Hved  there  ever  since,  had  no 
trouble  with  neighbors  until  other  Negroes  moved  in.  Then  a  white  woman 
circulated  a  petition  for  the  purpose  of  compelhng  the  Negroes  to  move  out. 
This  effort  failed.  In  another  block  on  East  Forty-sixth  Street  a  Negro  family 
lives  in  a  neighborhood  which  has  a  majority  of  whites,  but  the  relations  have 
been  amicable.  An  apartment  house  on  Champlain  Avenue  near  Forty-sixth 
Street  is  occupied  entirely  by  Negroes,  though  there  are  white  families  aU 
through  the  neighborhood.  One  Negro  who  has  lived  there  for  three  years 
says  they  have  never  been  molested.  A  pioneer  Negro  family  in  a  white  block 
on  Vernon  Avenue  near  Thirty-ninth  Street  reports  no  trouble  with  the  white 
neighbors. 

Two  women  who  were  among  the  last  of  the  whites  to  leave  the  Langley 
Avenue  vicinity  say  they  always  found  the  Negroes  to  be  kindly  neighbors.  A 
Negro  family  on  Forty-first  Street  has  been  there  a  year  without  friction  with 
white  neighbors.  In  another  block  on  East  Forty-second  Street  a  Negro  woman 
reported  that,  though  there  are  white  people  all  through  the  neighborhood, 


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THE  NEGRO  POPULATION  OF  CHICAGO  iii 

the  two  races  get  along  peaceably.  In  the  400  block  of  East  Forty-sixth 
Street  a  similar  report  is  given.  In  still  another  block  on  Champlain  Avenue 
lives  a  woman  who  has  been  in  the  midst  of  white  families  for  a  number  of 
years  without  experiencing  animosity.  On  East  Forty-second  Street  a  Negro 
family  has  lived  for  three  years  in  similar  freedom  from  racial  friction. 

In  another  instance  a  pioneer  Negro  family  in  a  block  otherwise  wholly 
white  was  well  regarded  by  all  except  one  of  the  neighbors.  This  white  man 
who  voiced  loudly  his  objections  to  the  "invasion"  was  one  who,  because  of 
his  drunken  habits  and  troublesome  nature,  had  long  been  considered  an 
undesirable  neighbor  by  other  whites  in  the  block. 

Woodlawn. — Relations  in  Woodlawn,  where  the  Negro  population  increase 
has  been  relatively  large,  are  for  the  most  part  friendly.  There  is  an  association 
of  Negro  property  owners  interested  in  keeping  up  the  physical  appearance 
of  their  homes  in  the  neighborhood.  No  clashes  have  been  reported  except 
one  instance  of  a  group  of  white  boys  from  another  neighborhood  throwing 
stones  at  a  building  where  they  saw  Negroes.  Following  the  stirring  up  and 
organization  of  anti-Negro  sentiment  in  Hyde  Park,  an  attempt  was  made  to 
organize  white  Woodlawn  property  owners  against  the  invasion  of  the  district 
by  Negroes.  This  organization  was  not  a  great  success.  There  have  been  no 
bombings  in  this  district,  and  no  concerted  opposition  to  the  presence  of  Negroes 
as  neighbors.  Long  residence  together  and  the  good  character  and  conduct 
of  both  Negroes  and  whites  are  probably  important  reasons  for  lack  of  friction. 

2.      THE  WEST  SIDE 

A  situation  like  that  in  the  adjusted  neighborhoods  of  the  South  Side 
exists  in  the  district  bounded  by  Washington  and  Kinzie,  Ashland  and  Cah- 
fornia  avenues,  where  there  has  been  a  settlement  of  Negroes  for  many  years. 
Houses  are  cheaper  than  on  the  South  Side,  and  although  the  general  standard 
of  workingmen's  homes  compares  favorably  with  that  on  the  South  Side, 
few  of  the  abandoned  good  residences  formerly  occupied  by  wealthy  persons 
are  available  for  Negroes.  The  densest  and  oldest  settlement  of  Negroes  is 
within  the  boundaries  named,  although  the  Negro  residence  area  actually 
extends  many  blocks  beyond  them  on  all  sides.  There  has  been  Httle  friction, 
though  the  area  has  9,221  whites  and  6,520  Negroes.  South  of  Washington 
Boulevard  occasional  difficulties  have  been  met  by  the  incoming  Negro  popula- 
tion, similar  to  those  found  in  areas  where  the  most  congested  Negro  population 
on  the  South  Side  is  spreading.  On  the  West  Side  no  bombings  have  occurred, 
although  there  have  been  frequent  protests  against  the  expansion.  Some 
streets  have  come  to  be  recognized  as  Negro  streets. 

In  recent  years  many  Negroes  have  bought  homes  on  the  West  Side  when 
they  could  not  easily  find  living  quarters  in  or  near  the  older  Negro  residence 
areas  on  the  South  Side.  Almost  uniformly  they  keep  their  homes  in  good 
condition,  which  cannot  be  said  of  all  the  Negroes  who  settled  early  in  this 


THE  NEGRO  POPULATION  OF  CHICAGO  iii 

the  two  races  get  along  peaceably.  In  the  400  block  of  East  Forty-sixth 
Street  a  similar  report  is  given.  In  still  another  block  on  Champlain  Avenue 
lives  a  woman  who  has  been  in  the  midst  of  white  famiUes  for  a  number  of 
years  without  experiencing  animosity.  On  East  Forty-second  Street  a  Negro 
family  has  Hved  for  three  years  in  similar  freedom  from  racial  friction. 

In  another  instance  a  pioneer  Negro  family  in  a  block  otherwise  wholly 
white  was  well  regarded  by  all  except  one  of  the  neighbors.  This  white  man 
who  voiced  loudly  his  objections  to  the  "invasion"  was  one  who,  because  of 
his  drunken  habits  and  troublesome  nature,  had  long  been  considered  an 
undesirable  neighbor  by  other  whites  in  the  block. 

Woodlawn. — Relations  in  Woodlawn,  where  the  Negro  population  increase 
has  been  relatively  large,  are  for  the  most  part  friendly.  There  is  an  association 
of  Negro  property  owners  interested  in  keeping  up  the  physical  appearance 
of  their  homes  in  the  neighborhood.  No  clashes  have  been  reported  except 
one  instance  of  a  group  of  white  boys  from  another  neighborhood  throwing 
stones  at  a  building  where  they  saw  Negroes.  Following  the  stirring  up  and 
organization  of  anti-Negro  sentiment  in  Hyde  Park,  an  attempt  was  made  to 
organize  white  Woodlawn  property  owners  against  the  invasion  of  the  district 
by  Negroes.  This  organization  was  not  a  great  success.  There  have  been  no 
bombings  in  this  district,  and  no  concerted  opposition  to  the  presence  of  Negroes 
as  neighbors.  Long  residence  together  and  the  good  character  and  conduct 
of  both  Negroes  and  whites  are  probably  important  reasons  for  lack  of  friction. 

2.      THE  WEST  SIDE 

A  situation  like  that  in  the  adjusted  neighborhoods  of  the  South  Side 
exists  in  the  district  bounded  by  Washington  and  Kinzie,  Ashland  and  Cali- 
fornia avenues,  where  there  has  been  a  settlement  of  Negroes  for  many  years. 
Houses  are  cheaper  than  on  the  South  Side,  and  although  the  general  standard 
of  workingmen's  homes  compares  favorably  with  that  on  the  South  Side, 
few  of  the  abandoned  good  residences  formerly  occupied  by  wealthy  persons 
are  available  for  Negroes.  The  densest  and  oldest  settlement  of  Negroes  is 
within  the  boundaries  named,  although  the  Negro  residence  area  actually 
extends  many  blocks  beyond  them  on  all  sides.  There  has  been  Httle  friction, 
though  the  area  has  9,221  whites  and  6,520  Negroes.  South  of  Washington 
Boulevard  occasional  diflSculties  have  been  met  by  the  incoming  Negro  popula- 
tion, similar  to  those  found  in  areas  where  the  most  congested  Negro  population 
on  the  South  Side  is  spreading.  On  the  West  Side  no  bombings  have  occurred, 
although  there  have  been  frequent  protests  against  the  expansion.  Some 
streets  have  come  to  be  recognized  as  Negro  streets. 

In  recent  years  many  Negroes  have  bought  homes  on  the  West  Side  when 
they  could  not  easily  find  Uving  quarters  in  or  near  the  older  Negro  residence 
areas  on  the  South  Side.  Almost  uniformly  they  keep  their  homes  in  good 
condition,  which  cannot  be  said  of  all  the  Negroes  who  settled  early  in  this 


112  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

district.  West  Side  Negroes,  laborers  for  the  most  part,  are  generally  home- 
loving,  hard-working,  and  desirous  of  improving  conditions  for  their  children. 
Older  settlers  among  them  have  been  able  to  make  their  adjustments  without 
great  difficulty  and  with  no  marked  antagonism  from  white  neighbors. 

Though  occasionally  trivial  conflicts  arise  between  Negro  and  white  neigh- 
bors, the  attitude  of  whites  in  nearby  areas  is  customarily  friendly  if  not  cordial. 
For  example,  a  Negro  doctor  has  a  considerable  practice  among  nearby  Italians 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  Chicago  Commons  Social  Settlement.  At  Chicago 
Commons  itself  no  distinction  is  made  with  respect  to  the  few  Negro  families 
which  at  times  make  use  of  the  facihties.  Children  of  these  families  have 
entered  classes  and  clubs,  and  one  of  them  became  a  leader  of  a  group. 

The  Poles  who  mainly  occupy  the  neighborhood  around  the  Northwestern 
University  Social  Settlement  are  entirely  friendly  to  Negroes.  Three  years  ago 
an  educated  Negro  was  at  the  head  of  the  boys'  department  of  the  settlement, 
and,  with  one  exception,  no  one  in  that  position  has  made  more  friends  among 
the  boys  and  their  families. 

On  the  West  Side,  as  on  the  South  and  North  sides,  Negroes  have  estab- 
lished their  own  restaurants  and  barber  shops  and  some  groceries  and  deHca- 
tessen  stores.     There  are  several  theaters  whose  patronage  is  largely  Negro. 

3.      THE  NORTH   SIDE 

On  the  North  Side,  Negroes  live  among  foreign  whites  and  near  a  residence 
area  of  wealthy  Chicagoans.  Their  first  appearance  occasioned  Httle  notice 
or  objection,  since  they  were  generally  house  servants  Uving  near  their  work. 
The  largest  nimibers  are  to  be  found  between  Chicago  Avenue  and  Di\dsion 
Street  on  North  Wells,  Franklin,  and  cross  streets  connecting  them. 

This  neighborhood  has  experienced  several  complete  changes  in  population. 
It  was  first  occupied  by  Irish,  then  by  Swedes,  then  by  Italians.  The  present 
neighbors  of  Negroes  are  ItaUans.  As  indicated  by  the  population  changes, 
the  neighborhood  is  old  and  run  down,  and  the  reasons  given  by  Negroes  for 
living  there  are  low  rents  and  proximity  to  the  manufacturing  plants  where 
they  work. 

The  Negroes  there  are  renters,  because  the  property,  although  undesirable 
for  residence  purposes,  is  valuable  for  business  and  too  expensive  for  them  to 
buy.  The  families  are  chiefly  respectable,  hard-working  people.  They  have 
their  own  barber  and  tailor  shops  and  similar  business  places.  In  social  affairs 
they  confine  themselves  largely  to  meetings,  dances,  and  similar  gatherings 
held  exclusively  for  their  own  race.  Formerly  the  second  floor  of  a  building 
on  Division  Street  was  frequently  rented  by  the  Negroes  for  church  and  other 
meetings,  and  dances.  Recently  they  have  found  other  meeting  places, 
particularly  for  reUgious  devotions.  Some  of  their  social  gatherings  and  meet- 
ings take  place  at  Seward  Park. 

They  are  welcomed  not  only  in  Seward  Park,  one  of  the  city's  recreation 
centers,  but  in  the  settlements.    At  Eli  Bates  House,  621  West  Elm  Street, 


A  SAVINGS  BANK  IN  THE  NEGRO  RESIDENCE  AREA  ON  SATURDAY  EVENING 


ClIll.hKlvN   A  I    WORK   IX  A  CO.\LMU.\rr\    (;ARL)E.\ 


THE  NEGRO  POPULATION  OF  CHICAGO  113 

for  example,  there  has  been  a  club  of  Negro  young  men,  and  applications 
have  been  received  for  admission  of  Negro  children  to  some  classes.  The 
head  resident  of  the  settlement  reports,  however,  that  it  has  not  had  much 
contact  with  the  Negro  group.  A  few  Negro  children  come  to  the  kindergarten ; 
a  group  of  Negro  boys  makes  use  of  the  gymnasium,  and  some  neighboring 
Negro  famines  have  asked  settlement  residents  for  advice. 

In  this  neighborhood  friendly  relations  exist  between  the  Sicilians,  who 
predominate,  and  their  Negro  neighbors.  Some  Negroes  Hve  harmoniously 
in  the  same  tenements  with  the  Sicihans.  Their  children  play  together,  and 
some  Negro  children  have  learned  SiciHan  phrases,  so  that  they  are  able  to 
deal  with  the  Sicilian  shopkeepers. 

Elsewhere  on  the  North  Side  the  feeling  between  Italians  and  Negroes  is 
not  so  cordial.  During  the  riot  of  1919,  serious  trouble  was  averted  on  the 
North  Side  through  prompt  and  effective  efforts  by  the  police  and  members 
of  the  community.  It  was  reported  throughout  the  district  that  automobiles 
loaded  with  armed  Negroes  were  on  their  way  from  the  South  Side  to  "shoot 
up  the  North  Side."  The  Italians  immediately  armed  themselves  and  began 
to  shoot  recklessly.  They  were  eventually  quieted  by  the  police  and  others, 
and  there  was  no  retahation  of  the  Negroes, 

Many  Negroes  who  have  purchased  homes  and  Hved  on  the  North  Side  for 
years  report  Uttle  opposition.  One  family  on  North  Wells  Street  has  Uved 
there  since  1888  and  now  owns  several  valuable  pieces  of  property.  The  man 
had  no  trouble  in  buying  property,  and  the  whites  have  always  been  friendly 
to  them  and  to  all  Negroes  in  that  section.  Another  Negro  family  on  North 
Wells  Street,  where  Negroes  first  lived,  had  no  difl&culty  in  getting  their  flat 
sixteen  years  ago.   This  block  is  occupied  by  whites  and  Negroes  without  friction. 

Minor  expressions  of  antagonism  attended  the  moving  in  of  some  Negro 
families,  but  after  several  months  the  white  neighbors  accepted  them  and 
now  are  on  good  terms  with  them. 

II.      NON-ADJUSTED  JJEIGHBORHOODS 

Failure  of  adjustment  between  whites  and  Negroes  has  greatly  accentuated 
the  difficulties  of  the  housing  problem  for  Negroes.  When  a  general  shortage 
of  housing  is  relieved  there  may  still  be  a  serious  shortage  for  Negroes  because 
of  the  hostility  of  white  neighborhoods.  The  sentiment  for  "all-white" 
neighborhoods  has  grown  with  the  increase  in  Negro  population  and  the 
threatened  occupancy  in  small  or  large  degree  by  Negroes.  These  non- 
adjusted  neighborhoods  fall  into  distinct  classes: 

I.  Neighborhoods  of  unorganized  opposition.  These  are  neighborhoods 
where  few  Negroes  live.  Though  contiguous  they  are  sharply  separated 
from  areas  of  Negro  residence  and  are  definitely  hostile  to  Negroes,  even  those 
passing  through  the  neighborhood  going  to  and  from  work,  but  the  hostility 
in  them  is  unorganized. 


ii4  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

2.  Neighborhoods  of  organized  opposition,  (a)  Neighborhoods  in  which 
no  Negroes  Uve  but  which  are  in  the  line  of  Negro  expansion.  Opposition 
to  threatened  invasion  has  been  strong.  As  yet  they  are  exclusively  white, 
and  every  effort  is  being  made  to  keep  them  so.  They  are  illustratively 
treated  here  as  "exclusive  neighborhoods."  (6j  Neighborhoods  in  which  the 
presence  of  Negro  residents  is  hotly  contested,  by  organized  and  unorganized 
efforts  to  oust  them.  These  for  convenience  are  termed  "contested  neighbor- 
hoods." 

I.      NEIGHBORHOODS  OF  UNORGANIZED   OPPOSITION 

In  Certain  West  Side  neighborhoods  white  property  owners  objected  to 
the  expansion  of  the  principal  Negro  residence  area  of  that  section. 

The  pastor  of  the  Negro  Presbyterian  Church  on  Washington  Boulevard, 
who  came  to  Chicago  in  1919,  bought  the  houses  at  2006  and  2008  Washington 
Boulevard,  in  which  white  people  had  formerly  Hved.  He  moved  into  one  of 
them  in  May,  1919,  and  both  he  and  his  tenants  in  the  other  house  received 
warning  letters  advising  them  to  move  or  take  the  consequences.  The  last  of 
these  was  received  during  the  riot  in  July,  1919.     No  attention  was  paid  to  them. 

During  the  riots  little  trouble  was  experienced  by  the  Negroes  in  the 
West  Side  district,  who  generally  remained  in  their  own  houses  and  neighbor- 
hoods. Some  became  involved  in  clashes  on  their  way  to  or  from  work,  but 
there  was  no  serious  clash. 

The  district  west  of  Cottage  Grove  Avenue  and  south  to  Sixty-third 
Street  in  Woodlawn  is  rather  sparsely  built  up,  most  of  the  buildings  being 
one-  and  two-family  houses.  Numbers  of  white  people  in  the  neighborhood 
believe  that  the  district  has  been  bhghted  because  of  the  occasional  presence 
of  Negroes. 

On  the  North  Side  some  hostiUty  to  Negroes  was  shown  during  the  19 19 
riot.  One  Negro,  who  had  Uved  on  North  Franklin  Street  for  five  years  and 
in  Chicago  for  thirty  years,  told  of  having  been  spit  at  by  rowdy  ItaUans, 
and  on  another  occasion  threatened  with  shooting  by  young  roughs  in  a 
passing  automobile.  White  neighbors,  however,  intervened.  Under  pressure 
of  the  riot  excitement,  some  Itahan  children  pushed  through  windows  and  doors 
pictures  of  skulls  and  coffins  inked  in  red.  At  the  time  of  the  riot  Eh  Bates 
House  issued  a  circular  deploring  race  hatred  and  appeahng  for  order  and 
fairness. 

Although  the  few  Negroes  Uving  in  the  Lake  Park  Avenue  area'  have 
experienced  Httle  opposition  in  their  present  homes,  there  has  been  no  Negro 
expansion  there.  The  colony,  has  in  fact,  dwindled  in  size  since  1910.  It  is 
made  up  largely  of  Negroes  who  were  house  servants  for  white  families  near-by 
or  worked  in  the  hotels  of  the  district. 

Negroes  of  this  colony  are  barred  from  all  white  restaurants  in  the  district 
except  one  place  conducted  by  a  Greek.     In  three  of  the  motion-picture  houses 

'  See  "Negro  Population  of  Chicago,"  p.  107. 


THE  NEGRO  POPULATION  OF  CHICAGO  115 

they  are  not  allowed  to  sit  in  the  best  seats.  In  one  of  these  theaters  a  sign 
reads,  "We  reserve  the  right  to  seat  our  patrons  to  suit  ourselves."  Negroes 
are  permitted  in  the  balcony  or  in  the  rear  seats  of  the  main  floor. 

On  Langley,  St.  Lawrence,  and  adjoining  streets  south  of  Fifty-fifth  Street 
there  is  considerable  friction  resulting  from  the  presence  of  Negroes. 

There  are  residence  districts  of  Chicago  adjacent  to  those  occupied  by 
Negroes  in  which  hostihty  to  Negroes  is  so  marked  that  the  latter  not  only 
find  it  impossible  to  live  there,  but  expose  themselves  to  danger  even  by  passing 
through.  There  are  no  hostile  organizations  in  these  neighborhoods,  and  active 
antagonism  is  usually  confined  to  gang  lawlessness.  Such  a  neighborhood  is  that 
west  of  Wentworth  Avenue,  extending  roughly  from  Twenty-second  to  Sixty- 
third  streets.  The  number  of  Negroes  Hving  there  is  small,  and  most  of  them 
live  on  Ada,  Aberdeen,  and  Loomis  streets,  south  of  Fifty-seventh  Street. 
In  the  section  immediately  west  of  Wentworth  Avenue  and  thus  adjoining  the 
densest  Negro  residence  area  in  the  city,  practically  no  Negroes  Uve.  In 
addition  to  intense  hostility,  there  is  a  lack  of  desirable  houses.  Wentworth 
Avenue  has  long  been  regarded  as  a  strict  boundary  line  separating  white  and 
Negro  residence  areas.  The  district  has  many  "  athletic  clubs. "^  The  contact 
of  Negroes  and  whites  comes  when  Negroes  must  pass  to  and  from  their  work 
at  the  Stock  Yards  and  at  other  industries  located  in  the  district.  It  was 
in  this  district  that  the  largest  number  of  riot  clashes  occurred.^  Several 
Negroes  have  been  murdered  here,  and  numbers  have  been  beaten  by  gangs 
of  young  men  and  boys.  A  white  man  was  killed  by  one  of  two  Negroes 
returning  from  work  in  that  district,  who  declared  that  they  had  been  intimi- 
dated by  the  slain  man.  Speaking  of  this  district,  the  principal  of  the  Raymond 
School,  a  branch  of  which  is  located  west  of  Wentworth  Avenue,  said  that 
antagonism  of  the  district  against  Negroes  appeared  to  have  been  handed 
down  through  tradition.     He  said : 

We  get  a  good  deal  of  the  gang  spirit  in  the  new  school  on  the  other  side  of  Went- 
worth Avenue.  There  seems  to  be  an  inherited  antagonism.  Wentworth  Avenue 
is  the  gang  line.  They  seem  to  feel  that  to  trespass  on  either  side  of  that  line  is 
groimd  for  trouble.  While  colored  pupils  who  come  to  the  school  for  manual  training 
are  not  troubled  in  the  school,  they  have  to  be  escorted  over  the  line,  not  because  of 
trouble  from  members  of  the  school,  but  groups  of  boys  outside  the  school.  To  give 
another  illustration,  we  took  a  little  kindergarten  group  over  to  the  park.  One 
little  six-year-old  girl  was  struck  in  the  face  by  a  man.  A  policeman  chased  but 
failed  to  catch  him.    The  condition  is  a  tradition.    It  is  handed  down. 

2.      NEIGHBORHOODS  OF  ORGAIOZED  OPPOSITION 

"Exclusive  neighborhoods." — In  neighborhoods  which  are  exclusive  on  the 
basis  of  social  class,  whose  restrictions  apply  to  Negroes  and  the  majority 
of  whites  aUke,  the  high  price  of  property  is  a  sufficient  barrier  against  Negroes ; 

'  See  "Gangs"  and  "Clubs"  under  "Racial  Clashes." 
"See  "Clashes." 


ii6  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

it  is  in  the  neighborhoods  where  property  values  are  within  the  means  of  Negroes 
that  fears  of  invasion  are  entertained.  In  many  new  real  estate  subdivisions 
houses  are  sold  on  easy  payments.  Almost  without  exception  these  sections 
are  exclusively  for  whites,  and  usually  it  is  so  stated  in  the  prospectus.  Other 
sections  longer  estabhshed  come  to  notice  when  some  incident  provokes  the 
expression  of  opposition  aheady  organized  and  awaiting  it. 

Such  a  section  is  the  neighborhood  known  as  Park  Manor  and  Wakeford. 
This  neighborhood  lies  between  Sixty-ninth  and  Seventy-ninth  streets,  and 
Cottage  Grove  and  Indiana  avenues.  It  is  newly  built,  chiefly  with  small 
dwellings,  most  of  them  not  more  than  five  years  old.  Many  of  the  residents 
had  Hved  in  a  neighborhood  to  the  north,  nearer  Woodlawn,  whose  growth  of 
Negro  population  had  caused  some  of  them  to  move.  Park  Manor  and 
Wakeford  were  startled  by  the  following  advertisement  in  the  Chicago  Daily 
News  in  July,  1920: 

For  sale — Colored  Attention:  homes  on  Vernon,  South  Park  and  Indiana  Aves. 
Sold  on  easy  terms;  come  out  and  look  this  locality  over;  Protestant  neighborhood, 
Park  Manor  and  Wakeford;  good  transportation.  Blair,  7455  Cottage  Grove 
Avenue. 

Blair,  a  real  estate  agent,  denied  aU  knowledge  of  the  advertisement  and 
attributed  it  either  to  an  enemy  or  to  a  practical  joker.  He  sent  notices  to  be 
read  the  following  day  in  the  nine  churches  of  the  district,  so  stating,  deploring 
the  occurrence  and  pledging  himself  to  aid  the  other  residents  in  excluding 
Negroes  and  in  hunting  down  the  author  of  the  advertisement. 

Meanwhile  the  entire  district  had  been  aroused,  and  a  meeting  called  for 
the  evening  of  July  12,  in  front  of  a  church  at  Seventy-sixth  Street  and  St. 
Lawrence  Avenue.  About  1,000  people  gathered  for  this  meeting,  which  was 
conducted  by  the  presidents  of  the  South  Park  Manor  and  Wakeford  Improve- 
ment Associations.  The  former  announced  that  he  had  visited  the  Daily 
News  and  learned  that  the  advertisement  had  been  handed  to  a  clerk  in  type- 
written form  and  with  a  typewritten  signature,  and  paid  for  in  advance, 
whereas  Blair's  regular  advertising  was  done  on  a  charge  account.  This  and 
other  information  tended  to  show  that  the  agent  was  not  responsible  for  the 
advertisement.  In  its  issue  of  Monday,  July  12,  the  Daily  News  printed  an 
explanatory  statement. 

Other  speakers  at  the  meeting  were  a  real  estate  dealer  and  an  alderman. 
Considerable  indignation  was  expressed  over  the  false  light  in  which  the 
community  had  been  placed.  Even  the  suggestion  that  Negroes  might  by 
chance  become  a  part  of  this  community  seemed  to  be  abhorrent.  As  far  as 
Negroes  were  concerned  there  was  no  excitement,  but  they  resented  being 
used  to  frighten  white  residents. 

"Contested  neighborhoods." — The  contested  neighborhoods  are  by  far  the 
most  important  among  the  types  of  non-adjusted  neighborhoods,  both  because 
of  the  actual  presence  in  them  of  varying  numbers  of  Negroes  and  their 


THE  NEGRO  POPULATION  OF  CHICAGO  117 

bearing  on  the  future  relations  of  the  races.  The  efforts  in  such  neighborhoods 
to  keep  out  Negroes  involve  stimulation  of  anti-Negro  sentiment  and  organi- 
zation of  property  owners,  and  the  campaign  against  the  presence  of  Negroes 
as  neighbors  develops  into  a  campaign  against  Negroes.  Negroes  in  turn 
resent  both  the  propaganda  statements  and  the  organized  efforts.  A  continu- 
ous struggle,  marked  by  bombings,  foreclosures  of  mortgages,  and  court  dis- 
putes, is  the  result. 

The  most  conspicuous  type  of  a  "contested  neighborhood"  is  that  known 
as  Kenwood  and  Hyde  Park.  In  this  general  neighborhood,  from  Thirty- 
ninth  to  Fifty-ninth  streets  and  from  State  Street  to  Lake  Michigan,  hostiUty 
toward  Negroes  has  been  plainly  and  even  forcibly  expressed  through  organized 
efforts  to  oust  them  and  prevent  their  further  encroachment.  The  situation 
is  peculiar.  This  is  the  part  of  the  old  South  Side  in  which  most  of  the  Negro 
population  of  Chicago  has  settled.  The  so-called  "Black  Belt"  has  been 
overcrowded  for  years.  Old  and  deteriorated  housing  and  its  insufficiency  have 
been  steadily  driving  Negroes  out  of  it  in  search  of  other  homes. 

It  was  inevitable  that  the  great  influx  of  migrants  should  overflow  into 
surrounding  territory.  Many  migrants  brought  funds,  having  sold  out  their 
homes  and  other  possessions.  Negroes  who  had  hved  for  some  time  in  the 
"Black  Belt"  were  eager  to  escape  from  it,  and  here  was  their  opportunity. 
They  did  not  wish  to  go  too  far  from  their  churches  and  other  established 
institutions,  and  Hyde  Park  was  immediately  adjoining. 

Conditions  in  Hyde  Park  during  19 16  and  19 17  favored  the  overflow. 
Numbers  of  new,  and  in  some  instances  high-grade,  apartment  houses  had 
been  built  during  the  previous  ten  or  fifteen  years.  Many  whites  were  leaving 
their  individual  houses  to  Uve  in  these  apartments  or  to  move  to  the  North 
and  South  Shore  regions.  The  houses  had  become  less  desirable,  and  many  of 
them  were  vacant.  The  district,  except  for  certain  definite  neighborhoods, 
had  lost  much  of  its  former  aristocratic  air,  with  the  coming  of  rooming-  and 
boarding-houses.  During  1914,  1915,  and  1916  many  houses  and  apartments 
in  Hyde  Park  were  vacant  or  were  rented  at  low  prices.  Inducements  were 
offered  to  prospective  tenants  in  the  form  of  extensive  decorations  and  repairs, 
or  some  rental  allowance. 

Negroes  bought  houses  and  apartment  buildings  and  rented  anything 
rentable.  This  expansion  of  the  Negro  boundaries  was  promoted  by  both 
white  and  Negro  real  estate  agents  and  property  owners  with  little  opposition. 
These  men  soon  learned  that  Negroes,  with  their  increased  wages  due  to  war 
conditions,  were  able  to  make  first  payments,  at  least,  on  houses  and  to  rent 
better  houses  or  flats  than  they  had  previously  been  obUged  to  occupy. 

Then  the  entrance  of  the  United  States  into  the  war  in  191 7  and  the 
suspension  of  building  operations  occasioned  a  house  shortage  which  became 
acute  in  1918.  The  white  demand  for  dwellings  began  to  exceed  the  supply. 
Real  estate  men  of  the  neighborhood  began  to  discuss  plans  for  re-establishing 


THE  NEGRO  POPULATION  OF  CHICAGO  117 

bearing  on  the  future  relations  of  the  races.  The  efforts  in  such  neighborhoods 
to  keep  out  Negroes  involve  stimulation  of  anti-Negro  sentiment  and  organi- 
zation of  property  owners,  and  the  campaign  against  the  presence  of  Negroes 
as  neighbors  develops  into  a  campaign  against  Negroes.  Negroes  in  turn 
resent  both  the  propaganda  statements  and  the  organized  efforts.  A  continu- 
ous struggle,  marked  by  bombings,  foreclosures  of  mortgages,  and  court  dis- 
putes, is  the  result. 

The  most  conspicuous  type  of  a  "contested  neighborhood"  is  that  known 
as  Kenwood  and  Hyde  Park.  In  this  general  neighborhood,  from  Thirty- 
ninth  to  Fifty-ninth  streets  and  from  State  Street  to  Lake  Michigan,  hostility 
toward  Negroes  has  been  plainly  and  even  forcibly  expressed  through  organized 
efforts  to  oust  them  and  prevent  their  further  encroachment.  The  situation 
is  pecuHar.  This  is  the  part  of  the  old  South  Side  in  which  most  of  the  Negro 
population  of  Chicago  has  settled.  The  so-called  "Black  Belt"  has  been 
overcrowded  for  years.  Old  and  deteriorated  housing  and  its  insufficiency  have 
been  steadily  driving  Negroes  out  of  it  in  search  of  other  homes. 

It  was  inevitable  that  the  great  influx  of  migrants  should  overflow  into 
surrounding  territory.  Many  migrants  brought  funds,  having  sold  out  their 
homes  and  other  possessions.  Negroes  who  had  Hved  for  some  time  in  the 
"Black  Belt"  were  eager  to  escape  from  it,  and  here  was  their  opportunity. 
They  did  not  wish  to  go  too  far  from  their  churches  and  other  established 
institutions,  and  Hyde  Park  was  immediately  adjoining. 

Conditions  in  Hyde  Park  during  1916  and  191 7  favored  the  overflow. 
Numbers  of  new,  and  in  some  instances  high-grade,  apartment  houses  had 
been  built  during  the  previous  ten  or  fifteen  years.  Many  whites  were  leaving 
their  individual  houses  to  live  in  these  apartments  or  to  move  to  the  North 
and  South  Shore  regions.  The  houses  had  become  less  desirable,  and  many  of 
them  were  vacant.  The  district,  except  for  certain  definite  neighborhoods, 
had  lost  much  of  its  former  aristocratic  air,  with  the  coming  of  rooming-  and 
boarding-houses.  During  1914,  1915,  and  1916  many  houses  and  apartments 
in  Hyde  Park  were  vacant  or  were  rented  at  low  prices.  Inducements  were 
offered  to  prospective  tenants  in  the  form  of  extensive  decorations  and  repairs, 
or  some  rental  allowance. 

Negroes  bought  houses  and  apartment  buildings  and  rented  anything 
rentable.  This  expansion  of  the  Negro  boundaries  was  promoted  by  both 
white  and  Negro  real  estate  agents  and  property  owners  with  little  opposition. 
These  men  soon  learned  that  Negroes,  with  their  increased  wages  due  to  war 
conditions,  were  able  to  make  first  payments,  at  least,  on  houses  and  to  rent 
better  houses  or  flats  than  they  had  previously  been  obliged  to  occupy. 

Then  the  entrance  of  the  United  States  into  the  war  in  19 17  and  the 
suspension  of  building  operations  occasioned  a  house  shortage  which  became 
acute  in  19 18.  The  white  demand  for  dwellings  began  to  exceed  the  supply. 
Real  estate  men  of  the  neighborhood  began  to  discuss  plans  for  re-establishing 


ii8  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

it  as  an  exclusively  white  neighborhood.  A  survey  by  the  Kenwood  and  Hyde 
Park  Property  Owners'  Association  showed  that  of  the  3,300  property  owners 
in  the  district,  about  1,000  were  Negroes.  Neighbors  had  objected  Uttle,  the 
entrance  of  the  Negroes  having  been  so  gradual  that  it  was  almost  unnotice- 
able. 

Both  Kenwood  and  Hyde  Park,  using  these  terms  in  the  more  restricted 
sense  of  the  original  residential  locahties  that  bore  the  names,  had  enjoyed  the 
activities  of  local  improvement  organizations  whose  function  it  was  to  keep 
the  streets  sprinkled  and  clean,  to  procure  better  hghting,  and  otherwise 
improve  civic  conditions.  The  Kenwood  and  Hyde  Park  Property  Owners' 
Association  became  prominent  in  1918  on  account  of  its  agitation  to  "make 
Hyde  Park  white."  In  October,  1918,  a  form  letter  was  sent  out  calling  a 
meeting  of  the  Grand  Boulevard  district  of  this  Association  for  October  20. 
The  letter  said  in  part:  "We  are  a  red  blood  organization  who  say  openly, 
we  won't  be  driven  out.  We  make  no  secret  of  our  methods,  they  are  effective 
and  legal."    A  dodger  aimouncing  the  same  meeting  read: 

Every  white  person  Property  Owner  in  Hyde  Park  come  to  this  meeting.  Protect 
your  Property. 

Shall  we  sacrifice  our  property  for  a  third  of  its  value  and  run  like  rats  from  a 
burning  ship,  or  shall  we  put  up  a  united  front  and  keep  Hyde  Park  desirable  for 
ourselves  ?    It's  not  too  late. 

The  Grand  Boulevard  district,  described  as  extending  from  Thirty-ninth 
to  Sixty-third  streets,  and  from  Michigan  to  Cottage  Grove  avenues  was 
included  in  the  consoUdated  organization  of  the  Hyde  Park  and  Kenwood 
districts.  This  Association,  as  was  asserted  by  its  president,  also  had  the 
co-operation  of  three  other  similar  organizations,  one  in  the  Washington  Park 
district,  the  Lake  Front  Community  Property  Owners'  Association,  operating 
in  the  district  north  of  Thirty-ninth  Street  and  south  of  Thirty-third  Street, 
east  of  Cottage  Grove  Avenue;  and  one  in  the  Englewood  district,  which  is 
southwest  of  Hyde  Park. 

Organization  of  sentiment:  It  does  not  appear  that  the  residents  of  this 
neighborhood  rose  spontaneously  to  oppose  the  coming  in  of  Negroes.  If  this 
had  been  the  case,  the  first  Negroes  moving  into  the  district  in  191 7  would  have 
felt  the  opposition.  The  sudden  interest  in  race  occupancy  was  based  upon 
the  alleged  depreciation  of  property  by  Negroes.  With  this  emphasized,  it 
was  not  difficult  to  rally  opposition  to  Negroes  as  a  definite  menace.  The  real 
estate  men  gave  the  alarm,  alleging  a  shrinkage  in  property  values.  The  effort 
through  the  Hyde  Park  and  Kenwood  Association  was  intended  to  stop  the 
influx  and  thereby  the  depreciation.  Meetings  were  held,  a  newspaper  was 
pubhshed,  and  literature  was  distributed.  Racial  antagonism  was  strong  in 
the  speeches  at  these  meetings  and  in  the  newspapers.  The  meeting  which 
probably  marked  the  first  focusing  of  attention  on  the  Kenwood  and  Hyde 
Park  districts  was  held  May  5,  1919,  when  the  sentiment  was  expressed  that 


THE  NEGRO  POPULATION  OF  CHICAGO  119 

Negro  invasion  of  the  district  was  the  worst  calamity  that  had  struck  the  city 
since  the  Great  Fire.  A  prominent  white  real  estate  man  said:  "Property 
owners  should  be  notified  to  stand  together  block  by  block  and  prevent  such 
invasion." 

Distinctly  hostile  sentiments  were  expressed  before  audiences  that  came 
expecting  to  hear  how  their  property  might  be  saved  from  "almost  certain 
destruction."    A  speaker  at  one  of  the  meetings  said  in  part: 

We  are  taught  that  the  principle  of  virtue  and  right  shall  be  the  rule  of  our 
conduct  in  all  of  our  transactions  with  our  fellow-men,  and  therefore  it  is  our  duty 
to  help  the  Negro,  to  uplift  him  in  his  environment,  mark  you,  not  ours.  But  it  is 
not  our  duty,  now  mark  this,  it  is  not  our  duty  as  I  see  it,  nor  is  it  according  to  the 
laws  of  nature  for  us  to  live  with  him  as  neighbors  or  on  a  social  basis.  There  is  an 
immutable,  unchanging  law  that  governs  the  distribution,  association  and  conduct 
of  all  living  creatures.  Man  is  no  exception  to  the  universal  rule.  In  every  land  and 
clime  man  obeys  the  second  law  of  his  nature  and  seeks  his  own  kind,  avoiding  every 
other,  and  ever,  ever  is  he  warring  with  his  unlike  neighbor,  families,  classes,  societies, 
tribes,  and  nations. 

There  are  men  who  proclaim  to  the  world  and  ourselves  that  the  destiny  of  the 
black  man  and  the  white  man  is  one.  I  do  not  believe  it;  I  cannot  believe  it.  Now, 
listen!  As  far  back  as  September  18,  1858,  in  his  famous  joint  debate  with  Stephen 
A.  Douglas,  Abraham  Lincoln,  that  wonderful.  Godlike  man,  the  liberator  of  the 
slaves,  said  this  (Now  listen,  1858,  over  sixty  years  ago):  "I  am  not  nor  ever  have 
been  in  favor  of  bringing  about  in  any  way  the  social  and  political  equality  of  the  white 
and  the  black  race.  I  am  not  nor  ever  have  been  in  favor  of  qualifying  them  to 
intermarry  with  white  people,  and  I  will  say  in  addition  to  this,  that  there  is  a  physical 
difference  between  the  white  and  black  races  living  together  on  terms  of  social  and 
political  equality." 

Other  remarks  of  speakers  at  these  meetings  were: 

The  depreciation  of  our  property  in  this  district  has  been  two  hundred  and  fifty 
millions  since  the  invasion.  If  someone  told  you  that  there  was  to  be  an  invasion 
that  would  injure  your  homes  to  that  extent,  wouldn't  you  rise  up  as  one  man  and 
one  woman,  and  say  as  General  Foch  said:  "They  shall  not  pass"  ? 

There  isn't  an  insurance  company  in  America  that  will  turn  around  and  try  to 
buck  our  organization  when  we  as  one  man  give  them  to  understand  that  it  is  danger- 
ous to  insure  some  people. 

Why  I  remember  fifteen  or  twenty  years  ago  that  the  district  down  here  at 
Wabash  Avenue  and  Calumet  was  one  of  the  most  beautiful  and  highest-class  neigh- 
borhoods of  this  great  city.  Go  down  there  today  and  see  the  ramshackle  broken- 
down  and  tumble-down  district.  That  is  the  result  of  the  new  menace  that  is 
threatening  this  great  Hyde  Park  district.  And  then  tell  me  whether  there  are 
or  not  enough  red-blooded,  patriotic,  loyal,  courageous  citizens  of  Hyde  Park  to  save 
this  glorious  district  from  the  menace  which  has  brought  so  much  pain  and  so  much 
disaster  to  the  district  to  the  south  of  us. 


I20  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

You  cannot  mix  oil  and  water.  You  cannot  assimilate  races  of  a  different 
color  as  neighbors  along  social  lines.  Remember  this:  That  order  is  heaven's 
first  law. 

Throughout  the  meetings,  profession  was  made  of  friendliness  toward  the 
Negroes,  together  with  a  desire  to  serve  their  needs  and  accord  them  fair 
treatment.  The  Property  Owners'  Journal,  published  by  the  Association,  was 
less  guarded.  While  some  of  its  columns  made  similar  professions,  its  remarks 
in  other  columns  were  characterized  by  extreme  racial  bitterness  and 
antagonism. 

An  apparently  conciliatory  attitude  was  also  taken  by  speakers  at  meetings 
of  the  Hyde  Park  Association  and  its  Grand  Boulevard  branch.  In  a  meeting 
of  the  latter  on  January  19,  1920,  the  chairman  declared  that  he  wished  to 
say  for  publication:  "  We  have  no  quarrel  with  the  colored  people.  We  have 
no  desire  to  intimidate  them  by  violence."  The  mission  of  the  organization, 
he  said,  was  peaceable,  and  it  was  the  purpose  to  proceed  according  to  law  and 
order.  The  Association,  he  averred,  had  been  charged  "by  the  colored  press" 
with  being  parties  to  bombing  outrages.  He  wanted  it  known  that  "we  have 
denounced  ofi&cially  the  action  of  anyone  or  any  set  of  people  who  would  indulge 
in  a  practice  of  that  character."  The  story  of  the  bombing  campaign  is  given 
in  another  section  of  this  report. 

At  another  meeting  it  was  asserted  that  the  Kenwood  and  Hyde  Park 
Association  had  a  membership  of  1,000  persons,  and  it  was  estimated  that  in 
the  district  to  which  it  appUed  the  investment  in  real  estate  was  $1,000,000,000. 
The  purpose  of  the  organization  was  declared  to  be  "to  guard  that 
$1,000,000,000  against  depreciation  from  anything,"  One  speaker  said  he 
did  not  believe  there  was  a  piece  of  property  west  of  Cottage  Grove  Avenue 
in  Hyde  Park  that  was  worth  33  cents  on  the  dollar  "as  it  stands  now  with 
this  invasion."  He  said  his  home  cost  about  $25,000,  but  he  felt  safe  in  saying 
that  he  could  not  then  get  $8,000  for  it.  A  city  alderman  was  one  of  the 
speakers  at  this  meeting. 

Most  of  the  real  estate  dealers  in  the  area  were  claimed  as  members  of  the 
Kenwood  and  Hyde  Park  Association  or  its  Grand  Boulevard  branch.  Special 
reference  was  made  at  various  times  and  in  scathing  terms  to  dealers  who 
decUned  to  aflSliate.  At  the  meeting  of  the  Grand  Boulevard  district  on 
January  19,  1920,  it  was  reported  that  the  Executive  Committee  of  the  parent 
association  had  succeeded  during  the  previous  two  or  three  months  in  educating 
real  estate  men.  "The  colored  man,"  a  speaker  said,  "would  have  never 
been  in  this  district  had  not  our  real  estate  men  in  their  ambition  to  acquire 
wealth  and  commissions,  which  is  perfectly  legitimate,  put  them  here,  although 
this  action  on  their  part  has  been  very  shortsighted,  as  some  of  them  now 
admit."  This  speaker  said  also  that  the  Association's  "greatest  successes" 
had  been  in  getting  all  but  five  or  six  of  the  real  estate  men  to  sign  a  pledge 


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THE  NEGRO  POPULATION  OF  CHICAGO  121 

not  to  show  or  rent  or  sell  any  property  "within  our  locality  that  we  claim 
jurisdiction  of  in  the  future  to  colored  people," 

The  Property  Owners^  Journal  exerted  no  little  influence  in  the  creation 
of  this  sentiment.  Claiming  a  wide  circulation,  its  utterances  were  so 
extreme  in  bitterness  against  Negroes  that  many  of  the  residents  of  the  district, 
although  opposed  to  the  coming  in  of  Negroes,  held  aloof  from  the  organization 
because  they  could  not  indorse  appeals  to  race  hatred  and  advocacy  of  measures 
which  they  felt  were  illegal  and  dangerously  near  to  violence.  These  extracts 
are  from  its  issue  of  December  13,  19 19: 

To  damage  a  man's  property  and  destroy  its  value  is  to  rob  him.  The  person 
who  commits  that  act  is  a  robber.  Every  owner  has  the  right  to  defend  his  property 
to  the  utmost  of  his  ability  with  every  means  at  his  disposal. 

Any  property  owner  who  sells  property  anywhere  in  our  district  to  undesirables 
is  an  enemy  to  the  white  owner  and  should  be  discovered  and  punished. 

Protect  your  property! 

Property  conservatively  valued  at  $50,000,000  owned  by  some  10,000  individuals 
is  menaced  by  a  possible  Negro  invasion  of  Hyde  Park.  The  thing  is  simply  impossible 
and  must  not  occur. 

These  are  from  its  issue  of  January  i,  1920: 

As  stated  before,  every  colored  man  who  moves  into  Hyde  Park  knows  that  he  | 
is  damaging  his  white  neighbors'  property.  Therefore,  he  is  making  war  on  the  white 
man.  Consequently,  he  is  not  entitled  to  any  consideration  and  forfeits  his  right 
to  be  employed  by  the  white  man.  If  employers  should  adopt  a  rule  of  refusing  to 
employ  Negroes  who  persist  in  residing  in  Hyde  Park  to  the  damage  of  the  white 
man's  property,  it  would  soon  show  good  results. 

The  Negro  is  using  the  Constitution  and  its  legal  rights  to  abuse  the  moral  I 
rights  of  the  white.  •— -* 

This  is  from  its  issue  of  February  15,  1920: 

There  is  nothing  in  the  make-up  of  a  Negro,  physically  or  mentally,  which  should 
induce  anyone  to  welcome  him  as  a  neighbor.  The  best  of  them  are  insanitary, 
insurance  companies  class  them  as  poor  risks,  ruin  alone  follows  in  their  path.  They 
are  as  proud  as  peacocks,  but  have  nothing  of  the  peacock's  beauty.  Certain  classes 
of  the  Negroes,  such  as  the  Pullman  porters,  political  heelers  and  hairdressers  are 
clamoring  for  equality.  They  are  not  content  with  remaining  with  the  creditable 
members  of  their  race,  they  seem  to  want  to  mingle  with  the  whites.  Their  inordinate 
vanity,  their  desire  to  shine  as  social  lights  caused  them  to  stray  out  of  their  paths 
and  lose  themselves.  We  who  would  direct  them  back  where  they  belong,  towards 
their  people,  are  censured  and  called  "unjust."  Far  more  unjust  are  their  actions 
to  the  members  of  their  race  who  have  no  desire  to  interfere  with  the  homes  of  the 
white  citizens  of  this  district.  The  great  majority  of  the  Negroes  are  not  stirred 
by  any  false  ambition  that  results  only  in  discord.  Wherever  friction  arises  between 
the  races,  the  suffering  is  usually  endured  by  the  innocent.  If  these  misleaders  are 
sincere  in  their  protestations  of  injustice,  if  they  are  not  hypocritical  in  their  pretence 
of  solving  the  race  question,  let  them  move.    Their  actions  savour  of  spite  against 


THE  NEGRO  POPULATION  OF  CHICAGO  121 

not  to  show  or  rent  or  sell  any  property  "within  our  locaUty  that  we  claim 
jurisdiction  of  in  the  future  to  colored  people." 

The  Property  Owners^  Journal  exerted  no  little  influence  in  the  creation 
of  this  sentiment.  Claiming  a  wide  circulation,  its  utterances  were  so 
extreme  in  bitterness  against  Negroes  that  many  of  the  residents  of  the  district, 
although  opposed  to  the  coming  in  of  Negroes,  held  aloof  from  the  organization 
because  they  could  not  indorse  appeals  to  race  hatred  and  advocacy  of  measures 
which  they  felt  were  illegal  and  dangerously  near  to  violence.  These  extracts 
are  from  its  issue  of  December  13,  1919: 

To  damage  a  man's  property  and  destroy  its  value  is  to  rob  him.  The  person 
who  commits  that  act  is  a  robber.  Every  owner  has  the  right  to  defend  his  property 
to  the  utmost  of  his  ability  with  every  means  at  his  disposal. 

Any  property  owner  who  sells  property  anywhere  in  our  district  to  undesirables 
is  an  enemy  to  the  white  owner  and  should  be  discovered  and  punished. 

Protect  your  property! 

Property  conservatively  valued  at  $50,000,000  owned  by  some  10,000  individuals 
is  menaced  by  a  possible  Negro  invasion  of  Hyde  Park.  The  thing  is  simply  impossible 
and  must  not  occur. 

These  are  from  its  issue  of  January  i,  1920: 

As  stated  before,  every  colored  man  who  moves  into  Hyde  Park  knows  that  he  | 
is  damaging  his  white  neighbors'  property.  Therefore,  he  is  making  war  on  the  white 
man.  Consequently,  he  is  not  entitled  to  any  consideration  and  forfeits  his  right 
to  be  employed  by  the  white  man.  If  employers  should  adopt  a  rule  of  refusing  to 
employ  Negroes  who  persist  in  residing  in  Hyde  Park  to  the  damage  of  the  white 
man's  property,  it  would  soon  show  good  results. 

The  Negro  is  using  the  Constitution  and  its  legal  rights  to  abuse  the  moral  I 
rights  of  the  white.  •-— * 

This  is  from  its  issue  of  February  15,  1920: 

There  is  nothing  in  the  make-up  of  a  Negro,  physically  or  mentally,  which  should 
induce  anyone  to  welcome  him  as  a  neighbor.  The  best  of  them  are  insanitary, 
insurance  companies  class  them  as  poor  risks,  ruin  alone  foUows  in  their  path.  They 
are  as  proud  as  peacocks,  but  have  nothing  of  the  peacock's  beauty.  Certain  classes 
of  the  Negroes,  such  as  the  PuUman  porters,  political  heelers  and  hairdressers  are 
clamoring  for  equality.  They  are  not  content  with  remaining  with  the  creditable 
members  of  their  race,  they  seem  to  want  to  mingle  with  the  whites.  Their  inordinate 
vanity,  their  desire  to  shine  as  social  lights  caused  them  to  stray  out  of  their  paths 
and  lose  themselves.  We  who  would  direct  them  back  where  they  belong,  towards 
their  people,  are  censured  and  called  "unjust."  Far  more  unjust  are  their  actions 
to  the  members  of  their  race  who  have  no  desire  to  interfere  with  the  homes  of  the 
white  citizens  of  this  district.  The  great  majority  of  the  Negroes  are  not  stirred 
by  any  false  ambition  that  results  only  in  discord.  Wherever  friction  arises  between 
the  races,  the  suffering  is  usually  endured  by  the  innocent.  If  these  misleaders  are 
sincere  in  their  protestations  of  injustice,  if  they  are  not  hypocritical  in  their  pretence 
of  solving  the  race  question,  let  them  move.    Their  actions  savour  of  spite  against 


122  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

the  whites,  whose  good  will  can  never  be  attained  by  such  tactics.  The  place  for 
a  Negro  aristocrat  is  in  a  Negro  neighborhood. 

In  the  same  issue,  under  the  heading  Caveat  Vendor  (Let  the  Seller  Beware) 
appeared  the  following: 

People  who  sell  their  property  to  Negroes  and  take  first  and  second  mortgages 
and  promises  to  pay  monthly  sums  do  not  know  what  risks  they  are  taking  in  trying 
to  collect  the  money.  Mrs.  Nora  Foster  of  4207  Prairie  sold  her  house  to  some 
niggers  and  when  she  went  to  collect  she  was  assaulted  and  throwm  down  a  flight  of 
stairs.  This  is  not  a  case  of  saying  it  served  her  right  because  more  than  seven  of 
her  neighbors  sold  before  Mrs.  Foster  did,  but  it  does  serve  as  a  splendid  example 
of  the  fact  that  niggers  are  undesirable  neighbors  and  entirely  irresponsible  and 
vicious. 

The  Negroes'  innate  desire  to  "flash,"  to  live  in  the  present,  not  reckoning  the 
future,  their  inordinate  love  for  display  has  resulted  in  their  being  misled  by  the 
example  of  such  individuals  as  Jesse  Binga  and  Oscar  De  Priest.  In  their  loud  mouth- 
ing about  equality  with  the  whites  they  have  wormed  their  course  into  white  neighbor- 
hoods, where  they  are  not  wanted  and  where  they  have  not  the  means  to  support 
property. 

Keep  the  Negro  in  his  place,  amongst  his  people  and  he  is  healthy  and  loyal. 
Remove  him,  or  allow  his  newly  discovered  importance  to  remove  him  from  his  proper 
environment  and  the  Negro  becomes  a  nuisance.  He  develops  into  an  overbearing, 
inflated,  irascible  individual,  overburdening  his  brain  to  such  an  extent  about  social 
equaUty,  that  he  becomes  dangerous  to  aU  with  whom  he  comes  in  contact,  he  consti- 
tutes a  nuisance,  of  which  the  neighborhood  is  anxious  to  rid  itself. 

Another  building  which  has  been  polluted  by  Negro  tenancy  is  to  be  renovated 
on  May  ist Either  the  Negro  must  vanish  or  decay  sets  in.    Who  is  next  ? 

Misleaders  of  the  Negro,  those  flamboyant,  noisy,  witless  individuals,  who,  by 
power  of  superior  gall  and  gumption,  have  blustered  their  way  into  positions  of  promi- 
nence amongst  their  people,  wonder  why  this  district  resents  their  intrusion.  To  allow 
themselves  an  opportunity  to  parade  their  dusky  persons  before  an  audience  of  their 
followers,  these  misleaders  held  a  meeting  of  the  Protective  Circle  (composed,  no 
doubt,  of  Negro  roundheads),  at  which  a  varied  assortment  of  Negro  preachers, 
poHticians  and  other  what  nots  exposed  our  methods  and  organization  work.  With 
much  comical  oratory,  they  dangled  our  association  before  the  spellbound  eyes  of 
their  sable  dupes  and  after  extreme  fuming  and  sweating  appointed  about  fifteen 
committees  to  annihilate  all  Hyde  Parkers, 

ni.      BOMBINGS 

A  form  of  organized  resistance  to  the  coming  of  Negroes  into  new  neighbor- 
hoods was  the  bombings  of  their  homes  and  the  homes  of  real  estate  men, 
white  and  Negro,  who  were  known  or  supposed  to  have  sold,  leased,  or  rented 
local  property  to  them. 

From  July  i,  1917,  to  March  i,  1921,  the  Negro  housing  problem  was 
marked  by  fifty-eight  bomb  explosions.  Two  persons,  both  Negroes,  were 
killed,  a  number  of  white  and  colored  persons  were  injured,  and  the  damage 
to  property  amounted  to  more  than  $100,000,    Of  these  fifty-eight  bombs, 


THE  NEGRO  POPULATION  OF  CHICAGO  123 

thirty-two  were  exploded  within  the  square  bounded  by  Forty-first  and 
Sixtieth  streets,  Cottage  Grove  Avenue  and  State  Street.  With  an  average 
of  one  race  bombing  every  twenty  days  for  three  years  and  eight  months, 
the  police  and  the  state's  attorney's  ofi&ce  succeeded  in  apprehending  but  two 
persons  suspected  of  participation  in  these  acts  of  lawlessness.  One  of  these, 
James  Macheval,  arrested  on  the  complaint  of  C.  S.  Absteson,  a  janitor, 
was  released  on  a  $500  bond.  At  the  writing  of  this  report,  one  year  after  the 
arrest,  there  has  been  no  trial.  Another  man  was  apprehended,  questioned, 
held  under  surveillance  for  two  days  by  the  police,  and  finally  released. 

News  of  threatened  bombings  in  many  cases  was  circulated  well  in  advance 
of  the  actual  occurrence.  Negroes  were  warned  of  the  exact  date  on  which 
explosions  would  occur.  They  asked  for  poUce  protection,  and,  in  some 
instances  where  police  were  sent  beforehand,  their  homes  were  bombed,  and 
no  arrests  were  made. 

The  persons  directing  these  bombings  did  not  limit  their  intimidations  to 
Negro  residents  in  white  neighborhoods;  residences  of  Negroes  and  white 
real  estate  men  were  bombed  because  they  had  sold  or  rented  property 
in  these  exclusive  areas  to  Negroes,  and  Negro  bankers'  houses  were  bombed 
because  they  made  loans  on  Negro  property  and  supported  their  mortgages. 

These  bombings  increased  rapidly  in  frequency  and  damaging  effect. 
The  six  months'  period  ended  October  i,  1920,  witnessed  as  many  bombings 
as  the  entire  thirty-five  months  preceding.  Prior  to  1919  there  were  twelve 
bombings.  Four  of  these  were  directed  at  properties  merely  held  by  Negro 
real  estate  men  as  agents,  two  of  them  in  Berkeley  Avenue  just  north  of 
Forty-third  Street,  and  near  the  lake.  Five  were  in  the  4500  block  on  Vincennes 
Avenue,  two  at  4200  Wabash  Avenue,  and  one  at  4732  Indiana  Avenue. 

Bombing  of  real  estate  men's  properties  appears  to  have  been  part  of  a 
general  scheme  to  close  the  channels  through  which  the  invasion  proceeded 
rather  than  a  protest  of  neighbors.  The  four  explosions  in  the  4500  block  on 
Vincennes  Avenue  appear  to  have  been  deUberately  aimed  at  the  tenants. 
This  block  is  at  the  center  of  the  neighborhood  most  actively  opposed  to  the 
coming  in  of  Negroes.  In  January,  1919,  a  white  and  a  Negro  real  estate 
agent  were  bombed;  in  March,  Jesse  Binga's  real  estate  ofiice  at  4724  State 
Street  and  an  apartment  at  4041  Calumet  Avenue  were  bombed.  In  April 
there  were  two  more  bombings,  one  of  a  realty  oflEice.  Following  a  pubUc 
meeting  on  May  5  to  arouse  white  property  owners  of  the  Hyde  Park  district 
against  Negro  invasion,  there  were  four  bombings.  Between  January  i,  1920, 
and  March  i,  1920,  there  were  eight  bombings  in  eight  weeks.  ResponsibiUty 
for  the  creation  of  the  sentiment  thus  expressed  was  in  some  instances  assumed 
by  organizations.  For  example  the  Property  Owners^  Journal,  in  its  issue 
for  February  i,  1920,  said: 

Our  neighborhood  must  continue  white.  This  sentiment  is  the  outgrowth  of  the 
massmeeting  of  property  owners  and  residents  which  was  held  Monday,  January  19. 


124  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Mr.  George  J.  Williams  furnished  the  climax  of  the  meeting  when  he  informed  the 
audience  in  terse,  pithy  language  that  "Hyde  Park  enjoys  a  reputation  too  splendid 
as  a  neighborhood  of  white  culture  to  allow  Negroes  to  use  it  as  their  door  mat." 

In  the  issue  of  December  13,  1919,  white  and  Negro  real  estate  men  and 
owners  selling  property  to  Negroes  in  the  district  were  "branded  as  unclean 
outcasts  of  society  to  be  boycotted  and  ostracized  in  every  possible  manner," 
and  W.  B.  Austin,  white,  was  accused  of  violating  a  gentleman's  obligation  to 
his  community  in  selling  a  home  to  a  Negro.  It  was  asserted  falsely  that  the 
house  which  he  had  sold  had  been  used  during  the  race  riots  as  a  "rendezvous 
for  Negroes  who  fired  volleys  of  revolver  shots  from  doors  and  windows  at 
white  boys  in  the  street  who,  according  to  the  testimony  of  neighbors,  had 
not  attacked  the  premises." 

On  December  26  the  home  of  J.  H.  Coleman,  a  white  real  estate  man  who 
had  sold  a  house  to  a  Negro,  was  bombed.  The  transaction  was  not  public, 
and  occupancy  was  not  to  take  place  for  five  months.  On  December  27  the 
home  of  Jesse  Binga,  a  Negro  real  estate  man,  was  bombed.  One  week  later, 
on  January  6,  came  the  bombing  of  W.  B.  Austin,  on  the  North  Side. 

During  1919  and  1920  committees  and  delegations  of  whites  and  Negroes 
appealed  to  the  chief  of  police,  the  mayor,  State's  Attorney  Hoyne,  and  the 
press,  but  nothing  was  done.  The  mayor  referred  these  matters  to  his  chief 
of  police.  The  police  were  unable  to  discover  the  bombers  or  anyone  directing 
them.  The  state's  attorney,  in  response  to  appeals,  emphatically  defined  his 
duty  as  a  prosecuting  rather  than  an  apprehending  agent.  All  the  while, 
however,  the  bombings  continued  steadily;  no  arrests  except  the  two  mentioned 
were  made;  and  the  Negro  population  grew  to  trust  less  and  less  in  the  interest 
of  the  community  and  the  public  agencies  of  protection.     ** 

I.      TYPICAL  BOMBINGS 

The  circumstances  of  the  bombings  were  investigated  by  the  Commission, 
and  details  of  what  happened  in  several  typical  cases  are  here  presented. 

Bombing  of  the  Motley  home. — In  1913  S.  P.  Motley,  Negro,  and  his  wife  purchased 
a  building  at  5230  Maryland  Avenue  through  a  white  agent,  and  on  March  15,  1913, 
the  family  moved  in.  For  four  years  they  lived  there  without  molestation  save  the 
silent  resentment  of  neighbors  and  open  objection  to  the  presence  of  Negro  children 
in  the  streets.  On  July  i,  191 7,  without  warning  or  threat,  a  bomb  was  exploded  in 
the  vestibule  of  the  house,  and  the  front  of  the  building  was  blown  away.  The 
damage  amounted  to  $1,000.  Police  arrived  from  the  station  at  Fifty-second  Street 
and  Lake  Park  Avenue  ten  minutes  after  the  explosion.  No  clews  were  found  and 
no  arrests  were  made.  The  original  owner  of  the  building  was  bitterly  opposed  to 
Negroes  and  was  a  member  of  an  organization  which  was  seeking  to  keep  Negroes 
out  of  the  district. 

Some  time  after  this  incident  it  was  rumored  that  Motley  was  planning  to  purchase 
the  building  adjacent.  At  4:00  a.m.  June  4,  1919,  a  dynamite  bomb  was  exploded 
under  the  front  of  the  house  adjacent  and  tore  up  its  stone  front.    The  neighbors 


•jl  ,|  III  |r    :     .;  |    :'  :[  •^    i\   • 

n '  ■ 


HOMES  BOMBED 

IN  RACE  CONFUCTS  OVER  HOUSING 
JULY.  1.1917 -MARCH.  1,1921 

HOME  OF  NEGRO - • 

REAL  ESTATE  DEALER ■ 

WHITE -a 

REAL  ESTATE  DEALER B 


*!  ainilELjmiinryi^IIjnr  ] 

MpULLijiyi  r?^n>;i!:iinnLjnaa: 


mm 


iii 


j:  1  l^iE^.  WASHINGTON    PARK 


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ilk  tliiO.-iUiUJidtmtiii5 


THE  NEGRO  POPULATION  OF  CHICAGO  125 

were  in  the  street  immediately  after  the  explosion.  No  clews  were  found  and  no 
arrests  were  made.  The  Motley  family  on  this  occasion  was  accused  of  inviting 
another  Negro  family  into  the  block.  The  new  family  in  question  negotiated 
for  its  own  property,  and  before  an  actual  settlement  had  been  made,  received  numer- 
ous telephone  messages  and  threats.     It  moved  in,  but  was  not  bombed. 

Bombing  of  Moses  Fox's  home. — Moses  Fox,  white,  connected  with  a  "Loop" 
real  estate  firm,  lived  at  442  East  Forty-fifth  Street.  The  house  was  too  large,  and 
he  decided  to  move  to  smaller  quarters.  The  building  was  sold  through  a  real  estate 
firm  to  persons  whom  he  did  not  know.  On  March  10, 1920,  a  few  days  after  the  sale, 
he  received  a  telephone  call  informing  him  that  he  must  suffer  the  consequences  of 
seUing  his  home  to  Negroes.  At  7 :  30  that  evening  an  automobile  was  seen  to  drive 
slowly  past  his  home  three  times,  stopping  each  time  just  east  of  the  building.  On 
the  last  trip  a  man  ahghted,  and  deposited  a  long-fuse  bomb  in  the  vestibule.  The 
fuse  smoked  for  four  minutes.  Attracted  by  the  smoke.  Fox  ran  toward  the  front 
of  the  house.  The  bomb  exploded  before  he  reached  the  door.  It  was  loaded  with 
dynamite  and  contained  slugs  which  penetrated  the  windows  of  buUdings  across 
the  street.  The  evening  selected  for  the  bombing  was  the  one  on  which  Patrolman 
Edward  Owens,  Negro,  was  off  duty  and  a  white  policeman  was  patrolling  his  beat. 
The  bombing  was  witnessed  by  Dan  Jones,  a  Negro  janitor,  and  Mrs.  Florence 
De  Lavalade,  a  Negro  tenant.  The  front  of  the  buUding  was  wrecked  and  all  the 
windows  shattered.  Damage  amounting  to  $1,000  was  done.  No  arrests  were 
made. 

Bombing  of  Jesse  Bingo's  properties. — ^Jesse  Binga  is  a  Negro  banker  and  real 
estate  man.  His  bank  is  at  3633  State  Street,  his  real  estate  oflSce  at  4724  State 
Street,  and  his  home  at  5922  South  Park  Avenue.  He  controls  more  than  $500,000 
worth  of  property  and  through  his  bank  has  made  loans  on  Negro  property  and  taken 
over  the  mortgages  of  Negroes  refused  by  other  banks  and  loan  agencies. 

On  November  12,  191 9,  an  automobile  rolled  by  his  realty  office  and  a  bomb 
was  tossed  from  it.  It  left  the  office  in  ruins.  The  police  were  soon  on  the  scene, 
but  the  car  was  well  beyond  reach  by  the  time  of  their  arrival.  No  clews  to  the 
bombers  were  found,  and  no  arrests  were  made.  It  was  the  opinion  of  the  police 
that  white  residents  of  the  Hyde  Park  district  resented  Binga's  handling  of  Negro 
property  in  that  district. 

Twenty-one  days  later  an  automobile  drew  up  in  front  of  Binga's  home  at  5922 
South  Park  Avenue,  and  its  occupants  put  a  bomb  under  the  front  steps.  It  failed 
to  explode.  When  the  firemen  arrived  they  found  it  sizzling  in  the  slush  beneath 
the  porch.    The  police  declared  that  this  was  an  expression  of  racial  feeling. 

Twenty-five  days  later  the  bombers  reappeared  and  left  a  third  bomb.  It  tore 
up  the  porch  of  Binga's  home.  Again  the  police  found  that  the  explosion  had  been 
caused  by  "racial  feeling,"  white  men  having  said  that  "Binga  rented  too  many  flats 
to  Negroes  in  high-class  residence  districts."  The  house  was  repaired  and  p>olice 
provided  to  guard  the  house.  At  twelve  o'clock  each  night  the  guard  changed  watch. 
On  the  night  of  February  28  the  policeman  on  duty  until  twelve  o'clock  left  a  few 
minutes  early,  and  the  policeman  relieving  him  was  just  a  few  mmutes  late.  In  this 
unguarded  interval  an  automobile  swung  around  the  corner,  and  as  it  passed  the 
Binga  home  a  man  leaned  out  and  tossed  a  bomb  into  the  yard.  The  bomb  lit  in 
a  puddle  of  water  and  the  fuse  went  out.    It  was  found  that  the  bomb  had  been 


126  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

made  of  black  powder,  manila  paper,  and  cotton.  The  explanation  of  the  attempt 
was  that  "his  $30,000  home  is  in  a  white  neighborhood." 

A  police  guard  was  still  watching  the  house  on  the  night  of  June  18, 1920,  when  the 
bombing  car  appeared  again.  On  this  occasion  neither  policeman  was  in  sight  when 
the  car  drew  up.  A  man  alighted  this  time  and  carefully  placed  the  bomb.  The 
explosion  that  followed  almost  demolished  the  front  of  the  house  and  smashed  windows 
throughout  the  block.  This  last  explosion  damaged  the  home  to  the  extent  of  $4,000. 
Binga  offered  a  reward  of  $1,000  for  the  apprehension  of  those  guilty  of  these  repeated 
acts  of  lawlessness. 

On  November  23  Binga  was  bombed  again.  This  time  the  bomb  damaged  his 
neighbors  more  seriously  than  it  did  Binga's  property.  No  clews  were  found  and  no 
one  was  arrested. 

Bombing  of  R.  W.  Woodfolk's  home. — R.  W.  Woodfolk,  Negro  banker  and  real 
estate  dealer,  purchased  a  flat  at  4722  Calumet  Avenue.  It  was  an  investment  of 
the  Merchants  and  Peoples'  Bank,  3201  South  State  Street,  which  he  controlled. 
The  building  was  occupied  by  one  white  and  four  Negro  families.  On  the  evening 
of  February  i,  1920,  a  person  with  keys  to  the  building  locked  the  tenants  in  their 
apartments,  sprung  the  locks  of  the  doors  leading  to  the  street,  and  planted  a  bomb 
in  the  hallway.  The  explosion  ripped  up  the  hall  and  stairway,  tore  away  the  brick 
work  around  the  entrance,  and  shattered  the  windows  of  adjacent  buildings.  The 
damage  was  estimated  at  $1,000.    No  arrests  were  made. 

Bombing  of  the  Clarke  home. — Mrs.  Mary  Byron  Clarke,  Negro,  purchased  through 
W.  B.  Austin,  a  white  banker  and  real  estate  man,  properties  at  4404  and  4406  Grand 
Boulevard,  vacant  for  a  year  at  the  time  of  purchase,  and  previously  used  by  prosti- 
tutes. A  real  estate  dealer  herself,  she  had  frequently  been  assisted  by  Austin  in 
financing  her  transactions,  one  of  which  was  the  sale  to  Negroes  of  Isaiah  Temple^ 
a  Jewish  synagogue  at  Forty-fifth  Street  and  Vincennes  Avenue. 

The  dwellings  were  renovated  and  she  moved  into  one  of  them;  the  other  she 
rented.  During  the  riot  of  July,  1919,  her  home  was  attacked  by  a  mob.  When  the 
poUce  arrived  in  response  to  a  call  by  the  Clarkes,  they  battered  in  the  doors  at  the 
demand  of  the  mob  and  arrested  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Clarke.  They  were  acquitted.  On 
January  5,  1920,  the  house  was  bombed.  The  explosion  caused  $3,360  worth  of 
damage.  The  building  was  again  bombed  February  12,  1920,  this  time  with  a  dyna- 
mite bomb  thrown  through  the  plate-glass  door  in  the  hallway  from  a  passing  auto- 
mobile. The  stairway  was  knocked  down  and  large  holes  blown  in  the  wall.  The 
police  came,  found  no  clews,  and  made  no  arrests.  At  the  request  of  Mrs.  Clarke 
a  special  policeman  was  detailed  to  guard  the  property. 

Numerous  threatening  letters  and  telephone  calls  followed,  all  of  which  were 
reported  to  the  police.  There  were  threats  of  another  bombing  if  she  did  not  sell, 
and  there  were  visits  from  representatives  of  real  estate  interests  in  Hyde  Park 
making  offers. 

Tuesday  evening,  April  13,  1920,  a  third  bomb  was  exploded  in  spite  of  the 
presence  of  the  two  special  policemen.  The  bomb  was  thrown  from  the  premises  of 
Frederick  R.  Bamheisel,  an  immediate  neighbor,  a  telephone  wire  deflected  it,  and 
it  landed  near  the  Clarke  garage. 

Mrs.  Clarke  made  a  statement  concerning  this  bombing  before  the  Commission 
in  which  she  said: 


THE  NEGRO  POPULATION  OF  CHICAGO  127 

"Wednesday  [the  day  following  the  third  bombing]  we  got  a  letter  saying  'move 
out  or  seU,  there  is  nothing  else  for  you  to  do.  We  missed  you  last  night  but  we  will 
get  you  the  next  time.  We  are  determined.'  A  letter  prior  to  that  stated  if  we  did 
not  get  out  they  would  'get  our  hides.' 

"There  has  been  some  sinister  influence  brought  to  bear  on  the  insurance  company 
since  the  riot  and  since  the  first  bombing.  We  have  had  our  house  insured  against 
bombing  since  the  first  bombing.  The  first  damage  of  about  $500  they  paid  and 
canceled  the  insurance  on  4404  Grand  Boulevard.  The  second  bomb  did  damage 
to  the  extent  of  $3,360.  They  wrote  saying  they  would  cancel  it,  subject  however 
to  pending  loss.  There  was  a  clause  calling  for  settlement  within  sixty  days.  After 
sixty  days  we  would  have  to  enter  suit  to  get  it.  The  sixty  days  have  passed,  and  there 
has  been  no  attempt  to  settle.  Some  of  the  glass  has  been  replaced.  They  have 
accepted  it,  and  there  has  been  no  disposition  on  their  part  to  settle. 

"Berry,  Johnston,  &  Peters,  the  men  with  whom  we  have  had  the  most  business 
dealings,  have  insisted  that  we  sell  the  place.  Mr.  Peters  said  last  week  he  could 
get  a  buyer  from  the  Hyde  Park-Kenwood  Association  people,  also  said  if  any  indebt- 
edness remained  on  the  contract  or  deeds,  that  the  money  must  first  be  paid  to  them, 
then  to  us.  We  have  been  careful  not  to  let  any  indebtedness,  even  for  ten  days, 
come  against  4406." 

Bombing  of  Crede  Hubbard's  home. — Following  is  part  of  Hubbard's  statement 
to  the  police  immediately  after  the  bombing  of  his  home  at  4331  Vincennes  Avenue 
on  the  night  of  April  25,  1920: 

"The  day  on  which  I  had  planned  to  move,  a  man  who  said  he  was  Mr.  Day,  of 
the  Hyde  Park  and  Kenwood  Association,  telephoned  me.  He  said :  '  I  hear  you  have 
acquired  property  and  you  are  dissatisfied  with  it;  we  can  take  it  off  your  hands — 
relieve  you  of  it.'  1  replied  that  I  didn't  think  I  needed  any  help.  He  asked,  'What 
do  you  expect  to  do  ?'  I  said,  'I  expect  to  move  into  it  or  sell  it  if  I  can  get  my  price.' 
I  moved  on  Tuesday  and  Wednesday  he  called  in  person.  He  said,  'I  called  to  find 
out  if  you  want  us  to  sell  or  handle  your  property  for  you.'  I  told  him  I  thought  I 
could  handle  it,  and  that  I  was  not  anxious  to  sell  but  would  consider  selling  if  I  could 
get  an  offer  of  say  $11,000.  He  replied  that  his  buyers  were  not  able  to  go  that  far. 
He  continued,  'The  point  is,  I  represent  the  Hyde  Park-Kenwood  Association.  We 
have  spent  a  lot  of  money  and  we  want  to  keep  this  district  white.'  I  asked  him 
why  they  had  not  thought  of  buying  the  property  before  and  told  him  that  the  house 
had  been  for  sale  for  eight  months.  He  replied  that  it  was  a  lamentable  fact  that 
they  had  overlooked  it.  I  told  him  that  I  heard  the  Hyde  Park  Association  had  a 
$100,000  slush  fund  out  of  which  $100  was  paid  for  each  bombing.  He  said  he  would 
have  some  of  his  buyers  come  in  and  look  over  the  property.  Shortly  afterward, 
Mr.  Stephen  D.  Seman  and  another  man  came  and  represented  themselves  as  buyers. 
They  looked  over  the  inside  of  the  house.  I  only  carried  them  through  the  halls. 
Mr.  Seman  said,  'You  only  paid  $8,500  for  this  property.'  I  told  him  that  he  had 
been  misinformed,  I  had  paid  $9,000.  He  said,  'I  will  give  you  $9,500  for  it.'  I 
refused.  As  they  were  leaving  he  added,  'You  had  better  consider  our  offer.'  Soon 
after  that  a  man  named  Casson,  real  estate  man,  called.  I  would  not  let  him  in. 
When  he  asked  me  my  price  I  told  him  $11,500. 

"A  week  later  a  delegation  from  the  Hyde  Park  Association  called.  The  spokes- 
man began:   'I  am  Mr.  Austin.    You  understand  the  nature  of  our  business  with 


128  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

you,  I  suppose.'  ....  I  told  the  chief  clerk  of  the  ofl&ce  of  the  Northwestern  Railroad 
to  inform  you  that  we  were  coming  to  see  you.  We  are  the  Hyde  Park-Kenwood 
Association  and  you  will  understand  that  you  are  not  welcome  in  this  district.  We 
want  to  know  what  can  be  done.'  I  replied  that  I  didn't  know  what  could  be  done 
unless  they  wanted  to  buy;  otherwise  I  expected  to  live  there,  and  my  price  was 
$11,500.  They  continued,  'Do  you  suppose  if  I  moved  into  a  black  district  where 
I  wasn't  wanted,  that  I  woidd  want  to  live  there  ?'  I  said, '  If  you  had  bought  property 
there  and  liked  the  property,  I  don't  see  why  you  should  move.'  They  said,  'Why 
do  you  persist  in  wanting  to  live  here  when  you  know  you  are  not  wanted?'  I  said, 
'I  have  bought  property  here  and  I  am  expecting  to  hve  here.'  Then  they  filed  out  of 
the  door,  and  one  of  the  members  stated,  'You  had  better  consider  this  propo- 
sition.' 

"In  the  office  of  the  Northwestern  Railroad,  Mr.  Shirley  caUed  me  in  and  read 
a  letter  to  me  which  he  had  received  from  Mr.  Austin.  'Murphy,  his  name  is,' 
he  said,  'I  know  him  fairly  well,  and  I  simply  want  to  make  an  answer  to  the  letter. 
Don't  think  I  am  trying  to  influence  you  one  way  or  the  other.  This  is  the  letter: 
it  goes  about  like  this:  "Crede  Hubbard  has  purchased  a  three-flat  building  at  4332 
Vincennes  Avenue.  Property  values  are  always  shot  to  hell  when  Negroes  move  in. 
Use  wHatever  mfluence  you  have  to  induce  him  to  sell  and  find  out  for  us  his  lowest 
figures."'  He  added,  'Don't  think  I  am  trying  to  brow-beat  you  into  selling  this 
property.'" 

"On  the  following  Sunday  night  on  my  way  back  to  Milwaukee,  I  read  in 
the  paper  that  my  house  had  been  bombed.  My  family  was  at  home,  my  two  boys 
sleeping  about  ten  feet  from  the  place  that  was  most  seriously  damaged.  The  bomb 
was  placed  inside  the  vestibule.  The  girl  there  heard  a  taxicab  drive  up  about 
twenty-five  minutes  to  twelve  and  stop  for  a  few  minutes  and  start  off  again.  About 
six  minutes  after  the  taxicab  stopped,  the  explosion  came,  and  in  about  five  minutes 
there  were  not  less  than  300  people  on  the  street  in  front  of  the  place  asking  questions. 
There  were  a  number  of  plain-clothes  men  in  the  crowd.  I  told  my  story  to  the 
chief  of  poUce  and  to  a  sergeant  of  the  poUce  and  they  said  it  was  evidence  enough  to 
warrant  the  arrest  of  the  officials  of  the  Association  named,  but  they  also  thought 

that  it  would  do  no  good 'The  thing  we  will  have  to  do  is  to  catch  somebody 

in  the  act,  sweat  him  and  make  him  teU  who  his  backers  are.' 

"The  pohce  believe  that  the  actual  bombing  is  being  done  by  a  gang  of  young 
rough-necks  who  will  stop  at  nothing,  and  they  expect  a  pretty  serious  encounter  if 
they  are  interfered  with.  A  big  automobile  is  being  shadowed  now  by  the  police. 
It  is  used  by  this  bunch  of  young  fellows  under  suspicion,  and  it  is  thought  that  they 
keep  the  car  well  loaded  with  ammunition,  and  whoever  attacks  them  must  expect 
trouble.  There  are  four  plain-clothes  men  on  guard  in  this  district  now.  The 
police  told  me  to  get  anything  I  want  from  a  Mauser  to  a  machine  gun  and  sit  back 
in  the  dark,  and  when  anybody  comes  up  to  my  hallway  acting  suspiciously  to  crack 
down  on  him  and  ask  him  what  he  was  there  for  afterwards." 

Bombing  of  the  Harrison  home. — Mrs.  Gertrude  Harrison,  Negro,  living  alone 
with  her  children,  contracted  to  buy  a  house  at  4708  Grand  Boulevard.  In  March, 
1919,  she  moved  in.  She  immediately  received  word  that  she  had  committed  a 
grave  error.  She  and  her  children  were  constantly  subjected  to  the  insulting  remarks 
both  of  her  immediate  neighbors  and  passers-by. 


DAMAGE  DONE  BY  A  BOMB 

This  bomb  was  thrown  into  a   building  at  3365  Indiana  Avenue,  occupied   by   Negroes.     A 
six-year-old  Negro  child  was  killed. 


THE  NEGRO  POPULATION  OF  CHICAGO  129 

On  May  16,  1919,  a  Negro  janitor  informed  her  that  neighbors  were  planning 
to  bomb  her  house.  She  called  up  the  Forty-eighth  Street  police  station  and  told  of 
the  threatened  danger.  The  officer  answering  the  telephone  characterized  her  report 
as  "idle  talk"  and  promised  to  send  a  man  to  investigate.  The  regular  patrolman 
came  in  and  promised  to  "keep  an  eye  on  the  property,"  but  there  were  ten  blocks 
in  his  beat.  A  special  guard  was  secured  and  paid  by  Mrs.  Harrison  when  it  was 
learned  that  one  would  not  be  furnished  by  the  police. 

The  following  night,  May  17,  her  house  was  bombed  while  the  patrolman  was 
"punching  his  box"  two  blocks  away  and  the  special  watchman  was  at  the  rear. 
A  detail  of  police  was  then  provided  both  at  the  front  and  rear.  The  following 
night  a  bomb  was  thrown  on  the  roof  of  the  house  from  the  window  of  a  vacant  fiat 
in  the  adjoining  apartment  house.  The  flat  from  which  the  bomb  was  thrown  had 
been  unlocked  to  admit  the  bombers  and  locked  again.  The  police  failed  to  question 
either  the  persons  living  in  the  apartment  or  those  leaving  it  immediately  after  the 
explosion. 

The  first  explosion  blew  out  the  front  door  and  shattered  the  glass  in  the  front 
of  the  house.  The  bomb  was  filled  with  gravel  and  bits  of  lead.  The  second  was  of 
similar  character,  but  did  not  do  as  much  damage.    No  arrests  were  made. 

In  all  these  fifty-eight  bombings  the  police  have  been  able  to  accomplish 
nothing  definite.  Practically  every  incident  involved  an  automobile,  descrip- 
tions of  which  were  furnished  by  witnesses.  The  precautions  taken  to  prevent 
bombings,  even  if  they  were  well  planned  and  systematically  carried  out, 
failed  lamentably. 

2.      REACTION  OF  WmTES  IN  HYDE  PARK 

Increasing  frequency  of  bombings,  failure  of  the  police  to  make  arrests, 
and  the  apparent  association  of  these  acts  of  open  violence  with  the  white 
residents  of  Hyde  Park  drew  out  explanations. 

Pastors  of  churches  in  the  district  who,  it  had  been  charged,  helped  to 
give  circulation  to  printed  sentiments  of  the  organized  opposition  to  the 
"invasion"  were  strong  in  their  repudiation.  The  menace  to  law  and  order 
was  definitely  recognized  and  the  public  given  to  understand  that  neither  the 
pastor  nor  his  congregation  had  encouraged  acts  of  lawlessness  in  any  manner. 
In  a  statement  to  a  Commission  investigator,  one  of  these  pastors  said,  "I  am 
not  in  sympathy  with  the  methods  and  am  very  doubtful  about  the  aims  of 
the  Property  Owners'  Association  and  have,  therefore,  been  unable  to  join 
them  or  indorse  their  efforts." 

A  local  paper,  the  Real  Estate  News,  published  a  long  article  in  February, 
1920,  on  "Solving  Chicago's  Race  Problem."  It  was  directed  at  South  Side 
property  owners  and  carried  a  stern  warning  "against  perils  of  boycott  and 
terrorism  being  promoted  by  local  protective  associations."  Referring  to 
the  bombing  outrages,  this  paper,  under  the  heading  "Danger  in  Boycotts 
and  Bombs,"  said: 

In  Kenwood  and  Hyde  Park,  particularly,  a  number  of  "protective  associations" 
have  been  formed.    Property  owners  have  been  urged  to  join  these  bodies,  which. 


I30  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

without  attempt  at  concealment,  advocate  a  boycott  against  all  persons  of  a  certain 
race.  At  meetings  of  these  groups  there  has  been  open  advocacy  of  x-iolence.  There 
has  been  incendiary  talk.  Bombs  and  bullets  have  been  discussed,  and  speakers 
talking  thus  have  been  applauded.  There  have  been  repeated  acts  of  violence. 
Night  bombing  of  Negro  homes  and  apartments  has  taken  place.  Bombing  and 
shooting  is  increasing  in  frequency. 

The  time  has  come,  we  believe,  for  a  word  of  solemn  warning  to  all  South  Side 
property  owners.  It  is:  Keep  out  of  those  associations.  If  you  are  now  in,  get  out! 
For  you  are  in  great  danger  of  the  penitentiary!  You  are  in  grave  peril  of  losing 
your  property  by  damage  suits! 

Another  excerpt,  under  the  heading  "Perils  of  'Protective'  Organizations," 
said: 

No  one  can  justly  criticize  men  for  forming  organizations  to  protect  or  advance 
their  own  interests  lawfully.  Property  owners  ought  to  unite  wherever  practicable 
for  proper  and  lawful  purposes  beneficial  to  themselves.  For  such  unions  operate 
to  the  welfare  of  all. 

Recently,  however,  a  number  of  men  have  joined  in  forming  and  promoting 
organizations  on  the  South  Side  which  are  perilous  to  themselves  and  to  every  property 
owner  who  joins  them.  0\\Tiers  of  real  estate  should  be  the  last  men  in  the  world 
to  get  mixed  up  in  movements  involving  violence,  threats,  intimidations,  or  boycotts. 
Because  they  are  responsible.  Their  wealth  cannot  be  concealed.  Judgments 
against  them  are  collectible. 

Under  the  heading  "Drastic  Laws  Forbid  Conspiracies": 

The  law  of  conspiracy  is  drastic.  Conspiracy  is  an  association  together  of 
persons  for  the  purpose  of  doing  an  unlawful  thing  in  an  unlawful  way,  or  a  lawful 
thing  in  an  unlawful  way,  or  an  unlawful  thing  in  a  lawful  way.  Under  the  law, 
all  persons  in  a  conspiracy  are  equally  guilty.  One  need  not  throw  a  bomb,  or  even 
know  of  the  intent  of  throwing  a  bomb,  to  be  found  guUty.  The  act  of  one,  no  matter 
how  irresponsible,  is  the  act  of  all. 

Any  association  formed  in  Chicago  for  the  purpose  of,  or  having  among  its  aims, 
refusal  to  sell,  lease  or  rent  property  to  any  citizen  of  a  certain  race,  is  an  unlawful 
association.  Every  act  of  such  an  association  for  advancement  of  such  an  aim  is 
an  act  of  conspiracy,  punishable  criminally  and  civilly  in  the  District  Court  of  the 
United  States.  And  every  member  of  such  an  association  is  equally  guilty  with 
every  other  member.  If  one  member  hires  a  bomber,  or  a  thug  who  commits  murder 
in  pursuance  of  the  aims  of  the  association,  all  the  organization  may  be  found  guilty 
of  conspiracy  to  destroy  property  or  to  commit  murder,  as  the  case  may  be. 

This  entire  article  was  widely  circulated  in  the  disturbed  neighborhoods 
by  the  Protective  Circle,  an  organization  of  Negroes,  25,000  copies  being  mailed 
to  residents  of  Hyde  Park. 

Residents  of  the  district,  stirred  by  the  succession  of  bombings,  began  to 
protest.  The  paper  of  the  Kenwood  and  Hyde  Park  Property  Owners'  Associa- 
tion reflected  this  feeling  in  a  statement  declaring  that  the  Association  had  no 
connection  with  the  bombings,  and  that  its  president  was  considering  the 


THE  NEGRO  POPULATION  OF  CHICAGO  131 

advisability  of  assisting  the  authorities  in  apprehending  these  lawless  individ- 
uals. On  another  occasion,  this  paper  took  pains  to  explain  that  the  bombing  of 
George  A.  Hyers'  property  on  March  5  was  an  outgrowth  of  labor  troubles 
and  not  of  a  property  owners'  organization  recently  formed  in  this  community. 
At  a  meeting  of  the  General  Committee  of  the  Property  Owners'  Association 
the  following  resolution  was  unanimously  adopted: 

Whereas,  Our  attention  has  been  called  to  various  explosions  of  bombs  in  our 
neighborhood  at  the  houses  of  colored  people  living  in  this  vicinity,  and 

Whereas,  While  we  are  anxious  to  persuade  these  people  to  move  from  this 
locality,  we  are  opposed  to  violence  of  every  description,  therefore,  be  it 

Resolved,  That  we  condemn  the  action  of  anyone  resorting  to  throwing  of  bombs 
or  other  methods  not  in  accordance  with  reason,  law  or  justice. 

The  attention  of  the  city  was  directed  to  these  unlawful  happenings  and 
protests  from  both  white  and  Negro  individuals  made  themselves  heard. 
The  bombings,  however,  did  not  abate  in  frequency.  Neither  were  the  police 
any  more  successful  in  locating  their  sources. 

3.      REACTION   OF  NEGROES 

From  the  beginning  Negroes  were  outspoken  in  their  indignation  over  the 
bombings,  but  their  protests  had  no  apparent  effect  in  checking  the  outrages. 

The  attacks,  however,  have  made  the  Negroes  firm  in  their  stand.  Mrs. 
Clarke  was  bombed  four  times;  she  still  Hves  in  the  property  and  declares 
that  she  will  not  be  driven  out.  Jesse  Binga  has  been  bombed  six  times  but 
states  he  will  not  move.  Only  two  of  the  forty  Negro  famihes  bombed  have 
moved ;  the  others  have  made  repairs,  secured  private  watchmen  or  themselves 
kept  vigil  for  night  bombers,  and  still  occupy  the  properties. 

Following  the  bombing  of  Jesse  Binga  on  June  18,  1920,  the  Chicago  Daily 
News  quoted  him  as  saying  to  a  poHceman,  "This  is  the  limit;  I'm  going." 
When  his  attention  was  called  to  the  statement  he  promptly  replied: 

Statements  relative  to  my  moving  are  all  false.  My  idea  of  this  bombing  of  my 
house  is  that  it  is  an  effort  to  retard  the  Binga  State  Bank  which  wUl  take  over  the 
mortgages  of  colored  people  now  buying  property  against  which  effort  is  being  made 
to  foreclose.  I  wUl  not  run.  The  race  is  at  stake  and  not  myself.  If  they  can  make 
me  move  they  will  have  accomplished  much  of  their  aim  because  they  can  say,  "We 
made  Jesse  Binga  move;  certainly  you'U  have  to  move,"  to  all  of  the  rest.  If  they 
can  make  the  leaders  move,  what  show  will  the  smaller  buyers  have  ?  Such  headlines 
are  efforts  to  intimidate  Negroes  not  to  purchase  property  and  to  scare  some  of  them 
back  South. 

In  February  a  group  of  Negroes  formed  themselves  into  a  body  known  as 
the  Protective  Circle  of  Chicago,  the  purpose  of  which,  as  stated  in  its  constitu- 
tion, was  "to  combat,  through  legal  means,  the  lawlessness  of  the  Kenwood 
and  Hyde  Park  Property  Owners'  Association  and  by  organized  effort  to  bring 
pressure  to  bear  on  city  authorities  to  force  them  to  apprehend  those  persons 
who  have  bombed  the  homes  of  twenty-one  Negroes." 


132  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

A  mass  meeting  was  held  February  29,  1920,  with  3,000  Negroes  present. 
A  popular  appeal  for  funds  for  the  purposes  of  this  organization  raised  $1,000. 
Attacks  were  directed  against  the  Kenwood  and  Hyde  Park  Property  Owners' 
Association.     A  representative  of  the  Protective  Circle  said  in  part: 

The  Hyde  Park  Property  O^vners'  Association  is  not  a  new  thing.  It  is  more 
than  eighteen  years  old.  Eighteen  years  ago  they  proposed  fourteen  points  as  a 
platform  for  their  Association.  The  thirteenth  point  was  that  they  would  keep  out 
undesirables.  AU  Negroes  were  classed  as  undesirables.  Ten  years  ago  Dr.  Jenifer, 
a  Negro  minister,  appeared  before  the  Association  and  severely  criticized  the  organiza- 
tion for  its  un-American  policies.  It  is  just  recently  that  this  organization  has  shown 
its  hand  openly,  and  the  things  that  they  have  said  and  done  are  dangerously  near  to 
illegality.  I  have  in  my  files  this  statement  taken  from  a  stenographic  report  of  one 
of  their  meetings,  made  by  the  president  of  the  Association:  "If  Negroes  do  not  get 
out  of  Hyde  Park,  we  will  get  Bolsheviks  to  bomb  them  out."  The  bombers  of  the 
homes  of  Negroes  have  been  allowed  to  get  away  unpunished.  Judge  Gary  hanged 
numbers  of  anarchists  in  the  Haymarket  riot  for  very  much  less  comphcity  in  bomb 
outrages  than  these  men  are  guilty  of.  Hatred  can  never  be  counteracted  by  hatred. 
We  cannot  put  any  stop  to  the  bombings  of  Negro  homes  by  going  out  and  bombing 
homes  of  white  persons. 

The  Negro  press  severely  condemned  the  bombings,  and  the  Negro  popula- 
tion in  general  felt  that  the  apathy  of  city  authorities  and  even  the  influential 
public  was  responsible  for  continuance  of  the  outrages.  Protests  were  sent 
to  the  governor  of  the  state.  The  mayor,  chief  of  police,  and  state's  attorney 
were  persistently  importuned  to  stop  the  destruction  of  Negroes'  property 
and  remove  the  menace  to  their  lives.  Negroes  pointed  out,  for  example, 
that  the  authorities  had  shown  ability  to  apprehend  criminals,  even  those 
suspected  of  bomb-throwing.  They  cited  the  bombing  of  the  home  of  a  profes- 
sional white  "gunman,"  when  eleven  suspected  bombers  were  caught  in  the 
dragnet  of  the  state's  attorney  within  thirty  hours.  Yet  in  fifty-eight  bombings 
of  Negro  homes  only  two  suspects  were  ever  arrested. 

In  March,  1920,  a  Commission  from  the  Chicago  Church  Federation 
Council  sent  a  delegation  to  Mayor  Thompson,  Chief  of  PoUce  Garrity,  and 
State's  Attorney  Hoyne,  to  demand  action  on  the  bombing  of  Negroes'  homes. 
Prominent  white  and  colored  men  comprised  this  delegation.  A  prominent 
Negro,  testifying  before  the  Commission,  said  that  he,  with  other  Negroes, 
both  from  the  local  branch  of  the  National  Association  for  the  Advancement 
of  Colored  People,  and  from  other  organizations,  had  carried  their  grievances 
to  city  ofiicials.     He  said: 

We  have  been  to  the  mayor's  ofi5ce,  we  have  been  to  the  state's  attorney's  office 
we  have  sent  representatives  to  both  these  offices,  and  nothing  has  been  done — 
possibly  something  is  being  done,  but  nothing  of  great  moment.  I  think  that  the 
colored  people  feel  that  they  are  so  insecure  in  their  physical  rights  that  rather  than 
take  any  chance  they're  going  out  and  paying  whatever  the  charge  is  for  insurance 
against  bombing. 


THE  NEGRO  POPULATION  OF  CHICAGO  133 

Another  delegation  of  Negroes  in  June,  1919,  twice  attempted  to  register 
a  complaint  with  the  mayor  against  bomb  outrages.  The  mayor's  secretary, 
however,  refused  them  an  audience  with  the  mayor. 

The  editors  of  local  daily  papers  have  also  been  visited  by  mixed  white 
and  Negro  delegations  in  an  endeavor  to  arouse  public  opinion. 

The  effect  of  these  delegations  and  protests  has  been  small.  One  joint 
conference  with  the  mayor,  chief  of  poUce,  and  state's  attorney  brought  out 
the  information  that  it  was  beyond  the  state's  attorney's  province  to  make 
arrdlts.  The  mayor,  after  some  discussion,  instructed  Chief  of  Police  Garrity  to 
do  what  he  could  toward  putting  a  stop  to  the  bombing  of  Negroes'  homes.  The 
chief  of  police,  after  explaining  the  shortage  of  patrolmen,  said  he  would  do  so. 

The  bombing  question  began  to  figure  in  local  poUtics.  Charges  were 
made  before  the  primary  election  of  September,  1920,  that  the  city  administra- 
tion had  not  given  Negroes  the  protection  it  had  promised.  The  matter  of 
apprehending  the  "nefarious  bomb  plotters"  was  included  in  the  platforms 
of  Negroes  running  for  office,  and  in  those  of  white  candidates  seeking  Negro 
votes. 

The  Commission  had  neither  authority  nor  facilities  for  accomplishing 
what  all  public  agencies  had  signally  failed  to  do.  It  could,  however,  and  did, 
go  over  the  trail  of  the  bombers  and  collect  information  which  shows  that  the 
sentiment  aroused  in  the  contested  neighborhoods  was  a  factor  in  encouraging 
actual  violence.  Whatever  antagonisms  there  were  before  the  agitation  were 
held  in  restraint,  even  though  Negroes  were  already  neighbors.  Other  dis- 
tricts, like  Woodlawn  and  sections  of  the  North,  Side,  undergoing  almost 
identical  experiences  as  those  of  Hyde  Park,  have  ha^  no  violence;  the  absence 
of  stimulated  sentiment  is  as  conspicuous  as  the  absence  of  violence.  In  the 
Hyde  Park  district,  between  Thirty-ninth  and  Forty-seventh  streets  and  State 
Street  and  Cottage  Grove  Avenue,  four-fifths  of  the  bombings  occurred. 
All  but  three  of  those  happening  outside  the  district  were  against  real  estate 
men  accused  of  activities  affecting  the  Hyde  Park  District.  It  seemed, 
especially  in  the  first  bombings,  that  the  bombers  had  information  about 
business  transactions  which  the  general  pubUc  could  not  ordinarily  get.  Houses 
were  bombed  in  numbers  of  cases  long  before  their  occupancy  by  Negroes. 
Each  of  the  bombings  was  apparently  planned,  and  the  opportune  moment 
came  after  long  vigil  and,  as  it  would  seem,  after  deliberately  setting  the 
stage.  The  first  bombing  of  Binga  does  not  appear  to  have  been  the  result 
of  resentment  of  neighbors  in  the  vicinity  of  his  home,  for  it  was  his  office  on 
State  Street  that  was  bombed.  His  ofl&ce  is  in  a  neighborhood  around  which 
there  is  no  contest. 

4.   OTHER  MEANS  EMPLOYED  TO  KEEP  OUT  NEGROES 

The  Grand  Boulevard  Property  Owners'  Association  officially  decided 
that  its  object  should  be  "the  acquisition,  management,  improvement  and  dis- 
position, including  leasing,  sub-leasing  and  sale  of  residential  property  to  both 


134  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

white  and  colored  people  within  the  said  district  heretofore  described."  This 
district  was  to  include  the  area  from  Thirty-fifth  to  Sixty-third  streets,  and 
from  the  Chicago  and  Rock  Island  Raikoad  tracks  to  Lake  Michigan. 

In  August,  1920,  the  manager  of  the  Association  cited  an  instance  in  which 
it  had  functioned.  On  Vernon  Avenue  a  white  man  had  sold  property  direct 
to  Negroes.  The  next-door  neighbor  had  arranged  a  similar  sale  to  potential 
Negro  buyers.  The  neighbor  next  to  him,  a  widow,  loath  to  lose  her  home, 
appealed  to  the  Association.  After  a  conference  with  the  possible  Negro 
buyers,  their  money  was  returned  to  them,  the  Association  purchased  the  htuse 
in  question,  and  the  whole  matter  was  thus  amicably  arranged. 

During  April,  1920,  inquiries  were  made  by  the  Commission  into  the  unrest 
caused  by  rumors  that  800  Negro  famiUes  intended  to  move  into  Hyde  Park. 
It  developed  that  May  i,  the  customary  "moving  day,"  was  feared  both  by 
whites  in  Hyde  Park  and  by  Negroes  in  and  out  of  Hyde  Park.  Negroes 
Uving  there  feared  that  an  attempt  would  be  made  to  oust  them  by  canceling 
or  refusing  to  renew  their  leases,  and  whites  thought  Negroes  might  get  posses- 
sion of  some  of  the  properties  vacated  on  that  date.  The  Commission  found, 
however,  only  eighteen  instances  where  leases  were  canceled  on  houses  occupied 
by  Negroes  who  were  having  difficulty  in  finding  other  places  to  hve. 

In  the  summer  of  1920  the  Kenwood  and  Hyde  Park  Property  Owners' 
Association  stated  that  sixty-eight  Negro  families  had  been  moved  through 
cancellation  of  leases  and  mortgage  foreclosures. 

Incidental  to  the  general  plan  of  opposition  to  the  entrance  of  Negroes  in 
Hyde  Park  was  the  sending  of  threatening  letters.  For  example,  in  August, 
1919,  a  leading  Negro  real  estate  agent  and  banker  received  this  pen-printed 
notice  by  mail: 

Headquarters  oe  the  White  Hands 
Territory,  Michigan  Ave.  to  Lake  Front 

You  are  the  one  who  helped  cause  this  riot  by  encouraging  Negroes  to  move  into 

good  white  neighborhoods  and  you  know  the  results  of  your  work.    This  trouble 

has  only  begun  and  we  advise  you  to  use  your  influence  to  get  Negroes  to  move  out 

of  these  neighborhoods  to  Black  Belt  where  they  belong  and  in  conclusion  we  advise 

you  to  get  off  South  Park  Ave.  yourself.    Just  take  this  as  a  warning.     You  know 

what  comes  next. 

Respect. 

Warning  Com. 

This  man's  home  and  office  have  been  bombed  a  number  of  times.  Efforts 
were  made  to  buy  out  individual  Negroes  who  had  settled  in  the  district,  as 
well  as  to  cause  renters  to  move  out.  There  are  numerous  incidents  of  this 
nature,  with  indications  of  many  others.  A  Negro  woman  who  was  Uving  in 
the  district,  told  one  of  the  Commission's  investigators  that  she  and  her 
husband  had  formerly  Uved  in  the  3800  block  of  Lake  Park  Avenue.  White 
neighbors  caused  them  so  much  trouble  that  they  had  moved  and  bought  the 


THE  NEGRO  POPULATION  OF  CHICAGO  135 

apartment  house  in  which  they  are  now  living,  renting  out  the  second  and  third 
flats.  Ahnost  immediately  white  people  began  to  call  and  inquire  whether 
she  was  the  janitress,  or  whether  she  was  renting  or  buying  the  place.  When 
she  gave  evasive  answers,  letters  began  to  arrive  by  mail.  One  letter  was 
slipped  under  the  door  at  night.  These  letters  informed  her  that  she  was  pre- 
venting the  sale  of  the  adjoining  house  because  she  would  not  sell  and  no  white 
person  would  hve  next  door  to  her.  She  was  advised  that  it  would  be  best 
for  her  to  answer  and  declare  her  intentions.  Two  white  women  called  and 
offered  her  $1,500  more  than  she  had  paid  for  the  property.  She  refused 
and  a  few  days  later  she  received  a  letter  demanding  an  immediate  answer, 
to  the  Kenwood  and  Hyde  Park  Property  Owners'  Association. 

Later  three  white  men  in  overseas  uniforms  inquired  as  to  the  ownership 
of  the  property,  asking  if  she  was  the  janitress  and  if  she  knew  who  the  owner 
was.  She  answered  in  the  negative.  One  of  the  men  tore  down  a  "  For  Sale  " 
sign  on  the  adjoining  property,  and  another  informed  her  that  it  was  the  inten- 
tion to  turn  the  neighborhood  back  to  white  people  and  that  all  Negroes 
must  go. 

This  woman  is  the  president  of  a  neighborhood  protective  league,  including 
the  Negroes  in  several  of  the  blocks  thereabouts.  She  received  a  letter  from 
the  Kenwood  and  Hyde  Park  Property  Owners'  Association  asking  the  pur- 
poses and  intentions  of  this  league. 

This  woman  also  reported  that  a  man  had  been  going  about  the  neighbor- 
hood under  the  pretext  of  making  calling  cards,  advising  Negroes  to  sell  out 
and  leave  the  neighborhood,  as  it  was  better  not  to  stay  where  they  were  not 
wanted.  Another  white  man  who  had  been  about  the  neighborhood  selling 
wearing  apparel,  told  her  that  two  Negro  famiUes  in  the  neighborhood  would 
be  bombed.  She  inquired  how  he  knew  this  and  was  told  to  wait  and  see. 
Within  two  weeks  these  bombings  had  taken  place. 

rv.      TREND   OF   THE   NEGRO  POPULATION 

In  considering  the  expansion  of  Negro  residential  areas,  the  most  important 
is  the  main  South  Side  section  where  more  of  the  Negro  population  Uves, 
This  group  is  hemmed  in  on  the  north  by  the  business  district  and  on  the 
west  by  overcrowded  areas  west  of  Wentworth  Avenue,  called  in  this  report 
"hostile."  During  the  ten  years  1910-20  business  houses  and  hght  manu- 
factvuring  plants  were  moving  south  from  the  downtown  district,  pushing  ahead 
of  them  the  Negro  population  between  Twelfth  and  Thirty-first  streets.  At 
the  same  time  the  Negro  population  was  expanding  into  the  streets  east  of 
Wabash  Avenu6.  This  extension  was  stopped  by  Lake  Michigan,  about 
eight  blocks  east.  Negro  famihes  then  began  filtering  into  Hyde  Park,  immedi- 
ately to  the  south. 

In  1917  the  Chicago  Urban  League  found  that  Negroes  were  then  living  on 
Wabash  Avenue  as  far  south  as  Fifty-fifth  street  east  of  State  Street,  where 


136  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

they  had  moved  from  the  district  west  of  State  Street.  From  Thirty-first 
to  Thirty-ninth  streets,  on  Wabash  Avenue,  Negroes  had  been  living  from 
nine  to  eleven  years,  and  the  approximate  percentage  of  Negroes  by  blocks 
ranged  from  95  to  100;  from  Thirty-ninth  Street  to  Forty-seventh  Street 
they  had  been  Hving  from  one  to  five  years  and  averaged  50  per  cent.  The 
movement  had  been  almost  entirely  from  the  west  and  north. 

On  Indiana  Avenue,  from  Thirty-first  to  Forty-second  streets,  a  similar 
trend  was  revealed.  In  the  3100  block,  Negroes  had  been  living  for  eight 
years,  in  the  3200  block  for  fourteen  years;  in  the  more  southerly  blocks  their 
occupancy  had  been  much  briefer,  ranging  down  to  five  months.  In  the 
most  northerly  of  these  blocks  Negroes  numbered  90  per  cent  and  in  the  most 
southerly  only  2  per  cent. 

On  Prairie  Avenue,  farther  east,  two  Negro  famiUes  bought  homes  in  the 
3100  block  in  1911,  but  the  majority  of  the  Negroes  had  come  in  since  1916. 
The  percentage  of  Negroes  in  that  block  was  50.  From  Thirty-second  to  Thirty- 
ninth  Street  the  blocks  were  found  to  have  more  than  90  per  cent  Negroes. 
One  family  had  been  there  five  years  and  the  average  residence  was  one  and 
one-half  years.  No  Negroes  were  found  from  Fortieth  to  Forty-fourth  Street 
on  Prairie  Avenue.  There  were  two  families  in  the  4500  block,  and  none  south 
of  that. 

On  Forest  Avenue,  from  Thirty-first  to  Thirty-ninth  Street,  75  per  cent 
of  the  families  were  Negroes  and  had  Hved  there  less  than  six  years. 

On  Calumet  Avenue,  the  next  street  east  of  Prairie,  Negroes  had  begun 
to  live  within  four  years.  The  population  was  75  per  cent  Negro  from  Thirty- 
first  to  Thirty-ninth  Street.  None  five  south  of  Thirty-ninth  Street,  except 
at  the  corner,  where  they  had  been  living  for  five  months. 

A  similar  situation  was  found  on  Rhodes  Avenue,  still  farther  east,  from 
Thirty-first  to  Thirty-ninth  Street.  Negroes  had  Hved  in  Vincennes  Avenue, 
the  next  street  east,  less  than  two  years,  and  in  Cottage  Grove  Avenue,  still 
farther  east  less  than  one  year. 

South  Park  Avenue  and  its  continuation.  Grand  Boulevard  (south  of 
Thirty-fifth  Street)  was  the  most  recent  street  into  which  Negroes  had  moved 
in  large  numbers.  This  had  occurred  within  the  years  19 15-17.  The  first 
Negro  famiUes  had  moved  into  the  3400  block  less  than  four  years  previously. 
The  percentage  of  Negroes  between  Thirty-first  and  Thirty-fifth  streets  was 
less  than  50.  Within  five  months  two  Negro  famiUes  had  moved  into  the 
hitherto  exclusively  white  3500  block. 

Few  Negroes  had  moved  from  east  of  State  Street  to  west  of  that  street. 

v.      OUTLYING  NEIGHBORHOODS 

The  Commission's  investigation  being  confined  to  the  city  of  Chicago, 
the  growing  Negro  colonies  in  such  suburbs  as  Evanston  and  Glencoe  were  not 
studied,  but  attention  was  given  to  two  southwestern  outlying  neighborhoods 


THE  NEGRO  POPULATION  OF  CHICAGO  137 

in  the  east  part  of  Morgan  Park,  just  inside  the  city  limits,  and  the  village  of 
Robbins,  wholly  Negro,  just  outside. 

I.     MORGAN  PARK 

In  1910,  126  Negroes  lived  in  Morgan  Park,  with  a  total  population  of 
5,269.  In  1920  the  area  had  been  incorporated  in  the  city  of  Chicago,  and 
there  were  695  Negroes  in  a  total  population  of  7,780  occupying  approximately 
the  same  area. 

In  its  early  days  Morgan  Park  was  the  site  of  a  theological  seminary, 
which  in  1892  became  part  of  the  University  of  Chicago.  The  first  Negroes 
there  were  servants,  mostly  from  the  South,  working  in  the  households  of  the 
professors.  The  colony  remained,  and  its  more  recent  increase  was  due  in 
considerable  measure  to  the  influx  of  well-to-do  Negroes  from  farther  north  in 
Chicago,  many  of  whom  bought  houses.  In  some  cases  Negroes  in  congested 
Negro  residential  areas  sold  out  to  Negroes  arriving  in  the  migration  and 
re-established  themselves  in  much  better  dweUings  and  surroundings  in  Morgan 
Park. 

Less  prosperous  Negroes  also  came,  despite  the  feeUng  of  some  home 
owners  that  too  great  an  influx  of  that  tj^e  would  injure  property  values  and 
render  the  neighborhood  less  desirable.  Many  of  these  work  in  the  South 
Chicago  steel  mills  and  the  shops  at  Pullman.     Some  work  in  the  Stock  Yards. 

A  number  of  Negroes  of  Morgan  Park  are  employed  at  the  Chicago  City 
HaU.  Some  are  porters  on  Pullman  cars.  Only  a  small  number  are  laborers. 
Many  of  the  women  sew  or  work  as  car  cleaners  and  seem  reluctant  to  do 
housework  even  at  day  wages. 

Physically  Morgan  Park  is  attractive  with  comfortable  homes  and  large 
grounds.  Several  churches,  a  number  of  schools,  and  an  attractive  park  all 
add  to  the  desirabiUty  of  the  place  as  a  "home  town."  The  lots  are  deep, 
affording  plenty  of  space  for  gardens,  and  many  vacant  lots  are  cultivated. 
The  opportunity  for  garden  patches  is  an  attraction  for  many  Negroes.  There 
are  two  Negro  churches,  Methodist  and  Baptist,  and  a  Colored  Men's  Improve- 
ment Association  which  has  provided  a  social  hall  for  the  Negro  population. 

School  facilities  are  inadequate,  and  the  buildings  are  old  and  overcrowded. 
Because  of  this  congestion,  it  becomes  necessary  for  children  in  the  sixth  and 
higher  grades  to  go  three  miles  to  a  school  on  Western  Avenue.  About  twenty 
Negroes  attend  the  high  school.  In  the  Esmond  Street  school  approximately 
25  per  cent  of  the  children  are  Negroes.  The  Negroes  have  repeatedly  requested 
enlarged  school  facilities.  They  want  a  new  building  conveniently  situated 
for  their  children. 

The  white  people  of  Morgan  Park  are  not  unfriendly  toward  their  Negro 
neighbors,  though  there  seems  to  be  a  common  understanding  that  Negroes 
must  not  live  west  of  Vincennes  Road,  which  bisects  the  town  from  northeast 
to  southwest.     A  Negro  once  bought  a  house  across  the  line  but  found  he 


138  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

was  so  unwelcome  that  he  promptly  sold  again.  More  recently  the  owner  of  a 
three-story  brick  flat  building  rented  to  Negroes  the  twenty  flats  above  his 
stores.  A  protest  was  made  by  both  white  and  Negro  house  owners,  so  that 
he  was  forced  to  eject  the  Negro  tenants. 

The  demand  for  homes  is  shown  in  the  numbers  of  Negroes  who  go  to 
Morgan  Park  on  Sundays  by  automobile,  street  car,  and  train.  In  the  spring 
of  1920  a  number  of  houses  were  being  erected  for  Negro  occupancy  in  what 
is  known  in  Morgan  Park  as  "No  Man's  Land,"  east  of  Vincennes  Road  from 
109th  to  1 1 2th  streets.  This  swampy  tract  of  land  was  being  reclaimed. 
Streets  had  been  surveyed  and  laid  out,  though  with  httle  paving.  Water, 
Hght,  and  gas  were  available,  and  some  efforts  at  drainage  had  been  made, 
leaving  some  stagnant  pools.  Other  plans  involved  the  building  of  eighty 
five-room  bungalows  by  a  Chicago  contractor.  Six  of  these  were  under  con- 
struction at  the  time  of  the  investigator's  visit,  and  five  had  been  sold,  corner-lot 
houses  at  $4,550,  houses  on  inside  lots  at  $4,330. 

Morgan  Park  Negroes  appear  to  be  progressing  financially.  An  ofl&cer 
of  a  local  trust  and  savings  bank  said  that  they  met  their  obUgations  promptly, 
only  occasionally  defaulting  or  suffering  foreclosure  and  then  only  because  of 
illness,  death,  or  loss  of  employment.  The  same  ofl&cer  said  savings  accounts 
of  Negroes  were  increasing  in  number,  though  small  in  amount. 

Whites  and  Negroes  maintain  a  friendly  attitude.  During  the  1919  riots 
a  number  of  conferences  took  place  between  Negroes  and  white  people  of 
Morgan  Park.  The  Negroes  kept  rather  close  to  their  own  neighborhood, 
and  the  only  difficulty  the  police  had  was  in  controUing  rowdy  white  boys. 

Younger  children  of  the  two  races  play  together  in  the  school  yards.  A 
teacher  in  the  Esmond  Street  school  declared  that  no  distinction  was  made 
between  Negroes  and  whites  in  that  school.  It  was  noted,  however,  that 
when  games  were  played,  this  teacher  directed  the  little  Negroes  to  take  little 
Negro  girls  as  partners.  Some  prejudice  is  discernible  among  whites  in  the 
community,  but  there  is  an  evident  desire  to  be  fair  and  to  give  the  Negroes 
every  reasonable  opportunity  to  exemplify  good  citizenship  so  long  as  they 
do  not  move  from  their  own  into  the  white  neighborhoods. 

Those  familiar  with  the  Morgan  Park  settlement  beheve  that  it  offers 
unusual  inducements  as  a  home  community  for  Negroes.  The  contractor  who 
is  already  building  for  Negroes  there  has  confidence  in  the  venture.  He  has 
dealt  before  with  Negroes  and  found  them  satisfactory  cHents. 

2.     ROBBINS 

This  village  is  the  only  exclusively  Negro  community  near  Chicago  with 
Negroes  in  all  village  ofl&ces. 

Robbins  is  not  attractive  physically.  It  is  not  on  a  car  line  and  there  is  no 
pretense  of  paved  streets,  or  even  sidewalks.  The  houses  are  homemade,  in  most 
cases  by  labor  mornings,  nights,  and  holidays,  after  or  before  the  day's  wage- 


THE  NEGRO  POPULATION  OF  CHICAGO  139 

earning.  Tar  paper,  roofing  paper,  homemade  tiles,  hardly  seem  sufl&cient  to  shut 
out  the  weather;  older  houses,  complete  with  windows,  doors,  porches,  fences, 
and  gardens,  indicate  that  some  day  these  shelters  will  become  real  houses. 
In  1920  the  village  took  out  its  incorporation  papers,  and  while  there  are  some 
who  regret  this  independence  and  talk  of  asking  Blue  Island  to  annex  it,  in 
the  main  the  citizens  are  proud  of  their  village  and  certain  of  its  future.  There 
are  380  people  all  told,  men,  women,  and  children,  living  in  something  more 
than  seventy  houses.  It  is  a  long  mile  down  the  road  to  the  street  car,  but 
daily  men  and  women  trudge  away  to  their  work,  taking  with  them  the  feeling 
of  home  ownership,  of  a  place  for  the  children  to  play  unmolested,  of  friends 
and  neighbors. 

These  men  and  women  find  many  kinds  of  work  in  the  neighboring 
towns — at  the  mills,  on  the  raihoads,  in  the  factories.  Many  of  the  women 
work  in  the  factory  of  Libby,  McNeil  &  Libby.  Their  wages  go  into  payments 
for  their  homes.  Men  and  women  together  are  living  as  pioneer  famiUes 
lived — working  and  sacrificing  to  feel  the  independence  of  owning  a  bit  of 
ground  and  their  own  house. 

C.    THE  NEGRO  COMMUNITY 

I.      THE   BEGINNING   OF  THE   NEGRO   COMMUNITY 

Negroes  have  been  Uving  in  Chicago  since  it  was  founded.  In  fact,  Jean 
Baptiste  Point  de  Saible,  a  San  Domingan  Negro,  was  the  first  settler  and  in 
1790  built  the  first  house,  a  rude  hut  on  the  north  bank  of  the  Chicago  River 
near  what  is  now  the  Michigan  Boulevard  Bridge. 

There  are  records  of  Negroes  owning  property  in  Chicago  as  early  as  1837,  the 
year  of  its  incorporation  as  a  city.  In  1844  there  were  at  least  five  Negro  prop- 
erty owners  and  in  1847  at  least  ten.  Their  property  was  in  the  original  first  and 
second  wards  of  the  city,  one  on  Lake  Street,  others  on  Madison,  Clark,  and 
Harrison,  and  Fifth  Avenue.  In  1848  the  first  Negro  church  property  was 
purchased  at  the  corner  of  Jackson  and  Buffalo  streets,  indicating  the  presence 
of  the  first  colony  of  Negroes.  In  1850  the  passage  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law 
caused  many  to  flee  for  safety  to  Canada,  many  of  the  property  owners  dispos- 
ing of  their  holdings  at  a  great  loss.  In  1854  Negroes  held  two  pieces  of  church 
property  in  the  same  general  locaUty.  Although  the  great  majority  lived  on 
Clark  and  Dearborn  streets  north  of  Harrison  Street,  there  was  a  tendency 
among  the  property-owning  class  to  invest  in  outlying  property.  Some  of 
them  bought  property  as  far  south  as  what  is  now  Thirty-third  Street. 

The  year  of  the  Great  Fire,  1871,  Negroes  owned  four  pieces  of  church 
property.  That  fire  stopped  at  Harrison  Street  and  did  not  consume  all 
of  the  Negro  settlement.  A  second  large  fire  in  1874  spread  northeast  and 
burned  812  buildings  over  an  area  of  forty-seven  acres.  With  the  rebuilding 
of  the  city  they  were  pushed  southward  to  make  room  for  the  business 
district. 


I40  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

In  1900  the  most  congested  area  of  Negro  residence,  called  the  "Black 
Belt,"  was  a  district  thirty-one  blocks  long  and  four  blocks  wide,  extending 
from  Harrison  Street  on  the  north  to  Thirty-ninth  Street  on  the  south,  between 
Wabash  and  Wentworth  avenues.  Although  other  colonies  had  been  started 
in  other  parts  of  the  city,  notably  the  West  Side,  at  least  50  per  cent  of  the 
1900  Negro  population  of  30,150  Hved  in  this  area.  As  this  main  area  of  Negro 
residence  grew,  the  proportion  of  Negroes  to  the  total  Negro  population  hving 
in  it  increased  until  in  1920  it  contained  90  per  cent  of  the  Negroes  of  the  city. 

II.      THE   ORGANIZATION   Or   THE   NEGRO   COMMUNITY 

In  the  discussion  of  race  contacts  attention  is  called  to  the  peculiar  con- 
ditions which  compel  Negroes  of  the  city  to  develop  many  of  their  own  institu- 
tions and  agencies.  Partly  from  necessity  and  partly  from  choice,  they  have 
established  their  own  churches,  business  enterprises,  amusement  places,  and 
newspapers.  Living  and  associating  for  the  most  part  together,  meeting  in 
the  same  centers  for  face-to-face  relations,  trusting  to  their  own  physicians, 
lawyers,  and  ministers,  a  compact  community  with  its  own  fairly  definite 
interests  and  sentiments  has  grown  up. 

The  institutions  within  the  Negro  community  that  have  been  developed 
to  aid  it  in  maintaining  itself  and  promoting  its  own  welfare,  are  of  four  general 
types:  (i)  commercial  and  industrial  enterprises;  (2)  organizations  for  social 
intercourse;  (3)  religious  organizations;  (4)  agencies  for  civic  and  social 
betterment. 

I.      COMMERCIAL  AND  INDUSTRIAL  ENTERPRISES 

Commercial  and  industrial  establishments  conducted  by  Negroes  are 
listed  by  Ford  S.  Black  in  his  yearly  Blue  Book,  which  serves  as  a  directory 
of  Negro  activities.  They  increased  from  1,200  in  1919  to  1,500  in  1920. 
The  compilation  hsts  651  on  State  Street,  the  main  thoroughfare,  549  on 
principal  cross  streets,  and  more  than  300  on  other  streets.  The  increase  is 
strikingly  shown  in  the  following  figures:  In  19 18  Negro  business  places  on 
Thirty-first  Street  numbered  nine  and  seventy-one  in  1920;  on  Thirty-fifth 
Street  there  were  forty-seven  in  1918  and  seventy-seven  in  1920.  On  Cottage 
Grove  Avenue,  Negroes  have  only  recently  estabUshed  themselves  in  large 
numbers,  yet  between  Twenty-eighth  and  Forty-fifth  streets  there  are  fifty- 
seven  Negro  business  places,  including  nine  groceries,  three  drug-stores,  and 
two  undertaking  estabHshments. 

A  partial  list  of  business  places  as  fisted  in  Black's  Blue  Book  is  given: 


Art  stores 

14 

Barber  shops 

211 

Automobile     schools    and     repair 

Baths 

3 

shops 

10 

Blacksmith  shops 

6 

Bakeries,  wholesale  and  retail 

13 

Book  and  stationery  stores 

6 

Banks 

2 

Chiropodist 

ap 

OLIVET  BAPTIST  CHURCH 

The  largest  Negro  church  in  Chicago  (old  building),  at  Twentj'-ninth  and  Dearboirn.'fetreeti 


ST.  MARK'S  M.E.  CHURCH 

Located  at  Fiftieth  Street  and  Wabash  Avenue,  built  by  Negroes 


OLIVET  BAPTIST  CHURCH 

The  largest  Negro  church  hi  Chicago,  larger  and  more  modern  building 
South  Park  Avenue,  purchased  recently  by  Negroes. 


Thirty-first  Street   and 


THE  NEGRO  POPULATION  OF  CHICAGO 


141 


Cleaning,    dyeing,    and    repairing 

Music  and  musical  instruments 

16 

establishments 

68 

Newspapers  and  magazines 

13 

Clothing  stores 

8 

Musicians  and  music  teachers 

66 

Decorators 

12 

Notions 

25 

Dressmaking  shops 

32 

Optometrists 

4 

Drug-stores 

31 

Orchestras 

I 

Electricians  and  locksmiths 

9 

Photographers 

4 

Employment  agencies 

15 

Plumbers 

4 

Express  and  storage  offices 

71 

Printers 

20 

Fish  markets 

7 

Public  stenographers 

6 

Florists 

5 

Real  estate  offices 

52 

Furnace  and  stove  repairing 

6 

Restaurants 

87 

Groceries  and  delicatessens 

119 

Schools 

4 

Hairdressing  parlors 

108 

Shoemaking  and  repairing  shops 

33 

Hotels 

II 

Shoe-shining  parlors 

26 

Ice-cream  and  confectionery  stores 

7 

Sign  painters 

4 

Insurance  companies 

3 

Soft-drink  parlors 

IX 

Jewelers 

5 

Tailors 

62 

Laundries 

2 

Toilet  articles 

10 

Medicine  specialists 

9 

Undertakmg  establishments 

21 

Millinery  shops 

IS 

Vending  machines 

2 

2.      ORGANIZATIONS  FOR  SOCIAL  INTERCOURSE 

Various  organizations  for  social  intercourse  and  mutual  helpfulness  have 
developed  in  the  Negro  community.  Some  are  local  lodges  or  branches  of 
national  organizations,  and  others  are  purely  local  and  independent.  Some  are 
simply  for  social  intercourse,  and  others  have  in  addition  benefit  features, 
professional  interests,  etc.  Frequent  reference  is  made  in  the  family  histories 
given  in  this  report  to  these  various  organizations. 

Fraternal  organizations. — Fraternal  organizations  are  an  old  institution 
among  Negroes.  In  the  South  they  rank  next  in  importance  to  the  church; 
in  the  North  they  have  considerable  prestige.  Membership  is  large  and  interest 
is  strong.     Following  is  a  list  of  the  most  active  in  Chicago: 


Elks,  Great  Lakes  Lodge  No.  43, 1.B.P.O. 

Elks  of  the  World  (an  independent 

order  of  Elks) 
Ancient  Order  of  Foresters 
Catholic  Order  of  Foresters 
American  Woodmen 
Builders  of  America 
Knights  of  Pythias 
Mosaic  Templars  of  America 


Masons 

Grand  Court  Heroines  of  Jericho  of  Illi- 
nois 
Eastern  Star 
The  Golden  Circle 
Odd  Fellows  (G.U.O.  of  O.F.) 
Royal  Circle  of  Friends 
United  Brotherhood  of  Friendship 
Sisters  of  the  Mysterious  Ten 


All  of  these  organizations,  although  having  their  own  rituals,  serve  as  a 
means  of  group  control  and  of  exchange  of  views  and  opinions.    They  are  also  a 


142  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

guaranty  against  absolute  friendlessness,  and  that  is  perhaps  one  of  the  strongest 
motives  for  the  establishment  of  the  first  organizations  years  ago.  Much  chari- 
table and  reUef  work  is  carried  on  by  these  fraternal  bodies  among  their  members. 

Out  of  these  associations  have  grown  clubs  with  social  activities  among 
wider  circles.  There  are,  for  example,  the  Easter  Lily  Club,  the  Mayflower 
Club,  and  the  Masonic  Progressive  Club. 

Social  clubs. — Many  of  the  clubs  and  societies  with  social,  educational, 
or  professional  interests  are  modeled  after  those  of  the  larger  community. 
There  are,  for  example,  the  Arts  and  Letters  Society,  the  University  Society, 
and  Civic  Study  Club.  There  are  also  many  smaller  clubs  organized  for 
various  purposes,  but  designed  principally  to  serve  the  Negro  community. 
There  are  more  than  seventy  women's  clubs,  leagued  in  the  Chicago  Federation 
of  Colored  Women's  Clubs.  There  are  also  the  Art  and  Charity  Club,  Chicago 
Union  Charity  Club,  Cornell  Charity,  Dearborn  Centre,  Diana  Charity, 
East  End  30th  Ward,  East  Side  Woman's  Club,  Eureka  Fine  Arts,  Fideles 
Charity,  Giles  Charity,  Hyacinth  Charity,  Ideal  Embroidery  Art,  Ideal 
Woman's  Club,  Imperial  Art,  Kenwood  Center,  Mental  Pearls,  Mothers'  Union, 
Necessity  Club,  New  Method  Industrial,  North  Shore,  North  Side  Industrial, 
Motley  Social  Uplift,  Phyllis  Wheatley  Club,  Progressive  Circle  of  Kings 
Daughters,  37th  Ward  Civic  League,  Volunteer  Workers,  West  Side  Woman's 
City  Club,  and  the  Woman's  Civic  League. 

Among  the  exclusive  social  clubs,  perhaps  the  most  important  is  the 
Appomattox  Club.  Its  membership  includes  the  leading  business  and  profes- 
sional men,  and  it  has  a  well-appointed  club  building.  Its  membership  is 
limited  and  it  carries  civic  and  social  prestige. 

The  Phalanx  Club  is  an  organization  of  government  employees.  Its 
membership  is  large,  though  limited  by  occupational  restriction.  Its  interests 
are  largely  social.  The  Forty  Club  and  Half  Century  Club  are  purely  social 
and  still  more  exclusive. 

Negro  professional  societies,  sometimes  formed  because  of  the  objections 
of  whites  to  the  participation  of  Negroes  in  white  societies  of  a  similar  nature, 
include  the  Lincoln  Dental  Association,  Physicians,  Dentists  and  Pharmacists' 
Association,  a  Bar  Association,  and  a  Medical  Association. 

3.      RELIGIOUS  ORGANIZATIONS 

Negro  churches. — The  church  is  one  of  the  first  and  probably  one  of  the 
strongest  institutions  among  Negroes.  The  importance  of  churches  in  the 
Negro  community  lies  not  only  in  their  large  membership  and  rehgious 
influence,  but  in  their  provision  of  a  medium  of  social  control  for  great  numbers 
of  Chicago  Negroes,  and  in  their  great  value  in  promoting  the  adjustment  of 
newcomers. 

In  the  South  the  churches  are  the  principal  centers  for  face-to-face  relations. 
They  serve  as  a  medium  for  the  exchange  of  ideas,  making  and  maintaining 


THE  NEGRO  POPULATION  OF  CHICAGO  143 

friendships,  community  co-operation,  collective  striving,  group  competition, 
as  well  as  for  the  dissemination  of  information,  assistance  and  advice  on 
practical  problems,  and  the  upholding  of  religious  ideals.  The  pastors  know 
the  members  personally,  and  the  church  exercises  a  definite  control  over 
individual  behavior. 

The  church  is  often  the  only  Negro  social  institution  with  an  unhampered 
opportunity  for  development.  In  most  southern  cities,  Negroes  have  no 
Y.M.C.A.,  public  playground,  welfare  organizations,  public  hbrary,  gym- 
nasium, orderly  dance  halls,  pubUc  parks,  or  theaters.  The  church  in  a  large 
degree  takes  the  place  of  these  and  fills  a  vacancy  created  by  the  lack  of  the 
pubHc  facilities  ordinarily  found  in  white  communities.  In  many  instances 
it  determines  the  social  standing  of  the  individual  Negro.  No  one  can  escape 
the  opprobrium  attached  to  the  term  "sinner"  if  he  is  not  a  member  of  the 
church,  however  successful  otherwise. 

The  minister  is  the  recognized  leader  of  the  Negroes,  and  often  their 
legal  adviser  and  school  teacher.  He  is  responsible  for  the  social  good  behavior 
of  his  people.  No  movement  can  get  the  support  of  the  people  unless  it  has 
his  sanction. 

In  the  North  the  function  of  both  Negro  church  and  pastor  is  different. 
Negroes  can  find  other  places  than  the  church  for  their  leisure  time ;  numerous 
urban  and  civic  organizations  with  trained  workers  look  after  their  interests, 
probably  better  than  the  church.  In  the  Y.M.C.A.  they  find  rehgion  related 
to  the  development  of  their  bodies  and  minds.  In  northern  cities  enterprises 
and  movements  thrive  without  the  good-will  or  sanction  of  the  clergy,  and  even 
against  their  protest. 

The  field  wholly  occupied  in  the  South  by  the  church  is  shared  in  the 
North  by  the  labor  union,  the  social  club,  lectures,  and  poUtical  and  other 
organizations.  Some  of  the  northern  churches,  realizing  this,  have  estabhshed 
employment  agencies  and  other  activities  of  a  more  social  nature  in  response 
to  this  new  demand. 

Social  activities. — The  churches  in  Chicago  serve  as  social-contact  centers, 
though  not  to  the  same  extent  as  in  the  South.  Frequently  they  arrange 
lectures,  community  programs,  fetes,  and  meetings.  Many  of  them,  seeking 
to  influence  the  conduct  of  the  group,  have  provided  recreation  and  amuse- 
ments for  their  members.  Several  churches  have  social-service  departments, 
basket-ball  teams,  and  literary  societies.  Ohvet  Baptist  Church,  with  a 
membership  of  9,069,  maintains  an  employment  department,  rooming  directory, 
kindergarten,  and  day  nursery,  and  employs  sixteen  workers ;  in  its  social  organ- 
ization there  are  forty-two  auxiliary  departments.  During  the  last  five  years 
it  has  raised  $200,000,  contributed  $5,600  for  charitable  relief,  and  found  jobs 
for  1,100  Negroes. 

Unique  among  such  developments  is  the  People's  Church  and  Metropolitan 
Community  Center,  organized  by  a  group  which  withdrew  from  the  Bethel 


144  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

African  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  in  October,  1920.  Relying  solely  upon  its 
membership,  it  raised  $22,000  during  its  first  five  months.  Six  persons  are 
employed  to  carry  on  the  work,  one  a  social-service  secretary.  Land  for  a 
church  building  has  been  purchased,  and  plans  have  been  made  to  buy  a 
community-center  building  to  accommodate  several  thousand  people. 

Relief  work: — The  records  of  the  United  Charities,  which  assumes  the  care 
of  dependent  children  of  the  juvenile  court,  show  a  much  smaller  proportion 
of  appeals  for  aid  from  Negroes  than  might  be  expected.  This  is  partly 
explained  by  the  work  of  the  churches  in  relieving  Negro  famihes.  A  very 
high  proportion  of  famihes  below  the  fine  of  comfortable  subsistence  belong 
to  the  churches,  the  small  ''store-front"  churches.  The  number  and  variety 
of  denominational  divisions  and  sects  increases  competition  for  membership  and 
sends  pastors  and  members  out  into  the  community  to  gather  in  the  people. 
Forty-one  churches,  many  of  them  small,  reported  a  total  of  $15,038  distrib- 
uted during  1920  for  the  reUef  of  the  sick  and  distressed. 

Following  is  a  summary  of  information  collected  by  the  Commission 
concerning  the  churches  in  the  Negro  community: 

Number  of  churches,  regular  and  "store-front" 170 

Number  visited 146 

Number  of  churches  owning  their  property 49 

Value  of  property  owned $1 ,677 ,  183 

Indebtedness  on  church  properties  being  bought $325,895.91 

Amount  collected  in  146  churches  during  1919 $400,000.00 

Membership  of  62  of  the  146  churches 36,856 

Number  in  Sunday  school  in  57  of  146  churches 16,847 

Number  of  persons  in  attendance  in  64  of  146  churches 

Morning 20,379 

Evening 13 ,  806 

In  a  very  few  cases,  Negroes  are  found  to  be  members  of  white  churches, 
but  the  Negro  churches  have  an  entirely  Negro  membership  with  Negro 
pastors. 

"Store-front"  churches. — The  "store-front"  church  membership  is  merely 
a  small  group  which,  for  one  reason  or  another,  has  sought  to  worship  inde- 
pendently of  any  connection  with  the  larger  churches.  The  estabUshment 
of  such  a  church  may  be  the  result  of  a  withdrawal  of  part  of  the  membership 
of  a  larger  church.  They  secure  a  pastor  or  select  a  leader  from  their  own 
number  and  continue  their  worship  in  a  place  where  their  notions  are  not  in 
conflict  with  other  influences.  Most  frequently  a  minister  formerly  in  the 
South  has  come  with  or  followed  his  migrant  members  and  has  re-established 
his  church  in  Chicago.  Or  again  a  group  with  religious  beUefs  and  ceremonies 
not  in  accord  with  those  of  estabhshed  churches  may  establish  a  church  of 
its  own.  The  groups  are  usually  so  small  and  the  members  so  poor  as  to  make 
the  purchase  of  a  building  impossible.  The  custom  has  been  to  engage  a 
small  store  and  put  chairs  in  it.    Hence  the  name  "store-front"  church. 


MERO  CHURCHES 


63 CHURCHES - - 

92 .'STOREFRONT'CHURCHESl— 


?      ^      ^      i      ^       .       ^      ^ 

i    •    M    M    M 


'      •     '      ^  j      1     5  ' 

i      ■.     ••     i     J     {     J     J  ;i 


THE  NEGRO  POPULATION  OF  CHICAGO 


145 


Denominations. — The  varieties  of  denominational  divisions  are  wide  and 
interesting.  A  classification  on  the  asis  of  information  collected  by  the 
Commission  is  given  in  Table  VII. 

TABLE  VII 


Denomination 


Baptist: 

Missionary  Baptist 

Free  Will  Baptist 

Primitive  Baptist 

Methodist: 

Methodist  Episcopal 

African  Methodist  Episcopal 

African  Methodist  Episcopal  Zion . . . . 

Colored  Methodist  Episcopal 

Independent  Methodist  Episcopal. . . . 

Presbyterian 

Episcopal 

Congregational 

Disciples  of  Christ 

Saints,  Holiness,  and  Healing  Churches. 

Total 


Regular 


19 


45 


'Store-Front" 


61 
2 

4 


The  steady  growth  in  the  number  of  churches  is  shown  in  the  dates  of 
organization  of  sixty-five  of  them  as  given  in  Table  VIII. 

TABLE  VIII 

Year  Number 

1825-50  2 

1850-80  2 

1880-90 5 

189O-190O  5 

1900-1910 5 

I9IO-15 12 

1915-16 4 

1917 3 

I9I8 15 

1919 6 

1920 6 

Total 65 

Church  property. — It  was  not  easy  to  determine  the  amount  of  money  raised 
and  handled  by  the  Negro  churches  for  any  specific  period,  because  only  the 
better-organized  churches  keep  accurate  accounts. 

The  total  value  of  the  property  holdings  of  twenty-six  of  the  larger  and 
better-organized  churches  is  $1,677,183.02,  with  a  total  indebtedness  on 
nineteen  of  them  of  $318,595.91.  In  twenty  of  the  twenty-six  annual  collec- 
tions aggregate  $226,216,25. 


146  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Out  of  loo  "store-front"  churches  visited  only  seven  own  or  are  buying  the 
property  they  use.  The  total  value  of  the  property  of  these  seven  churches  is 
$44,300.  Four  of  the  seven  have  an  indebtedness  of  $7,300;  and  the  four  that 
kept  records  showed  a  total  annual  collection  of  $5,170. 

The  pastors. — A  sharp  division  both  as  to  education  and  experience  is 
found  between  the  pastors  of  the  regular  churches  and  those  of  the  "store- 
front" churches.  Generally  the  larger  churches  have  the  better-trained, 
more  experienced,  and  more  highly  salaried  ministers.  Exceptions  are  found 
in  the  case  of  one  or  two  "hoUness"  chiu-ches. 

The  ministers  in  these  various  churches  represent  a  range  of  training  from 
that  of  such  seminaries  as  Newton  Theological  and  institutions  like  Yale 
University,  University  of  Chicago,  and  Northwestern  University,  down  to 
that  of  the  sixth  grade  in  grammar  school.     Some  have  had  no  schooUng  at 
all.     The  number  of  specially  trained  ministers  totals  twenty-one.     Six  of  these 
are  graduates  of  recognized  northern  institutions,  while  fourteen  are  graduates 
of  recognized  Negro  institutions  such  as  Lincoln  University,  Howard  Univer- 
sity, Virginia  Union  University,  and  Livingston  College.     Four  are  graduates 
of  standard  high  schools  and  four  of  other  high  schools  below  the  standard 
rating.     The  remainder  fall  below  the  sixth  grade.    Among  this  last  group 
,  ,  it  is  not  unusual  to  hear  that  "  God  prepares  a  man  to  preach;  he  does  not  have 
^    to  go  to  school  for  that.     All  he  must  do  is  to  open  his  mouth  and  God  will 
f*       fill  it.     The  universities  train  men  away  from  the  Bible." 

The  range  of  active  service  in  the  ministry  is  from  two  months  to  forty -four 
years.  Here  again  the  larger  established  churches  have  the  ministers  of  longer 
service.  Typical  examples  are  found  in  churches  like  Bethel  African  Methodist 
Episcopal  Church,  whose  pastor  has  had  forty-four  years  of  service;  Shiloh, 
thirty-seven  years;  Bethesda  Baptist  Church,  thirty-seven  years;  Grace 
Presbyterian  Church,  thirty-two  years  (all  at  this  one  church) ;  Original  Provi- 
dence, thirty-five  years;  Berean  Baptist  Church,  thirty  years. 

4.    SOCIAL  AND  CIVIC  AGENCIES 

Social  agencies  in  the  Negro  communities  are  an  expression  of  group  effort 
to  adjust  itself  to  the  larger  community.  Within  the  Negro  community 
there  are  two  types,  those  especially  for  Negroes  and  those  which  are  branches 
of  the  agencies  of  the  larger  community  but  located  conveniently  for  use  by 
Negroes. 

A.      AGENCIES  ESPECIALLY  FOR  NEGROES 

Chicago  Urban  League. — This  organization  is  one  of  the  thirty-two  branches 
of  the  National  Urban  League  whose  headquarters  are  in  New  York  City. 
It  was  estabhshed  in  Chicago  in  191 7  during  the  period  of  heaviest  migration 
of  Negroes  to  the  city.  The  numerous  problems  consequent  upon  this  influx 
guided  the  development  of  the  League's  activities.     Its  executive  board  and 


TRINITY  M.E.  CHURCH  AND  COMMUNITY  HOUSE 
Located  at  Prairie  Avenue  near  Thirty-first  Street,  purchased  recently  by  Negroes 


SOUTH  PARK  M.E.  CHURCH 

The  congregation  moved  from  a  store-front  church  to  this  edifice  at  Thirty-second  Street  and 
South  Park  Avenue  in  less  than  three  years  after  the  church  was  estabhshed. 


IMLGRIIM  BAPTIST  CHURCH 

Located  at  Thirty-third  Street  and  Indiana  Avenue.     Formerly  a  Jewish  synagogue,  purchased 
recently  by  Negroes. 


THE  NEGRO  POPULATION  OF  CHICAGO  147 

officers  are  whites  and  Negroes  of  high  standing  and  influence  in  both  the 
white  and  Negro  groups,  and  it  is  supported  by  voluntary  subscriptions. 
Within  four  years  this  organization  has  taken  the  leading  place  among  all 
the  social  agencies  working  especially  among  Negroes.  It  has  a  well-trained 
staff  of  twelve  paid  workers,  and  its  work  is  carried  out  along  the  lines  accepted 
in  modern  social  work.  The  League  has  organized  its  activities  as  follows: 
Administration  Department,  Industrial  Department,  Research  and  Records 
Department,  Children's  Department,  settlement  work. 

The  work  of  the  Administration  Department  involves,  in  addition  to 
general  management,  co-operation  with  other  agencies  and  co-ordination  of 
their  efforts  for  community  improvement  through  interracial  meetings, 
conferences,  and  joint  undertakings.  -^ 

The  Industrial  Department  during  1920  placed  more  than  15,000  Negroes 
in  positions,  made  industrial  investigations  in  sixteen  plants,  provided  lectures 
for  workingmen  in  plants  and  for  foremen  over  Negro  workers.  It  also 
investigates  complaints  of  workers,  selects  and  fits  men  for  positions,  secures 
positions  for  Negroes  where  Negroes  have  never  worked  before,  and  assists 
in  other  ways  the  adjustment  of  Negroes  in  industry.  More  than  25,000  ji 
persons  passed  through  the  department  during  1920. 

The  Department  of  Research  and  Records  makes  the  investigations  on 
the  basis  of  which  the  programs  of  the  League  are  carried  out.  Its  information 
is  a  permanent  and  growing  body  of  material  useful  to  all  agencies  and  persons 
interested  in  obtaining  rehable  information  concerning  Negroes  in  Chicago. 

The  Children's  Department  handles  cases  of  boys  and  girls  and  co-operates 
with  the  schools,  juvenile  protective  organizations,  the  juvenile  court  and 
probation  department,  and  various  other  child-helping  institutions.  A  total 
of  540  such  cases  were  adjusted  during  1920. 

During  1919  a  total  of  $28,659  was  raised  and  used  in  the  support  of  the 
Chicago  Urban  League. 

The  Wendell  Phillips  Settlement  on  the  West  Side  is  under  the  supervision 
of  the  League.  The  settlement  has  a  day  nursery  and  provides  a  center  and 
leadership  for  twenty-five  groups  in  the  West  Side  community. 

Wabash  Avenue  Y.M.C.A. — This  organization  is  a  branch  of  the  local 
Young  Men's  Christian  Association,  but  because  of  its  location  and  the 
peculiar  social  problems  of  its  membership  and  vicinity,  it  has  become  one  of  ^/  / 
the  strongest  agencies  of  the  community.  Its  work  is  among  boys  and  young  *^ 
men,  many  of  whom  are  industrial  workers  in  various  plants.  Community 
work  is  vigorously  promoted.  In  1920  an  enthusiastic  group  of  1,137  boys  was 
enUsted  in  a  neighborhood  clean-up  campaign,  and  100  community  gardens 
were  put  in  operation.  Moving  pictures  and  community  singing  were  provided 
during  the  summer  months.  The  following  Hst  gives  some  statistics  of  activities 
for  the  first  nine  months  of  1920. 


148  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

SOCIAL  ACTIVITIES 

Attendance  at  building 140, 740 

Attendance  at  reading-room i9>402 

Attendance  at  Bible  classes i ,  514 

Attendance  at  industrial  clubs 5 >394 

Attendance  at  entertainments 6, 542 

Meals  served 100,610 

Dormitory  attendance 71  >396 

Persons  directed  to  rooms 614 

Persons  assisted i ,  526 

Persons  reached  through  community  work 10,406 

Personal  religious  interviews 396 

Men  referred  to  churches 196 

PHYSICAL  WORK 

Men  used  swimming-pool 3 ,  604 

Boys  used  swimming-pool 14,096 

Men  and  boys  used  shower  baths 24,332 

Participated  in  leagues  and  tournament 3 ,  906 

Spectators 44 ,  742 

Men  attended  gymnasium  classes 5 ,622 

Boys  attended  gymnasium  classes 17 ,  106 

In  addition  to  the  foregoing  work  this  institution  has  promoted  eflEiciency 
and  industrial  clubs  among  Negro  workers  in  industrial  plants,  three  glee 
clubs,  noonday  recreational  programs,  and  nine  baseball  teams. 

During  1919  the  total  contributions  for  support  were  $15,353,  ^^  which 
$3,100  came  from  Negroes.  The  membership  dues  of  the  latter,  however, 
totaled  $16,000  and  receipts  from  operation  amounted  to  $143,747. 

Chicago  Branch  oj  the  National  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Colored 
People. — This  organization  aims  to  carry  out  the  general  poUcies  of  the  National 
Association  as  far  as  they  apply  to  Chicago.  The  national  purpose  is  to 
combat  injustice  against  Negroes,  stamp  out  race  discriminations,  prevent 
lynchings,  burnings,  and  torturings  of  Negroes,  and,  when  they  do  occur,  to 
demand  the  prosecution  of  those  responsible,  to  assure  to  every  citizen  of  color 
the  common  rights  of  an  American  citizen,  and  secure  for  colored  children 
equal  opportunity  in  public-school  education. 

In  Chicago,  the  principal  efforts  of  this  organization  have  been  in  the  line 
of  securing  justice  for  Negroes  in  the  courts  and  opposing  race  discriminations 
in  pubUc  accommodations.  Its  most  active  period  followed  the  riots  of  1919. 
With  a  number  of  competent  attorneys,  white  and  Negro,  it  gave  legal  support 
to  Negro  riot  victims  and  followed  through  the  courts  the  cases  of  many  Negroes 
accused  of  participation  in  rioting. 

Community  service. — The  South  Side  Community  Service  is  a  re-established 
organization  growing  out  of  the  Soldiers  and  Sailors'  Club.  It  aims  to  provide 
wholesome  recreation  and  leisure-time  activities  for  its  neighborhood.     At 


SOCIAL  AGENCIES 

USED  BY  NEGROES 

\      AGENCIES  ESPECIALLY  FOR  NEGROES— - ■ 

GENERAL  AGENCIES  HAVING  NEGRO  BRANCHES ▲ 

GENERAL  AGENCIES  USED  BY  NEGROES  AND  WHITES— X 

NEGRO  RESIDENTIAL   AREA      Y///////////A 


THE  NEGRO  POPULATION  OF  CHICAGO  149 

Community  House,  3201  South  Wabash  Avenue,  it  serves  a  number  of  organiza- 
tions, arranges  supervised  dances,  dramatics,  programs,  and  other  entertain- 
ment for  the  groups. 

Wendell  Phillips  Settlement. — The  Wendell  Phillips  Settlement  is  located 
on  the  West  Side  at  2009  Walnut  Street  and  has  been  under  the  supervision 
of  the  Chicago  Urban  League  since  19 18.  It  has  a  day  nursery,  serves  as 
a  center  for  twenty-five  different  groups,  and  provides  the  only  public  meeting 
place  for  Negroes  apart  from  the  churches,  on  the  West  Side.  There  is  a 
Boy  Scout  division  and  a  division  especially  for  women  and  girls. 

Butler  Community  Center. — The  Butler  Community  Center  is  located  on 
the  North  Side  in  a  neighborhood  with  about  2,000  Negroes.  About  250 
persons  use  the  Center  regularly.  There  are  classes  in  citizenship,  hygiene, 
Negro  history,  sewing,  and  china  painting.  There  is  an  organization  of 
Camp  Fire  Girls  and  a  Boys'  Group.  Through  courses  of  lectures  instruction 
is  given  in  hygiene,  sanitation,  and  first  aid. 

Phyllis  Wheatley  Home. — The  Phyllis  Wheatley  Home  was  established 
several  years  ago  to  provide  wholesome  home  surroundings  for  colored  girls 
and  women  who  are  strangers  in  the  city  and  to  house  them  until  they  find 
safe  and  comfortable  quarters.  The  building  at  3256  Rhodes  Avenue,  which 
has  been  purchased,  accommodates  about  twenty  girls. 

Home  for  the  Aged  and  Infirm. — The  Home  for  Aged  and  Infirm  Colored 
People  on  West  Garfield  Boulevard  is  supported  almost  entirely  by  contributions 
from  Negroes. 

Indiana  Avenue  Y.W.C.A. — The  Indiana  Avenue  branch  of  the  Y.W.C.A. 
on  the  South  Side  is  under  the  general  direction  of  the  Central  Y.W.C.A.  of 
Chicago.  Its  directors  are  Negro  women.  Many  girls  are  directed  in  their 
activities  by  volunteer  group  leaders  from  the  community.  The  Industrial 
Department  secures  emplo3anent  for  Negro  girls.  A  small  number  of  girls 
Uve  in  the  building  at  3541  Indiana  Avenue,  and  a  room  directory  is  maintained 
through  which  safe  homes  are  secured  for  girls  who  are  strangers  in  the  city, 
or  who  have  no  family  connections.  Mrs.  Martha  G.  McAdoo  is  the  executive 
secretary. 

Elaine  Home  Club  and  Johnson  Home  for  Girls. — The  Elaine  Home  Club 
and  the  JuHa  Johnson  Home  for  Girls  are  small  institutions  which  provide 
living  accommodations  under  careful  supervision  for  young  working  girls. 

Hartzell  Center. — Hartzell  Center  is  a  social  institution  under  the  direction 
of  the  South  Park  Methodist  Episcopal  Church.  It  has  a  commercial  school, 
in  which  typewriting  and  stenography  are  taught,  a  cafeteria,  and  some  social 
activities. 

Illinois  Technical  School. — The  Illinois  Technical  School  for  Colored  Girls, 
a  CathoUc  Institution,  serves  as  a  boarding  and  technical  school  for  colored 
girls.  It  accommodates  about  100  girls.  Sister  Augustina  is  the  superin- 
tendent. 


I50  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Woodlawn  Community  Association. — This  is  a  neighborhood  organization 
originally  intended  to  interest  the  Negroes  of  the  Woodlawn  community  in 
taking  pride  in  their  property  and  in  making  the  neighborhood  more  desirable 
for  residence  purposes.  It  has  extended  its  functions  to  include  conmiunity 
activities  and  civic  welfare  program. 

Louise  Training  School  for  Colored  Boys. — This  school  is  at  Homewood, 
Illinois,  about  twenty-five  miles  from  Chicago;  until  1918  it  was  located  at  6130 
South  Ada  Street.  It  receives  dependent  boys  between  eight  and  fifteen  years 
of  age.  Some  of  these  boys  are  placed  in  the  institution  by  the  Cook  County 
authorities.  The  institution  can  accommodate  only  a  few.  At  present 
thirty-two  boys  are  cared  for  in  the  dormitory.  This  is  the  only  institution 
in  the  city  for  dependent  colored  boys. 

B.  AGENCIES  CONVENIENT  FOR  NEGROES 

American  Red  Cross. — The  American  Red  Cross  has  a  branch  headquarters 
at  102  East  Thirty-fifth  Street.  It  gives  emergency  reUef,  general  information 
and  advice,  and  has  been  active  in  helping  the  famiUes  of  Negro  service  men. 
During  the  riot  of  19 19  it  provided  food  for  thousands  of  Negroes  who  were 
cut  off  from  work. 

United  Charities. — The  United  Charities,  which  provides  relief  and  other 
help  for  needy  famihes,  has  four  branches  convenient  for  use  by  Negroes: 
one  at  2959  South  Michigan  Avenue,  near  the  center  of  the  main  Negro  resi- 
dence area  on  the  South  Side;  another  at  1701  Grand  Avenue,  near  the  West 
Side  Negro  residence  area;  another  at  102  East  Oak  Street,  near  the  North 
Side  area;  and  another  at  6309  Yale  Avenue,  convenient  for  Negroes  Uving 
in  Woodlawn,  in  the  vicinity  of  Ogden  Park  and  in  the  southern  part  of  the 
South  Side  residence  area. 

The  Illinois  Children's  Home  and  Aid  Society. — This  society  has  two  field 
representatives  who  find  homes  for  dependent  Negro  children  and  supervise 
their  placing.  Since  1919  it  has  placed  and  supervised  more  than  168  Negro 
children. 

Abraham  Lincoln  Center. — The  Abraham  Lincoln  Center  is  at  Langley 
Avenue  and  Oakwood  Boulevard.  Although  originally  not  used  by  Negroes, 
the  movement  of  the  Negro  population  southward  has  added  many  of  them  to 
the  group  of  people  using  its  faciUties.  There  is  a  boys'  group,  a  branch 
Ubrary,  and  a  neighborhood  visitor.  Negroes  are  welcomed  in  most  of  the 
activities  of  this  center.     Miss  Susan  Quackenbush  is  the  resident. 

C.     MEDICAL  INSTITUTIONS 

Provident  Hospital  and  Training  School. — Provident  Hospital  and  Training 
School  is  supported  and  controlled  by  whites  and  Negroes.  It  has  a  mixed 
board  of  directors.  Practically  all  its  physicians  and  all  its  internes  and 
nurses  are  Negroes.  For  the  year  ended  June,  1919,  the  hospital  handled 
1,421  patients,  served  682  persons  through  its  dispensary,  and  gave  free  medical 


^f^mmmmm 


^f^'^:^ 


THE  CHICAGO  URBAN  LEAGUE  BUILDING 

Located  at  3032  South  Wabash  Avenue 


THE  SOUTH  SIDE  COMiMUMTV  SERVICE  BUILDING 
Located  at  3201  South  Wabash  Avenue 


THE  NEGRO  POPULATION  OF  CHICAGO  151 

care  to  143.  Of  the  total  number  of  patients  in  the  hospital  during  1919, 
1,248  were  Negroes,  and  173  were  white.  Support  of  the  institution  comes 
from  patients  and  donations.  During  19 19  the  receipts  from  patients  totaled 
$36,445.81;  from  donations  $5,782.07.  Donations  in  drugs  totaled  $1,505.95, 
and  from  the  dispensary  $112.05.  The  expenses  for  the  year  were  $42,002.35. 
The  hospital  has  an  endowment  fund  of  $47,350,  invested  in  securities.  It  has 
a  training  school  for  Negro  nurses  whose  faculty  is  made  up  of  prominent 
white  and  Negro  physicians  and  surgeons. 

Municipal  Tuberculosis  Sanitarium. — The  two  branches  of  this  institution 
which  are  in  Negro  neighborhoods,  at  2950  Calumet  Avenue  and  4746  South 
Wabash  Avenue,  and  the  Children's  South  Side  Dispensary,  705  West  Forty- 
seventh  Street,  are  municipal  agencies  so  located  that  they  are  convenient  for 
Negroes. 

South  Side  Dispensary. — This  is  at  2531  South  Dearborn  Street  and  is 
supported  by  the  Northwestern  University  Medical  School.  It  gives  free  care 
to  those  unable  to  pay  for  medical  services. 

D.     StJPPORT  OF  INSTITUTIONS  BY  NEGROES 

Social  agencies,  although  their  work  is  limited  as  respects  the  Negro  group, 
have  for  many  years  taken  second  place  to  the  churches  in  self-support.  This 
is  accounted  for  largely  by  the  fact  that  social  work  in  general  has  been  regarded 
as  a  philanthropic  rather  than  a  co-operative  matter.  With  Negro  social 
and  philanthropic  agencies,  especially  during  the  period  of  general  unsettlement 
following  the  migration,  the  number  of  possible  beneficiaries  greatly  increased, 
while  the  group  of  Negroes  educated  in  giving  to  such  agencies  grew  more 
slowly.  Recently,  however,  support  from  Negroes  for  their  own  institutions 
has  gradually  been  increasing.  An  example  is  found  in  the  Urban  League. 
In  1917  Negroes  contributed  $1,000  and  in  1919  $3,000.  During  1920  six 
social  agencies  and  twenty-seven  churches  raised  among  Negroes  approximately 
$445,000.  Although  Negroes  contribute  in  some  measure  to  agencies  like  the 
United  Charities  and  American  Red  Cross,  there  is  no  means  of  knowing  or 
accurately  estimating  the  amount. 


CHAPTER  V 

THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM 
A.    A  STUDY  OF  NEGRO  FAMILIES 

Consideration  of  the  housing  problem  as  a  continuing  factor  in  the  experi- 
ence of  Negro  families  led  to  an  effort  to  study  it  from  a  new  angle  of  approach 
— through  histories  of  typical  families  in  the  Negro  community. 

The  data  thus  gathered  afford  an  opportunity  to  present  an  interpretative 
account  of  Negro  family  life,  setting  forth  the  intimate  problems  confronting 
Negroes  in  Chicago,  their  daily  social  difl&culties,  the  reflection  in  their  home  life 
of  their  struggle  for  existence,  just  how  they  live,  how  they  participate  in  the 
activities  of  the  Negro  community  and  the  community  at  large,  their  own 
opinions  concerning  civic  problems,  their  housing  experience,  how  much  they 
earn  and  how  much  they  save,  how  much  they  spend  and  what  value  they 
receive  from  these  expenditures,  how  they  spend  their  spare  time,  and  how 
they  seek  to  improve  their  condition  in  the  community. 

A  selection  was  made  of  274  Negro  families  living  in  all  sections  of  Chicago. 
Three  Negro  women,  well  equipped  to  deal  intelligently  and  sympathetically 
with  these  families,  gathered  this  information.  These  274  families  lived  in 
238  blocks,  the  distribution  being  such  that  no  type  of  neighborhood  or  division 
of  the  Negro  population  was  overlooked.  The  questionnaire  employed  con- 
tained five  pages  of  questions  and  required  an  interview  of  about  two  hours. 
Special  effort  was  made  to  secure  purely  social  information  without  the  aid 
of  leading  questions. 

I.      GENERAL  LIVING  CONDITIONS 

For  the  most  part  the  physical  surroundings  of  the  Negro  family,  as 
indicated  by  these  family  histories,  are  poor.  The  majority  of  these  houses 
fall  withm  the  classifications  noted  as  Types  ''C"  and  "D"  in  the  discussion 
of  the  physical  condition  of  housing.^ 

On  the  South  Side,  where  most  of  the  Negro  population  lives,  the  low 
quahty  of  housing  is  widespread,  although  there  are  some  houses  of  a  better 
grade  which  are  greatly  in  demand. 

The  ordinary  conveniences,  considered  necessities  by  the  average  white 
citizen,  are  often  lacking.  Bathrooms  are  often  missing.  Gas  lighting  is 
common,  and  electric  lighting  is  a  rarity.  Heating  is  commonly  done  by  wood 
or  coal  stoves,  and  furnaces  are  rather  exceptional;  when  furnaces  are  present, 
they  are  sometimes  out  of  commission. 

See  p.  186. 

152 


THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM  153 

Under  the  heading  of  "Housing  Conditions"  such  notations  as  these  are 
often  found: 

No  gas,  bath,  or  toilet.  Plumbing  very  bad;  toilet  leaks;  bowl  broken;  leak  in 
kitchen  sink;  water  stands  in  kitchen;  leak  in  bath  makes  ceiling  soggy  and  wet  all 
the  time.  Plastering  off  in  front  room.  General  appearance  very  bad  inside  and  out. 
Had  to  get  city  behind  owner  to  put  in  windows,  clean,  and  repair  plumbing.  Heat 
poor;  house  damp.  Plumbing  bad;  leaks.  Hot-water  heater  out  of  order.  Needs 
repairing  done  to  roof  and  floors.  In  bad  repair;  toilet  in  yard  used  by  two  families. 
Toilet  off  from  dining-room;  fixtures  for  gas;  no  gas;  just  turned  off;  no  bath; 
doors  out  of  order;  won't  fasten.  Sanitary  conditions  poor;  dilapidated  condition; 
toilet  won't  flush;  carries  water  to  bathtub.  Plumbing  bad;  roof  leaks;  plastering 
off;  no  bath  or  gas;  general  repairs  needed;  very  dirty.  Plumbing  bad;  plastering 
off  in  toilet ;  window  panes  broken  and  out ;  no  bath  or  gas.  Plastering  off  from  water 
that  leaks  from  flat  above;  toilet  leaks;  does  not  flush;  washbowl  and  bath  leak 
very  badly;  repairs  needed  on  back  porch;  rooms  need  calcimining.  No  water  in 
hydrant  in  hall;  no  toilet,  bath,  or  gas;  general  repair  needed.  Water  not  turned  on 
for  sink  in  kitchen ;  water  for  drinking  and  cooking  purposes  must  be  carried  in ;  toilet 
used  by  four  famihes;  asked  landlord  to  turn  on  water  in  kitchen;  told  them  to  move; 
roof  leaks;  stairs  and  back  porch  in  bad  order.  Sewer  gas  escapes  from  basement 
pipes;  water  stands  in  basement.  House  dirty;  flues  in  bad  condition;  gas  pipes 
leak;  porch  shaky.  No  heat  and  no  hot  water;  no  repairing  done;  no  screens;  gas 
leaks  all  over  house;  stationary  tubs  leak.  Water  pipes  rotted  out;  gas  pipes  leak. 
Toilet  leaks;  plastering  off;  windowpanes  out.  Plastering  off;  large  rat  holes  all 
over;  paper  hanging  from  ceiling. 

This  is  the  common  situation  of  the  dweller  in  the  districts  mentioned. 
The  variations  are  in  degree  rather  than  kind.  To  dwellings  a  little  better 
in  sanitation  and  repair  than  those  just  described,  the  adjective  "fair"  was 
given. 

Occasionally  a  Negro  family  manages  to  escape  from  this  wretched  type 
of  dwelling  in  the  "Black  Belt."  Some  who  were  financially  able  purchased 
homes  in  Woodlawn,  for  example,  where  they  live  much  as  white  residents  do, 
supplied  with  the  comforts  and  conveniences  of  life  and  in  fairly  clean,  whole- 
some surroundings.  There,  as  a  rule,  the  physical  equipment  of  their  dwellings 
is  good  and  is  kept  in  repair.  In  some  instances  they  have  hot-water  heating, 
electric  lighting,  and  gas  for  cooking  purposes.  They  ordinarily  redecorate 
once  a  year,  take  proper  care  of  their  garbage,  keep  the  lawns  cut  and  the 
premises  clean;  and  otherwise  reveal  a  natural  and  normal  pride  of  ownership. 

In  this  respect  the  Negro  residents  of  Woodlawn  are  far  more  fortunate 
than  many  of  their  race  brothers  who  have  purchased  dwellings  in  the  "Black 
Belt."  Many  of  these  purchases  have  been  made  by  migrants  on  long-time 
payments,  and  large  expenditure  would  be  required  to  put  the  houses  in  repair 
and  keep  them  so.  Purchases  made  by  Negroes  in  Woodlawn  have  been  chiefly 
of  substantial  dwellings,  not  necessarily  new  but  in  good  condition  and  needing 
only  ordinary  repairs  from  time  to  time. 


154  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

II.      WBY  NEGROES   MOVE 

Except  where  the  property  is  owned  by  Negroes  there  is  frequent  moving. 
The  records  obtained  of  these  movements  give  a  great  variety  of  reasons. 
A  strong  desire  to  improve  living  conditions  appears  with  sufficient  frequency 
to  indicate  that  it  is  the  leading  motive.  Buying  a  home  is  one  of  the  ways 
of  escape  from  intolerable  living  conditions,  but  removal  to  other  houses  or 
flats  is  more  often  tried.  For  example,  a  man  who  now  owns  his  home  near 
Fifty-first  Street  and  South  Wabash  Avenue — living  there  with  his  two  brothers 
and  five  lodgers — has  moved  six  times,  "  to  live  in  a  better  house  and  a  better 
neighborhood."  A  family  now  living  near  Thirty-first  Street  and  Prairie 
Avenue,  resident  in  Chicago  since  1893,  has  moved  four  times,  three  times  to 
obtain  better  houses  in  better  neighborhoods  and  once  to  get  nearer  to  work. 
A  man  and  wife  living  near  Fifty-third  and  South  Dearborn  streets  have  moved 
four  times  since  coming  to  Chicago  in  1908.  A  family  living  on  East  Forty- 
fifth  Street  and  paying  $60  a  month  rent  for  six  rooms  has  moved  twice  since 
1900  to  "better  and  cleaner  houses."  Another  family  paying  $65  a  month 
for  eight  rooms  on  East  Bowen  Avenue  has  moved  twice  since  1905  into 
better  houses  and  neighborhoods.  "  Better  house  "  and  "  better  neighborhood  " 
were  the  most  frequently  given  reasons. 

Of  kindred  nature  are  these:  leaky  roof;  house  cold;  dirty;  inconvenient;  did 
not  hke  living  in  rear  flat;  to  better  conditions;  better  houses  away  from  questionable 
places;  landlord  would  not  clean;  first  floor  not  healthy;  small  and  undesirable; 
not  desirable  flat ;  poor  plumbing;  didn't  like  neighborhood;  moved  to  better  quar- 
ters; landlord  woifld  not  repair;  house  too  damp;  no  windows;  owner  would  not 
fix  water  pipes;  more  room  wanted;  better  environment  for  children;  better  street; 
no  yard  for  children;  better  people;  house  in  bad  condition;  more  conveniences  for 
roomers. 

III.      THE   FAMILY   GROUPING 

The  normal  family  is  generally  recognized  as  consisting  of  five  persons — 
two  parents  and  three  children.  Properly  they  should  make  up  a  single 
group  and  live  by  themselves.  The  274  families  studied  were  chosen  as 
follows:  in  the  most  populous  district,  from  Thirty-first  to  Thirty-ninth 
streets  and  from  Wentworth  Avenue  to  Lake  Michigan,  ninety-nine  family 
histories  were  taken;  in  the  district  north  of  Thirty-first  Street  to  Twelfth 
Street  and  from  Wentworth  Avenue  to  the  Lake,  forty-six;  in  the  narrow 
strip  in  Hyde  Park  known  as  the  Lake  Park  district,  thirty-seven;  in  the  district 
from  Thirty-ninth  to  Sixtieth  streets  and  from  Wentworth  to  Cottage  Grove 
Avenue,  thirty-six;  on  the  West  Side,  sbcteen;  in  the  Ogden  Park  district, 
fifteen;  on  the  North  Side,  fourteen;  and  in  Woodlawn,  eleven.  For  conven- 
ience, as  well  as  to  show  contrasts  or  like  conditions,  the  material  has  been 
analyzed  and  interpreted  by  districts. 

There  was  found  a  wide  variation  in  the  family  groups,  comprising  six 
classifications,  in  three  of  which  no  lodgers  appear.    A  lodger  here  means 


HOMES  or  WHITE  A> 

or  AN  OUTLYING  INDUSTRIAL  PLANT 

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THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM  155 

an  adult  not  a  member  of  the  immediate  family.  Thus  relatives,  unless 
infants  or  children,  are  classed  as  lodgers.  The  three  groups  without  lodgers 
are:  (i)  man  and  wife;  (2)  two  parents  and  children;  (3)  a  parent  and  children. 
The  other  three  groups  with  lodgers  are:  (la)  man  and  wife  and  lodgers; 
(2a)  man,  wife,  children,  and  lodgers;  (3a)  man  or  woman,  surviving  head  of 
the  family,  with  lodgers. 

Of  the  total  274  family  groups  there  were  104  without  lodgers  and  170, 
or  62  per  cent,  with  lodgers.  For  the  most  part  the  lodgers  were  found  in 
"  2a"  classification — in  families.  There  were  ninety-two  such  groups  and  only 
sixty-one  families  with  no  lodgers.  Forty-two  couples  had  lodgers,  and  in 
thirty-six  instances  a  man  or  woman  living  alone  had  lodgers.  Thirty-nine 
couples  were  living  alone,  and  in  only  four  instances  was  there  a  parent  alone 
with  a  child. 

The  Negro  colony  in  Woodlawn  approaches  most  nearly  the  normal 
family  grouping.  Home  ownership  in  that  district  is  fairly  common,  and  the 
houses  for  the  most  part  are  substantial  and  well  fitted  and  suited  to  the 
famihes.  In  the  eleven  Woodlawn  families  there  was  but  one  where  the  mother 
or  father  was  dead  or  not  living  with  the  family.  Lodgers  were  found  in  only 
four  of  the  eleven  families:  two  were  couples,  one  a  family,  and  the  other  a 
single  woman.    In  the  eleven  families  there  were  seventeen  children. 

A  marked  contrast  with  this  section  is  found  in  the  congested  Negro 
district  between  Thirty-first  and  Thirty-ninth  streets.  Out  of  a  total  of 
ninety-nine  families  seventy- two  had  lodgers,  or  72  per  cent  as  contrasted 
with  36  per  cent  in  Woodlawn  and  62  per  cent  for  the  total  274  cases.  In 
this  district  there  were  forty-two  families  with  children,  thirteen  couples 
without  children,  and  seventeen  where  a  man  or  woman  took  lodgers.  There 
were  only  fourteen  families  without  lodgers,  and  thirteen  couples  living 
alone. 

North  of  Thirty-first  Street  in  this  South  Side  area  were  similar  conditions. 
Of  forty-six  households  studied,  twenty-seven,  or  58.7  per  cent,  had  lodgers: 
of  these  sixteen  were  families  with  children,  nine  were  couples  and  two  were 
man  or  woman  with  children.  Of  the  households  without  lodgers,  there  were 
twelve  families  with  children,  five  couples  living  alone,  and  two  instances  of 
parent  and  child. 

The  percentage  of  families  with  lodgers  was  highest  in  the  Lake  Park 
district,  75.6  per  cent.  On  the  West  Side  it  was  68  per  cent,  a  trifle  higher 
than  for  the  entire  274  families.  On  the  North  Side  it  was  57  per  cent,  on 
the  South  Side  between  Thirty-ninth  and  Sixtieth  streets,  41.6  per  cent,  and 
in  the  Ogden  Park  district  40  per  cent. 

The  Ogden  Park  district,  with  a  relatively  low  percentage  of  families  having 
lodgers,  resembles  the  Woodlawn  district  in  many  respects.  The  houses  are 
built  for  single  families  and  are  largely  owned  by  Negroes  who  have  lived  in 
that  locality  for  many  years.    Of  the  fifteen  families  there  visited,  nine  had 


156  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

no  lodgers;  and  of  the  seven  with  lodgers,  four  were  families  and  two  were 
couples  without  children. 

Room  crowding. — A  study  of  Negro  housing  made  in  1909  by  the  Chicago 
School  of  Civics  and  Philanthropy  brought  out  the  fact  that,  although  Negro 
families  find  it  extremely  difl&cult  to  obtain  a  flat  of  three  or  four  rooms, 
they  do  not  crowd  together  as  much  as  white  immigrants;  that  Negroes  take 
larger  flats  or  houses  and  rent  rooms  to  lodgers  to  help  pay  the  rent,  and  thus 
lessen  crowding  among  the  members  of  the  family.  Among  the  274  families 
studied  by  the  Commission  there  was  comparatively  little  overcrowding. 
One  room  to  a  person  is  a  standard  of  room  occupancy  generally  accepted  by 
housing  authorities  as  involving  no  overcrowding.  Of  these  274  Negro 
households,  only  sixty-seven  exceeded  the  standard.  There  were,  of  course, 
wide  divergences  from  the  standard.  For  example,  there  were  eight  instances 
of  six  persons  living  in  five  rooms;  six  of  eight  persons  living  in  six  rooms; 
four  of  six  persons  living  in  four  rooms;  one  of  six  persons  living  in  three  rooms; 
one  of  seven  persons  living  in  three  rooms;  two  of  seven  persons  living  in  four 
rooms;  two  of  eight  persons  living  in  five  rooms;  one  of  nine  persons  Uving 
in  five  rooms;  and  one  of  eleven  persons  living  in  five  rooms. 

In  the  cases  of  unusually  large  families,  either  in  the  number  of  children  or 
lodgers,  there  was  a  corresponding  increase  in  the  number  of  rooms.  Thus  in 
the  case  of  fourteen  persons  making  up  one  family,  they  were  living  in  ten  rooms. 

The  five-room  dwelling  was  the  most  common,  with  fifty-nine  families;  six- 
room,  forty-seven;  seven-room,  forty- two;  four-room,  forty-one. 

In  the  Ogden  Park  district  the  standard  of  one  person  to  one  room  was 
most  closely  adhered  to.  All  the  fifteen  families  studied  in  that  district  were 
housed  in  four-,  five-,  or  six-room  dwellings;  ten  of  them  in  five-room  dwellings. 
In  Woodlawn  the  tendency  was  toward  somewhat  larger  dwellings.  There 
were  no  four-  and  five-room  dwellings,  but  five  of  seven  rooms  and  three  of  six 
rooms,  one  each  of  eight  and  three  rooms.  The  four-room  dwelling  was  most 
prevalent  on  the  North  Side.  Of  the  fourteen  families  studied  there,  six  were 
in  such  dwellings.  There  were  two  dwellings  of  six  rooms,  two  of  seven, 
one  of  five,  two  of  three,  and  one  of  eleven  rooms. 

On  the  West  Side,  also,  thirteen  of  the  sixteen  families  were  housed  in  four-, 
five-,  six-,  or  seven-room  dwellings,  the  five-room  type  predominating.  In  the 
Lake  Park  district  the  five-room  type  was  most  frequent,  there  being  eleven 
of  these  out  of  a  total  of  thirty-seven,  six  of  six  rooms  and  seven  of  seven  rooms, 
the  next  largest  group  being  five  of  eight  rooms. 

On  the  South  Side  in  the  district  from  Thirty-first  to  Thirty-ninth  Street, 
out  of  a  total  of  ninety-nine  there  were  eighteen  families  in  five-room  dwellings, 
seventeen  in  four-room,  nine  in  three-room,  ten  in  six-room,  fourteen  in  seven- 
room,  and  eight  in  ten-room  dwellings.  In  the  district  north  of  Thirty-first 
Street  the  predominating  size  was  six-room  dwellings,  of  which  there  were 
eleven,  and  there  were  nine  of  four  rooms,  seven  of  five  rooms,  and  seven  of 


THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM  157 

seven  rooms,  the  rest  scattering  from  one-room  dwellings  to  one  dwelling  of 
thirteen  rooms.  From  Thirty-ninth  to  Sixtieth  streets,  six-room  dwellings 
were  most  frequent,  there  being  eight  of  these  out  of  a  total  of  thirty-six,  and 
there  were  seven  of  five  rooms,  six  of  six  rooms,  and  six  of  seven  rooms.  The 
dwellings  occupied  by  Negroes  south  of  Thirty-ninth  Street,  it  should  be 
noticed,  are  larger  than  those  north  of  that  street. 

The  grouping  of  the  274  families  according  to  number  of  persons  is  as 
follows: 

Families  Persons  to  Family 

48  4 

40  2 

3S  3 

37  S 

30  7 

29  6 

22  8 

17  ■  9  or  more 

16  Not  recorded 

274 

Four  persons  to  a  "family"  was  the  most  common  type,  there  being  forty- 
eight  of  these  out  of  the  274.  In  the  Woodlawn  and  Ogden  Park  districts 
the  group  of  three  was  predominant.  The  North  Side  district  grouping  of 
two  persons  to  a  family  is  partly  due  to  the  inclusion  of  nine  "groups"  of  one 
person  each  who  were  interviewed  mainly  for  data  bearing  upon  industrial 
relationships.  The  tables  show  a  total  of  sixteen  such  groups  in  the  eight 
districts;  but  they  are  not  deemed  suf&cient  to  vitiate  the  statistics. 

Negroes  have  more  space  in  their  living  quarters  than  do  other  Chicago 
people  housed  in  similar  grades  of  dwellings.  They  were  usually  found  in 
dwellings  of  five  rooms  for  each  family,  while  the  prevailing  size  among  the 
foreign  groups  was  four  rooms,  as  disclosed  by  the  Chicago  School  of  Civics 
housing  studies  from  1909  to  1917.  In  the  School's  earliest  study  of  the 
Negroes  it  was  said: 

The  colored  families  do  not  as  a  rule  live  in  the  small  and  cramped  apartments  in 
which  other  nationalities  are  so  often  found.  Even  the  families  who  apply  to  the 
United  Charities  for  reUef  are  frequently  hving  in  apartments  which  would  be  con- 
sidered adequate,  as  far  as  the  number  of  rooms  is  concerned,  for  families  in  com- 
fortable circumstances. 

Some  marked  exceptions,  of  course,  were  found. 

The  four-room  dwelling  was  found  to  prevail  among  the  Slovaks  of  the 
Twentieth  Ward,  the  Lithuanians  of  the  Fourth  Ward,  the  Greeks  and  Italians 
in  the  neighborhood  of  Hull- House,  the  various  central  and  southern  European 
nationalities  who  work  in  the  South  Chicago  steel  mills  and  live  near-by, 
and  among  the  Jews,  Bohemians,  and  Poles  of  the  West  Side. 


158  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

The  lodger  problem. — ^The  prevalence  of  lodgers  is  one  of  the  most  conspicu- 
ous problems  in  the  Negro  housing  situation.  It  is  largely  a  social  question. 
The  difficulty  of  finding  a  home  adequate  for  a  family  of  four  or  five  persons 
at  a  reasonable  rent  has  forced  many  Negroes  to  take  over  large  buildings 
in  better  localities  and  in  better  physical  condition  but  with  much  higher  rents. 
To  meet  these  rents  they  have  taken  lodgers.  It  was  seldom  possible  to 
investigate  the  character  of  the  lodgers.  The  arrangement  of  these  large 
houses,  originally  intended  for  single-family  use,  prevents  family  privacy 
when  lodgers  are  added,  making  a  difficult  situation  for  families  with  children. 
Again,  the  migration  brought  to  the  city  many  unattached  men  and  women 
who  could  find  no  other  place  to  live  except  in  families.  Thus  it  happens  that 
in  Negro  families  the  lodger  problem  is  probably  more  pressing  than  in  any 
other  group  of  the  community.  Not  only  do  lodgers  constitute  a  social 
problem  for  the  family,  but,  having  little  or  no  interest  in  the  appearance 
and  condition  of  the  property,  they  are  in  many  instances  careless  and  irrespon- 
sible and  contribute  to  the  rapid  deterioration  of  the  buildings. 

As  previously  explained,  the  term  "lodgers,"  in  this  report,  includes 
relations  as  well  as  other  adults  unrelated  to  the  family.  It  was  apparent  in 
the  study  that  there  was  a  large  number  of  relative-lodgers  in  Negro  families. 
The  recent  migration  from  the  South  had  a  distinct  bearing  on  this  situation. 
Many  Negroes  came  to  Chicago  at  the  solicitation  of  relatives  and  remained 
in  their  households  until  they  could  secure  homes  for  themselves.  The  migra- 
tion further  accounts  for  the  accentuation  of  the  lodger  problem  during  the 
period  immediately  following  it.  The  274  family  histories  include  1,319 
persons,  of  whom  485,  or  35  per  cent,  were  lodgers,  living  in  62  per  cent  of  the 
households.  The  greatest  number  of  households  with  lodgers  were  those 
living  in  five-room  dwellings.  There  were  thirty-eight  such  households. 
Living  in  six-  and  seven-room  dwellings  were  thirty-four  families  with  lodgers. 
Families  with  only  one  lodger  were  most  numerous.  There  were  fifty-five 
such  families  as  compared  with  thirty-nine  having  two  lodgers,  twenty-five 
with  three  lodgers,  twenty-three  with  four  lodgers,  thirteen  with  six  lodgers, 
eight  with  five  lodgers,  and  seven  with  more  than  six  lodgers. 

Naturally  the  lodger  evil  was  found  in  its  worst  form  in  the  congested 
parts  of  the  South  Side.  In  the  district  from  Thirty-first  to  Thirty-ninth 
streets  seventy-two  of  the  ninety-nine  families  had  lodgers.  In  twenty-two 
families  there  was  but  one,  however,  as  against  twelve  with  three  and  four, 
eleven  with  two,  and  six  with  five  and  six  lodgers.  Two  families  had  ten  each, 
and  one  had  thirteen.  This  last  case  was  that  of  a  widow  who  rented  nine 
sleeping-rooms  in  her  ten-room  house,  in  addition  to  catering  at  odd  moments. 
It  was  a  typical  rooming-house  as  distinguished  from  a  family  taking  lodgers. 
One  family  that  had  ten  lodgers  consisted  of  a  man,  his  wife,  and  a  son  twenty- 
five  years  old;  they  had  eight  bedrooms,  seven  opening  into  a  hall.  The  other 
family  that  had  ten  lodgers  consisted  of  the  parents  and  two  children,  a  boy 


THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM  159 

of  eight  and  a  girl  of  seven,  and  had  a  ten-room  house.  The  lodgers  were 
two  men  and  three  women,  with  five  children.  Five  of  the  ten  rooms  were 
used  as  sleeping-rooms. 

In  the  district  north  of  Thirty-first  Street  an  increased  number  of  lodgers 
appeared  in  only  one  family,  that  of  a  man  and  his  wife,  without  children. 
They  lived  in  a  ten-room  house,  using  eight  of  the  rooms  for  sleeping  purposes 
and  accommodating  seven  male  and  five  female  lodgers. 

In  the  district  from  Thirty-ninth  to  Sixtieth  Street  was  one  instance  of 
seven  male  lodgers  in  a  seven-room  house  with  the  man  who  owned  the  prop- 
erty. Two  of  the  lodgers  were  his  brothers.  There  was  no  heat  and  no 
bathroom.    The  house  had  been  reported  to  the  health  department. 

In  the  Lake  Park  district  one,  two,  or  three  lodgers  were  the  rule,  only 
five  of  the  twenty-eight  families  with  lodgers  in  that  district  being  outside  of 
those  three  classes.  Eight  lodgers  were  found  in  an  eight-room  dwelling. 
The  family  consisted  of  man  and  wife,  and  the  only  female  lodger  was  their 
niece.     Five  rooms  were  used  for  sleeping  purposes. 

In  the  other  district  no  instances  of  excessive  overcrowding  due  to  lodgers 
were  found. 

Complaint  has  often  been  made  of  the  numerical  preponderance  of  lodgers 
over  children  among  Chicago  Negroes,  and  comment  has  been  made  on  the 
economic  significance.  It  has  been  suggested,  for  example,  that  economic 
pressure  had  lowered  the  birth-rate  among  Negroes  and  increased  the  infant- 
mortality  rate.  As  indicated  by  the  274  family  histories,  the  number  of  lodgers 
among  the  Negro  population  exceeds  the  number  of  children,  that  is,  the  number 
of  boys  less  than  twenty-one  years  and  girls  less  than  eighteen.  The  School  of 
Civics  and  Philanthropy,  in  its  housing  studies,  counted  as  children  those  less 
than  twelve  years  of  age.  On  this  basis  it  found  in  its  study  of  the  Negroes 
of  the  South  and  West  sides  that  there  were  less  than  half  as  many  children 
as  lodgers  on  the  South  Side,  but  a  more  normal  situation  in  the  West  Side. 
Even  extending  the  ages  of  children,  as  has  been  done  in  the  present  report, 
the  situation  does  not  appear  in  a  much  better  light. 

The  proportion  of  lodgers  and  of  children  in  the  districts  covered  by  the 
Commission  is  shown  in  Table  IX. 

By  way  of  comparison  similar  figures  from  other  housing  studies  of  the 
Chicago  School  of  Civics  might  be  mentioned,  the  children  in  each  instance 
being  less  than  twelve  years  old. 

Among  the  Slovaks  of  the  Twentieth  Ward,  13  per  cent  were  lodgers  and 
32  per  cent  children;  in  South  Chicago,  27.3  per  cent  lodgers  and  25.7  per  cent 
children;  among  the  Greeks  and  Italians  near  Hull-House,  13  per  cent  lodgers 
and  30  per  cent  children;  among  the  Lithuanians  of  the  Fourth  Ward,  28  per 
cent  lodgers  and  27  per  cent  children. 

As  far  as  the  South  Side  is  concerned,  the  situation  with  regard  to  the 
balance  between  lodgers  and  children  has  become  aggravated  since  the  earliest 


i6o 


THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 


School  of  Civics  report  was  issued,  whereas  the  situation  on  the  West  Side 
has  improved  somewhat. 

Where  there  were  children  and  lodgers  together,  a  considerable  number  of 
instances  were  found  which  suggest  probable  injury  to  health  or  morals, 
and  sometimes  both.  Even  where  lodgers  are  relatives,  impairment  of  health 
and  morals  is  threatened  in  certain  circimistances,  especially  if  the  over- 
crowding is  flagrant.  For  example,  a  household  on  South  Dearborn  Street 
near  Thirty-fourth  Street  consisted  of  a  father,  mother,  a  son  of  nineteen 
years,  and  a  baby  girl  of  four  months,  with  three  lodgers,  two  men  and  one 

TABLE  IX 


District 

Percentage  of 
Lodgers 

Percentage  of 
Children 

South  Side: 

Thirty-first  to  Thirty-ninth 

Twenty-second  to  Thirty-first .... 
Thirty-ninth  tn  Siytifth  ,,,,.,... 

45-9 
37-8 
30.1 
21.8 
42.1 

IS-2 

26.9 
12.3 

15-4 
20.4 
21.4 

West  Side 

32.0 

Lake  Park 

16.9 

North  Side :   

25.0 

Woodlawn 

30.0 
45  0 

Ogden  Park 

Total  of  274  families 

35-0 

22.  7 

woman — seven  persons  living  in  seven  rooms  and  sleeping  in  all  parts  of  the 
house.  One  of  the  lodgers  was  a  sister-in-law,  another  a  nephew  by  marriage, 
and  the  third,  a  stranger,  had  a  bedroom  to  himself.  In  a  ten-room  house  in 
East  Thirty-second  Street  parents  having  a  boy  of  eight  years  and  a  girl  of 
seven  years  were  found  to  have  taken  in  ten  lodgers,  two  of  whom  were  men. 
In  another  instance  five  children,  four  of  them  boys  of  eight,  five,  four,  and  two 
years  and  a  girl  of  eleven,  lived  with  their  parents  and  two  lodgers  in  a  six-room 
house. 

In  Ogden  Park,  a  district  which  shows  a  high  percentage  of  children, 
lodgers  sometimes  are  added  to  the  family.  In  one  house  of  five  rooms,  for 
example,  there  were  found  living  twelve  persons — ^father,  mother,  two  sons, 
sixteen  and  seventeen  years  of  age,  four  daughters,  thirty-three,  twenty-four, 
twenty-two,  and  thirteen  years  of  age,  and  four  lodgers — a  daughter,  her 
husband,  and  their  two  infants.  There  were  only  two  bedrooms  for  the 
twelve  persons.  Another  instance  was  that  of  a  family  of  father,  mother, 
four  sons,  nine,  five,  three,  and  two  years,  and  two  daughters,  seven  years  and 
three  weeks,  with  a  sister  of  one  of  the  parents  for  a  lodger.  The  nine  persons 
lived  in  five  rooms.  There  were  only  two  beds  in  the  house,  and  one  of  the 
bedrooms  was  not  in  use. 

On  the  South  Side  near  Thirty-first  Street  there  was  a  case  where  a  man 
lodger  occupied  one  bedroom,  the  other  being  used  by  the  parents  and  their 
eight-year-old  daughter — four  persons  in  a  four-room  flat.    On  South  Park 


THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM  i6i 

Avenue  near  Twenty-ninth  Street  two  lodgers,  a  son-in-law  and  a  nephew, 
occupied  two  of  the  six  rooms,  while  the  husband  and  wife,  a  son  of  twenty- 
three  years,  and  a  daughter  of  twenty-one  years  lived  in  the  other  four  rooms, 
which  included  the  kitchen  and  dining-room.  A  similar  instance  was  found, 
on  Indiana  Avenue  near  Thirtieth  Street,  where  two  male  lodgers  lived  with 
a  family  consisting  of  the  parents,  a  son  of  twenty,  and  a  daughter  of  eighteen, 
all  in  six  rooms,  two  of  which  were  not  sleeping-rooms.  On  Lake  Park  Avenue 
near  Fifty-sixth  Street  a  family,  including  father,  mother,  and  daughter  of 
twenty,  slept  in  the  kitchen  in  order  that  three  lodgers,  one  male  and  two  female, 
might  be  accommodated  in  the  five-room  fiat.  In  a  five-room  flat  on  Kenwood 
Avenue  near  Fifty-third  Street  the  two  male  lodgers  occupied  both  bedrooms, 
while  the  mother  and  her  boy  of  nine  and  girl  of  seven  years  lived  in  the  kitchen 
and  dining-room.  Seven  persons  were  found  living  in  a  six-room  house  on 
East  Fortieth  Street;  they  were  father,  mother,  a  son  of  five  years,  a  daughter 
of  seven  years,  and  an  infant,  with  a  male  and  a  female  lodger,  friends  of  the 
parents.    Virtually  the  whole  house  was  used  for  sleeping  purposes. 

These  are  examples  of  the  arrangements  that  sometimes  occur  when 
children  and  lodgers  are  found  in  the  same  dwelling.  The  fact  that  in  the 
main  Chicago  Negroes  live  in  more  rooms  per  dwelling  than  immigrants, 
whose  standard  of  living  has  not  yet  risen,  does  not  necessarily  mean  that  the 
Negroes  have  a  greater  appreciation  of  a  house  with  more  rooms.  The  explana- 
tion in  many  cases  is  that  the  Negroes  take  whatever  living  quarters  happen 
to  be  available,  which  often  are  large  residences  abandoned  by  well-to-do 
whites,  and  then  adapt  their  mode  of  living  to  the  circumstances.  Lodgers 
are  one  of  the  sources  of  revenue  that  aid  in  paying  the  rent.  Negro  families 
often  expressed  a  desire  to  live  by  themselves  if  they  could  find  a  dwelling  of 
suitable  size  for  reasonable  rent.  They  sometimes  complained  of  lodgers 
and  declared  that  they  would  prefer  not  to  take  them  at  all,  especially  women 
lodgers.  The  objection  to  married  couples  and  unattached  men  was  not  so 
pronounced. 

Smaller  houses  thus  would  seem  to  be  a  factor  in  the  solution  of  the  lodger 
problem.  A  Negro  real  estate  dealer  was  asked  if  the  Negro  was  as  contented 
or  as  much  disposed  to  live  in  a  cottage  as  white  people,  or  whether  he  wanted 
to  live  in  spacious  quarters  where  he  could  draw  a  revenue  from  roomers. 
The  reply  was  that  the  Negro  would  rather  live  by  himself.  This  is 
evidenced  by  the  fact  that  many  Negroes  would  rather  live  in  an  apartment 
and  rent  two  or  three  rooms  than  take  a  large  house  and  have  it  full  of  roomers. 

Lodgers  are  often  found  in  the  smaller  dwellings  occupied  by  Negroes. 
Rent  is  often  the  determining  factor  in  the  selection  of  the  smaller  dwelling. 
When  it  is  so  high  that  it  forms  too  large  a  proportion  of  income,  economic 
necessity  often  drives  the  Negro  family  to  admit  one  or  more  lodgers  at  the 
expense  of  overcrowding  and  its  attendant  harmfulness.  This  was  noted  in 
certain  districts  where  the  dwellings  as  a  rule  were  small. 


i62  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Rents  and  lodgers, — ^An  effort  was  made  to  determine  the  economic  necessity 
for  lodgers  as  expressed  by  the  relation  of  the  wages  of  heads  of  families  to 
the  amounts  of  rent  paid.  It  is  assmned  that  in  a  normal  family  budget 
rent  should  not  exceed  one-fifth  of  the  income  of  the  head  of  the  family.  Wide 
variations  from  that  proportion  were  revealed. 

Facts  as  to  both  rent  and  wages  were  difficult  to  secure,  owing  to  the 
variable  earnings  of  various  members  of  the  family,  variable  sums  received 
from  lodgers,  and  other  factors.  For  example,  seventeen  occupants  owned 
their  houses.  In  seventy-eight  other  cases  information  obtained  by  the 
investigators  was  not  adequate  or  could  not,  for  various  reasons,  be  used  in 
calculations. 

The  remaining  179  cases  out  of  the  274  provided  data  from  which  the 
following  facts  are  presented:  In  three  instances  the  rent  exceeded  the  income 
of  the  head  of  the  family;  in  thirty-one  instances  the  rent  equaled  one-half 
the  income  of  the  head  of  the  family,  and  in  an  equal  number  it  amounted 
to  one-third.  In  one  case  the  rent  was  equal  to  three-fourths  of  the  income, 
and  in  twenty-three  cases  the  rent  equaled  one-fourth.  Thus  eighty-nine 
instances  were  disclosed  in  which  the  rent  was  in  excess  of  one-fifth  of  the 
income  of  the  head  of  the  family.  In  most  of  these  cases,  particularly  the 
extreme  ones,  the  income  of  the  head  of  the  family  was  greatly  supplemented 
by  money  received  from  lodgers  or  from  earnings  of  other  members  of  the 
family. 

The  remaining  ninety  families  in  which  the  rent  amounted  to  one-fifth 
or  less  of  the  income  of  the  head  of  the  family  were  divided  as  follows:  Twenty- 
four  fell  in  the  one-fifth  column,  twenty-seven  in  the  one-sixth  column,  fourteen 
in  the  one-seventh  column,  eleven  in  the  one-eighth  column,  while  fourteen 
were  in  the  "low"  column.  The  last  named  included  those  ranging  from 
one-ninth  to  one-twenty-third. 

On  the  South  Side,  in  the  district  from  Thirty-first  to  Thirty-ninth  Street, 
rents  exceeded  the  one-fifth  proportion  in  one-half  of  the  sixty-two  families 
studied,  two  of  them  paying  rent  in  excess  of  income,  eight  paying  one-half  of 
income  for  rent,  fourteen  paying  one-third,  and  seven  paying  one-fourth. 
Of  the  remaining  thirty-one  families  in  that  district,  seven  fell  in  the  one-fifth 
column,  twelve  in  the  one-sixth  column,  six  in  the  one-seventh  column,  four 
in  the  one-eighth  column  and  two  in  the  "low,"  being  one-ninth  and  one- 
eleventh. 

Rents  were  high  also  in  the  Lake  Park  district,  where  twenty-five  families 
of  a  total  of  thirty-six  were  paying  in  excess  of  the  one-fifth  proportion.  Four- 
teen of  these  paid  one-half  of  the  income  for  rent,  five  paid  one-fourth,  four 
paid  one-third,  one  paid  three-quarters,  and  in  one  instance  rent  exceeded 
income.  In  only  five  instances  was  the  normal  one-fifth  paid,  two  paid  one- 
sixth,  two  paid  one-seventh,  while  two  paid  one-ninth  and  one-eleventh 
respectively. 


THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM  163 

In  the  district  north  of  Thirty-first  Street,  eighteen  out  of  a  total  of  thirty- 
eight  families  paid  in  excess  of  the  one-fifth  proportion,  four  paid  one-half, 
nine  paid  one-third,  and  five  paid  one-fourth.  Six  families  paid  the  normal 
one-fifth,  five  paid  one-sixth,  two  paid  one-seventh,  one  one-eighth,  and  six  less 
than  that,  running  as  low  as  one-twenty-third. 

The  Ogden  Park  area  was  found  to  be  a  district  of  low  rents.  None  of 
the  eight  families  studied  paid  as  much  as  the  normal  one-fifth.  Two  paid 
one-sixth,  one  paid  one-seventh,  three  one-eighth,  one  one-ninth,  and  one 
one-twelfth. 

The  other  districts  did  not  show  much  variation  from  the  normal  propor- 
tion. 

Examination  was  made  of  all  the  factors  in  instances  where  the  rent  equaled 
one-half  or  more  of  the  income  of  the  head  of  the  family  or  amounted  to 
one-third.  With  regard  to  the  former  it  was  assumed,  for  the  purpose  of  the 
study,  that  it  compelled  renting  rooms  to  lodgers.  With  regard  to  the  one- 
third  column,  lodgers  were  assumed  to  be  an  economic  necessity  when  they 
offered  the  only  source  of  income  in  addition  to  that  of  the  head  of  the  family. 
On  these  bases  it  was  found  that  in  forty-six  families  supplementary  income 
afforded  by  lodgers  was  necessary,  that  in  three  instances  they  were  the  sole 
source  of  the  income,  while  one  instance  was  presented  of  a  widow  whose 
children  partly  supported  her,  but  insufficiently  for  their  common  needs. 

While  in  most  instances  of  high  rents  and  low  income  on  the  part  of  the 
head  of  the  family  good  reason  appeared  for  taking  lodgers,  in  not  a  few 
instances  further  analysis  revealed  other  sources  of  income  which  might 
indicate  that  there  was  no  economic  necessity  for  lodgers.  There  was  one 
instance  on  Forest  Avenue,  for  example,  where  the  relation  of  the  rent  to  the 
father's  income  was  one-third,  but  where  his  sons  earned  more  than  double 
his  income.  In  another  family  on  South  State  Street  near  Thirtieth  Street, 
the  father  earned  $125  a  month  and  paid  $50  a  month  rent,  but  additional 
income  was  derived  from  the  wife,  son,  and  daughter,  in  addition  to  that 
obtained  from  lodgers.  There  was  likewise  the  case  of  a  waiter  living  on 
Lake  Park  Avenue  whose  rent  was  $30  a  month  as  against  wages  of  $10  a 
week.  In  addition  to  the  tips  he  doubtless  received  in  his  work,  his  wife 
earned  $18  a  week,  and  $6  a  week  was  derived  from  lodgers.  In  one  instance 
a  man  living  near  Fifty-sixth  Street  and  Wabash  Avenue  paid  rent  equal  to 
one-third  of  his  wages,  but  had  considerable  income  from  investments. 

Such  instances  tend  to  explain  why  only  forty-eight  families  were  found 
in  which  lodgers  seemed  to  be  an  economic  necessity  in  aiding  to  pay  rents, 
when  eighty-nine  cases  were  revealed  in  which  the  rent  was  in  excess  of  one- 
fifth  of  the  wages  of  the  head  of  the  family.  The  family  histories  also  showed 
that  various  means  besides  lodgers  supplemented  the  insufficient  income  of  a 
famUy  head.  In  some  cases  the  wife  or  children  worked,  and  not  infrequently 
their  incomes  exceeded  those  of  the  father. 


i64  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Lodgers  were  often  found  in  families  where  the  income  from  that  source 
did  not  appear  to  be  needed.  This  was  the  case  in  a  number  of  families  with 
unusually  high  wages  and  abnormally  low  rents.  High  wages  and  low  rents 
explain  most  of  the  cases  shown  where  the  rent  ranges  from  one-ninth  to 
one-twenty-third  of  the  income  of  the  head  of  the  family.  In  the  one-twenty- 
third  case  the  couple  lived  in  two  rooms  on  South  State  Street  for  which  they 
paid  $6  a  month.  The  man  earned  $35  a  week  in  an  iron  foundry,  while  the 
wife  added  $18  a  week  to  the  common  fund.  Another  instance  was  that  of 
a  man  who  paid  $16  a  month  rent  and  earned  $48  weekly  at  the  Stock  Yards. 
His  wife  and  a  relative  added  $23.60  a  week  to  the  famUy  income.  A  man  in 
Ogden  Park  whose  income  as  a  contractor  was  $48  a  week  paid  $16  a  month 
rent.  A  man  living  on  the  West  Side  earned  $48  a  week  and  paid  $15  a  month 
rent.     His  children  added  $43.50  a  week  to  the  family  income. 

Even  in  circumstances  such  as  these,  lodgers  were  sometimes  taken. 
In  one  case  where  the  rent  was  one- tenth  of  the  wages  of  the  head  of  the  family 
the  man  paid  $15  a  month  rent  for  a  five-room  dwelling  out  of  his  $36  weekly 
wages  earned  in  a  coke  plant  at  Gary.  His  son  and  lodgers  increased  the 
monthly  income  by  $28.  There  was  a  teamster  earning  $30  a  week  who 
paid  $15  a  month  rent  for  a  six- room  dwelling  in  which  nine  persons  lived. 
The  proportion  of  rent  to  his  wages  was  as  one  to  eight.  His  wife,  one  of  his 
children,  and  lodgers  added  to  the  income.  As  in  numerous  instances  where 
the  income  was  high,  a  large  amount  was  spent  for  food  in  this  family. 

An  instance  was  found  of  a  man  earning  $9.50  to  $10.50  a  day.  His  wife 
was  a  caterer.  There  was  a  daughter  of  fifteen  years.  They  took  three 
roomers.  There  was  no  need  for  the  woman  to  work,  but  she  said  she  wanted 
the  money.  She  was  a  good  cook,  having  served  in  that  capacity  in  the  South, 
and  she  said  she  earned  $15  when  she  went  out  for  a  week-end  of  catering. 
In  this  instance  there  seemed  to  be  little  need  for  lodgers. 

Another  case  was  that  of  a  man  and  his  wife  and  two  grown  children 
living  in  a  nine-room  dwelling  on  Calumet  Avenue  and  having  nine  lodgers. 
The  man  was  earning  $40  a  week,  and  the  lodgers  paid  $33.50  a  week.  The 
wife  occasionally  did  day  work,  earning  $3.65  a  day.  The  monthly  expenditure 
for  food  was  $100,  clothing  $7,;^,  and  rent  $60. 

Another  instance  was  that  of  a  widow  with  three  children  who  lived  on 
State  Street  near  Thirty-seventh  Street,  in  a  three-room  flat.  Though  the 
children's  earnings  amounted  to  $78  a  week,  the  inevitable  lodger  was  present, 
contributing  $4  a  week  to  the  common  fund.  This  little  family  spent  $120 
a  month  for  food. 

Large  amounts  spent  for  food  were  not  uncommon  in  some  families  that 
took  lodgers.  A  typical  instance  was  that  of  the  man  and  wife  with  three 
children  and  two  lodgers  who  lived  on  Prairie  Avenue.  The  man  earned 
$25  a  week,  while  $82  a  month  was  derived  from  the  lodgers.  Food  for  the 
family  alone  cost  $100  a  month. 


THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM  165 

A  man  on  North  Wells  Street  earned  $57  a  week  for  the  support  of  his 
wife  and  three  adopted  children.  They  lived  in  an  eleven-room  house  which 
also  accommodated  the  man's  sister  and  brother.  One  of  the  sons  earned 
$75  a  week,  and  the  lodgers  paid  $45  a  month.  This  family  spent  $180  a 
month  for  food.  Another  earned  $22  a  week  in  the  Stock  Yards.  Besides 
his  wife  and  chUd  they  had  in  their  nine-room  house  on  East  Thirtieth 
Street  six  lodgers  paying  $20  a  week.  This  family  spent  $100  a  month  for 
food  and  $34  for  clothing.  Another  man  and  wife  on  Forest  Avenue  paid 
$25  a  month  rent  and  spent  $88  a  month  for  food  and  $43  for  clothing.  They 
derived  $3.75  a  week  from  their  two  lodgers.  A  similar  case  was  that  of  a  family 
which  lived  on  East  Thirty-second  Street.  The  man  earned  $30  a  week  in 
a  foundry.  He  and  his  wife  have  one  child,  and  they  had  ten  lodgers,  who 
paid  $72  a  week.  In  this  famUy  $80  was  spent  for  food  each  month  and  $50 
for  clothing. 

The  heaviest  expenditure  for  food  in  any  one  family  was  $330  a  month. 
This  was  explained  by  the  fact  that  there  were  twenty  table  boarders.  The 
husband  earned  $22.50  a  week,  and  there  were  three  lodgers  who  paid  $13  a 
week.  The  boarders  collectively  paid  $13  a  day.  Rent  was  $55  a  month, 
and  $25  a  month  was  spent  for  clothing. 

Other  reasons  for  the  ready  acceptance  of  lodgers  in  Negro  dwellings 
were  apparent,  among  them  friendship  and  the  desire  to  be  obliging  and  to 
assist  others  in  a  new  environment.  Most  Negroes  would  regard  it  as  a  breach 
of  good  faith  to  encourage  friends  and  relatives  to  come  to  Chicago  from  the 
South  and  then  fail  to  help  them  after  their  arrival.  This  accounts  for  the 
frequent  designation  of  "relatives"  and  "friends"  among  the  lodgers.  Some- 
times these  lodgers  seemed  to  be  permanent,  but  often  they  were  taken  only 
until  they  could  adjust  themselves. 

During  the  period  of  greatest  migration,  1915-20,  hundreds  of  unattached 
men  and  women  could  be  seen  on  the  streets  as  late  as  one  or  two  o'clock  in 
the  morning,  seeking  rooms  shortly  after  their  arrival  in  Chicago.  One 
instance  was  reported  of  a  family  to  whose  house  four  men  came  at  midnight 
looking  for  rooms.  Lack  of  lodging-houses  or  of  hotels  where  accommodations 
could  be  had  at  reasonable  prices  was  partly  responsible  for  this  swarm  of 
migrants  seeking  shelter  in  private  homes.  The  meager  provision  of  such 
places  for  the  accommodation  of  unattached  Negroes  has  been  a  factor  in  the 
lodger  problem. 

rV.      HOW  NEGRO   FAMILIES   LIVE 

How  Negroes  earn  their  living  in  Chicago,  what  occupational  changes 
those  from  the  South  have  undergone  since  arrival,  how  their  present  occupa- 
tions differ  from  those  in  their  former  homes — information  on  all  these  points 
was  gained  from  the  family  histories.    Almost  without  exception,  the  Negroes V 
interviewed  declared  that  their  economic  situation  had  improved  in  Chicago. 


i66  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

In  most  instances  they  were  able  to  earn  more;  some  said  they  were  obliged 
to  work  harder  but  felt  well  recompensed  because  of  their  improved  economic 
condition. 

From  the  occupations  of  persons  included  in  the  study  it  appears  that 
there  is  a  distinct  departure  from  the  domestic  and  personal  service  in  which 
Negroes  were  commonly  found  a  few  years  ago.  Among  the  274  families 
visited,  the  heads  of  225  families  were  men.  Of  this  number  eighteen  were 
idle  at  the  time  of  the  investigation,  in  the  surmner  of  1920,  nine  were  profes- 
sional men,  nineteen  were  in  business,  twenty-two  were  in  some  skilled  trade 
or  work,  no  were  doing  unskilled  work,  and  only  forty-seven  were  engaged 
in  personal  service.  The  latter  term  includes  such  occupations  as  doorman 
in  a  hotel  or  club,  bellboy,  bootblack,  cook,  waiter,  porter,  elevator  operator, 
and  chauffeurs  who  lack  training  as  mechanics.  These  are  chiefly  functions 
which  bring  employees  in  contact  with  the  pubHc  or  with  white  employers 
in  a  more  or  less  personal  capacity. 

Before  coming  to  Chicago,  forty-five  of  the  225  were  farmers.  Practically 
all  of  these  entered  the  field  of  unskilled  occupations  here.  Only  sixty-four 
of  the  225  had  been  doing  unskilled  work  in  their  former  home.  Sbc  more  did 
skilled  work  in  their  former  homes  than  were  doing  such  work  in  Chicago; 
two  more  were  in  personal  service;  two  less  were  in  business;  and  one  more  was 
in  a  profession. 

Of  these  225  family  heads,  122  migrated  to  Chicago,  chiefly  from  the  South, 
during  the  period  from  1916  to  1920  inclusive.  Three  periods  in  the  industrial 
history  of  the  family  head  were  taken:  (i)  occupation  in  the  former  home; 
(2)  occupation  on  first  arrival  in  Chicago;  and  (3)  adjustment  to  new  conditions 
in  Chicago  and  occupation  at  the  time  of  investigation,  during  the  spring  and 
early  summer  of  1920. 

Many  of  these  migrants  had  not  yet  made  their  adjustment  to  the  new 
occupations  at  that  time.  However,  certain  tendencies  were  manifest.  For 
example,  in  the  former  home  thirty-one  were  farmers  and  forty-five  were 
unskilled  workers.  In  the  period  of  adjustment  seventy-seven  were  doing 
unskilled  work.  The  unskilled  occupations  had  apparently,  in  the  shifting 
about,  absorbed  the  farmers.  The  difficulty  of  continuing  in  skilled  occupa- 
tions in  the  North  was  evidenced.  In  the  South  fourteen  of  the  122  men 
were  engaged  in  skilled  occupations  of  some  sort;  in  the  period  of  adjustment 
there  were  fifteen;  but  at  the  time  of  the  investigation  there  were  but  twelve. 

In  the  South  nineteen  of  the  122  were  in  personal-servdce  occupations; 
during  the  transition  period,  eighteen;  and  at  the  time  of  the  investigation, 
sixteen.  In  the  South  seven  were  in  business;  during  the  period  of  transition, 
three;  and  at  the  time  of  the  investigation,  five.  In  the  South  four  were  in 
practice  as  professional  men;  during  the  period  of  transition  only  three; 
while  at  the  time  of  the  investigation  there  were  five,  one  just  beginning  to 
practice. 


THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM  167 

As  to  whether  any  previous  occupational  training  was  used  or  abandoned 
after  coming  to  the  North,  it  appeared  that  of  the  225  only  91  utilized  such 
training.  In  134  cases  previous  training  was  not  used,  but  these  included 
many  who  were  farmers  in  the  South. 

Of  forty-nine  who  had  been  engaged  in  personal-service  occupations  before 
coming  to  Chicago,  only  twenty  still  continued  in  such  work.  Six  were  unem- 
ployed at  the  time  of  the  investigation,  nineteen  were  in  unskilled  work,  one 
was  doing  skilled  work,  and  three  were  in  business. 

Forty-nine  women  were  heads  of  families  as  revealed  by  the  274  family 
histories.  This  does  not  include  all  the  Negro  women  shown  by  the  histories 
to  be  engaged  in  gainful  occupations  in  Chicago.  Often  daughters  were 
working.  There  were  thirty  instances  in  which  man  and  wife  both  worked 
outside  of  the  home.  Before  coming  to  Chicago  129  wives  were  employed, 
while  in  Chicago  sixty-seven  wives  were  gainfully  employed,  including  the 
thirty  who  were  working  in  addition  to  their  husbands.  During  the  period 
of  transition,  it  appears,  they  helped  out,  since  the  records  show  that  132 
were  then  at  work.  But  the  tendency  plainly  is  to  abandon  the  practice  as 
soon  as  the  family  becomes  settled  in  the  new  environment. 

Of  seventeen  women  who  had  worked  as  house  servants  in  their  former 
homes,  seven  were  found  in  factories,  three  in  ofiSces,  two  in  stores,  and  five 
in  unskilled  manual  labor. 

Some  of  the  transitions  in  occupation  are  especially  interesting.  One 
oil-field  worker  in  the  South  had  become  a  shoemaker.  A  farmer  had  become 
a  postal  clerk.  A  former  superintendent  of  a  label  factory  attended  high  school 
during  the  adjustment  period  and  became  an  undertaker.  One  who  was  a 
schoolboy  in  the  South  worked  in  a  hotel  on  coming  to  Chicago  but  became  a 
grocer.  A  barber  in  Kansas  City  became  first  a  painter  in  Chicago,  then  a 
janitor.  A  bottler  from  Memphis,  Tennessee,  went  to  work  in  the  Stock 
Yards  but  became  a  canvasser.  A  farmer  from  Alabama  worked  first  in  the 
Yards  and  later  in  woolen  miUs. 

One  man  was  a  porter  in  a  store  in  Mississippi.  In  Chicago  he  became  a 
chauffeur.  A  farmer  from  Louisiana  on  arriving  worked  as  a  butcher  and  then 
secured  employment  in  a  tannery.  A  porter  in  a  wholesale  grocery  in  Memphis, 
Tennessee,  who  worked  first  in  Chicago  as  a  lard  maker  in  a  packing-house, 
later  became  a  building  laborer.  A  preacher  from  Tennessee  worked  at 
Swift's  packing-house  until  he  could  become  established  in  a  church. 

A  Mississippi  plumber  who  served  as  a  butter  maker  for  a  time  after 
reaching  Chicago  became  a  contractor  within  three  years.  A  hotel  porter 
from  Alabama  came  to  Chicago  in  191 8  and  went  to  work  in  a  steel  foundry 
and  later  in  a  soap  factory.  A  farmer  who  worked  on  shares  in  Georgia  tried 
work  in  the  Stock  Yards  in  Chicago,  but  changed  to  a  paint  shop.  An  Alabama 
man  who  worked  in  a  sawmill  there  foimd  a  job  in  a  steel  foundry  in  Chicago, 
and  later  went  to  the  Stock  Yards.    A  man  who  worked  in  an  ice  plant 


i68  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

in  Texas  became  a  railroad  porter  after  coming  to  Chicago  and  then  found  a 
job  as  a  butcher  at  the  Stock  Yards. 

A  man  who  began  life  as  a  bootblack  in  Atlanta  came  to  Chicago  in  1893 
and  sold  newspapers  until  he  could  enter  business  for  himself.  For  many  years 
he  has  been  a  jeweler.  In  the  South  his  wife  was  a  musician  by  profession. 
To  aid  her  husband  in  his  struggle  she  worked  in  a  box  factory  for  a  time  after 
arriving  in  Chicago. 

Clergymen  sometimes  abandon  their  profession  for  more  remunerative 
employment.  One  of  these  came  to  Chicago  from  Boston  in  1904.  For  a  time 
he  worked  as  a  fireman  and  later  in  a  packing-house.  One  who  served  as  a 
waiter  on  first  coming  to  Chicago  became  an  insurance  agent,  and  another, 
who  was  a  reporter  on  a  Negro  newspaper  on  arrival  in  Chicago,  became  the 
manager  of  a  manufacturing  company. 

Few  migrants  continued  in  Chicago  the  employment  in  which  they  worked 
in  the  South. 

The  family  histories  show  that  the  Stock  Yards  industry  absorbed  many 
of  the  migrants,  and  a  large  number  went  to  work  in  the  steel  mills  and  iron 
foundries,  as  well  as  in  lighter  manufactures. 

Many  Negro  women  have  become  hairdressers  and  manicurists  after  a 
course  in  a  school  of  "beauty  culture"  which  also  teaches  the  use  of  cosmetics. 
Considerable  skill  is  often  required  in  this  work,  and  the  earnings  often  supple- 
ment very  substantially  the  husband's  income  and  may  be  sufl&cient  to  make 
an  individual  self-sustaining  in  case  of  need.  Hairdressing  is  most  frequently 
done  in  the  homes. 

An  occasional  teacher,  cateress,  or  seamstress  was  found  among  the  Negro 
women.  Some  of  them  remained  in  personal-service  occupations,  but  a  decided 
tendency  was  noticeable  toward  ofl&ce  and  factory  employment. 

In  summary  it  is  scarcely  necessary  to  remark  that  wages  in  the  North 
far  exceed  those  in  the  South.  The  difference  in  some  instances  is  so  great 
that  many  foolish  expenditures  are  indulged  in  before  the  relatively  higher 
cost  of  living  is  appreciated,  or  other  conditions  are  properly  understood. 
High  wages,  supplemented  by  income  from  other  sources,  often  proved  a 
temptation  to  unnecessarily  heavy  expenditures  for  material  comforts,  such 
as  food  and  clothing.  With  relation  to  food  it  did  not  appear  that  Negroes 
were  deliberately  taken  advantage  of  in  their  buying,  but  that  they  frequently 
bought  articles  without  considering  prices  that  had  been  refused  by  others 
because  they  were  deemed  excessive. 

Insurance  of  one  kind  or  another  was  often  carried  in  the  families  studied. 
In  spite  of  high  living  costs,  a  considerable  number  of  families  were  found  to 
have  bank  accounts.  Liberty  bonds.  War  Savings  stamps,  and  good  interest- 
paying  investments. 

The  testimony  of  Negroes  who  at  some  time  had  lived  in  the  South  was 
mainly  that  they  were  obliged  to  work  harder  for  what  they  got  North.    They 


THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM  169 

also  declared  that  they  were  unable  to  save  as  much  as  they  hoped  or  expected, 
because  of  high  prices.  But  in  the  great  majority  of  cases  satisfaction  was 
expressed  over  the  improvement  in  their  economic  situation.  While  their 
movements  in  search  of  better  housing  in  Chicago  were  extremely  frequent, 
they  still  felt  that  they  were  better  housed  than  in  their  former  homes,  where 
bathtubs,  steam  heat,  and  electric  lighting  were  almost  unknown.  Being 
accustomed  to  a  certain  measure  of  dilapidation  in  their  home  surroundings 
in  the  South,  the  Negro  is  not  necessarily  dismayed  by  the  extent  of  dilapidation  in 
Chicago's  Negro  housing,  though  usually  it  is  not  long  before  he  begins  to  think 
of  more  substantial  dwellings  in  better  surroundings  than  those  he  first  obtains. 

Also  in  Chicago  he  finds  available  and  accessible  to  his  home  many  churches, 
some  with  large  memberships  and  adequately  housed;  the  best  schools  he 
has  ever  known;  fine  hospitals  and  dispensaries  at  his  command;  some  play- 
grounds, bathing-beaches,  parks,  and  similar  facilities  for  his  recreation  and 
that  of  his  children;  settlement  houses;  libraries;  and  many  other  civic  and 
recreational  societies  that  make  a  strong  appeal  to  his  interest  and  promote 
his  ambition  for  physical  and  mental  development.  He  finds  many  motion- 
picture  theaters  and  other  amusements  for  his  leisure  hours. 

Where  the  habit  has  not  already  been  established,  he  is  learning  to  make 
liberal  use  of  all  these  facilities  through  the  guidance  and  direction  of  Negro 
newspapers  and  organizations  working  especially  for  the  improvement  of  the 
Negro  group.  There  are  indications  of  improvement  in  moral  standards, 
health,  and  civic  consciousness  through  these  contacts  and  the  use  of  these 
up-building  social  agencies. 

The  opinions  of  migrants  and  their  feeling  toward  the  community  were 
solicited.  It  appeared  that  above  all  they  prized  the  social  and  political 
freedom  of  the  North.  Satisfaction  was  expressed  over  the  escape  from 
"Jim  Crow"  treatment  in  the  South.  They  valued  the  independence  possible 
in  the  North,  and  sometimes  spoke  of  having  come  North  "out  of  bondage." 
They  recalled  frequently  the  "shameful  treatment  received  by  the  Negroes 
from  the  white  people  in  the  South,"  the  "intimidation  and  discrimination," 
and  they  were  surprised  and  sometimes  amazed  at  the  fact  that  they  could  go 
and  come  at  will  in  Chicago,  that  they  could  ride  in  the  front  of  a  street  car 
and  sit  in  any  seat.  Satisfaction  was  also  expressed  over  the  fact  that  they 
could  get  a  job  at  good  wages  and  did  not  have  to  buy  groceries  at  plantation 
stores  where  they  felt  they  had  been  exploited. 

Thus,  while  they  may  have  to  work  harder  and  may  find  it  diflScult  for  a 
long  time  to  adjust  themselves  to  the  environment,  few  indicated  any  intention 
of  returning  to  the  South.  In  some  instances,  where  adjustments  have  not 
been  made,  some  discouragement  was  evidenced,  and  they  sometimes  expressed 
the  feeling  that  they  were  no  better  oflf  in  Chicago  than  in  their  former  homes. 
The  prevailing  sentiment,  however,  was  in  favor  of  remaining  in  spite  of  some 
greater  difficulties. 


I70  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Often  Negroes  from  the  South  said  they  missed  the  care-free  social  greetings 
and  relationships  that  prevail  in  the  rural  South.  They  thought  that  people 
in  the  North  were  "colder,"  that  they  did  not  show  sufficient  hospitaUty. 

Asked  what  conditions  they  would  change  if  they  could  have  their  way, 
the  most  frequently  expressed  desire  was  for  more  and  better  housing. 
Improvement  of  social,  moral,  or  political  conditions  followed.  Some  empha- 
sized the  necessity  of  improving  the  management  of  the  migrants  from  the 
South,  whose  new-found  freedom  had  led  them  to  become  offensive  in  their 
conduct.  Interviews  with  migrants,  however,  indicated  that  instruction  was 
being  received  without  offense  from  many  social  agencies  on  how  to  act, 
dress,  and  speak  in  such  a  manner  as  not  to  create  unfavorable  impressions. 

There  were  some  complaints  of  political  exploitation  and  of  being  obHged 
to  live  in  proximity  to  gambling  and  vice  that  were  encouraged  by  poUtical 
bosses  in  their  neighborhoods. 

The  inquiry  showed  that  membership  in  clubs,  lodges,  and  kindred  organiza- 
tions was  almost  as  universal  as  church  affiliation.  There  were  only  a  few 
families  in  which  no  member  had  any  association  with  a  fraternity  or  club. 

v.      A   GROUP   OF   FAMILY  HISTORIES 

The  general  statistical  treatment  of  these  274  Negro  famihes  takes  away 
many  of  their  human  quaUties.  For  this  reason  a  selection  has  been  made  of 
various  types  of  Negro  families  in  order  that  a  rounded  picture  of  the  whole 
unit  may  be  given.  The  family  stories  that  follow  include  typical  migrant 
Negroes  from  the  South — common  laborers,  skilled  laborers,  salaried,  business, 
and  professional  men.  They  illustrate  the  commonplace  experiences  of 
Negroes  in  adjusting  themselves  to  the  requirements  of  life  in  Chicago. 

AN  IRON  WORKER 

Mr.  J — ,  forty-nine  years  old,  his  wife,  thirty-eight  years,  and  their  daughter 
twenty-one  years,  were  bom  in  Henry  County,  Georgia.  The  husband  never  went 
to  school,  but  reads  a  Uttle.  The  wife  finished  the  seventh  grade  and  the  daughter 
the  fifth  grade  in  the  rural  school  near  their  home. 

They  worked  on  a  farm  for  shares,  the  man  earning  one  dollar  and  the  women 
from  fifty  to  seventy-five  cents  a  day  for  ten  hours'  work.  Their  home  was  a  four- 
room  cottage  with  a  garden,  and  rented  for  five  dollars  a  month.  They  owned  pigs, 
povdtry,  and  a  cow,  which  with  their  household  furniture,  were  worth  about  $800. 
The  food  that  they  did  not  raise  and  their  clothing  had  to  be  bought  from  the  com- 
missary at  any  price  the  owner  cared  to  charge. 

They  were  members  of  the  Missionary  Baptist  Church  and  the  wife  belonged  to 
the  missionary  society  of  the  church  and  the  Household  of  Ruth,  a  secret  order.  Their 
sole  recreation  was  attending  church,  except  for  the  occasional  hunting  expeditions 
made  by  the  husband. 

Motives  for  coming  to  Chicago. — Reading  in  the  Atlanta  Journal,  a  Negro  news- 
paper, of  the  wonderful  industrial  opportunities  ofi'ered  Negroes,  the  husband  came 
to  Chicago  in  February,  191 7.    Finding  conditions  satisfactory,  he  had  his  wife  sell 


THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM  171 

the  stock  and  household  goods  and  join  him  here  in  April  of  the  same  year.  He 
secured  work  at  the  Stock  Yards,  working  eight  hours  at  $3  a  day.  Later,  he  was 
employed  by  a  casting  company,  working  ten  hours  a  day  and  earning  $30  a  week. 
This  is  his  present  employment  and  is  about  forty  minutes'  ride  from  his  home. 
Both  jobs  were  secured  by  his  own  efforts. 

The  family  stayed  in  a  rooming-house  on  East  Thirtieth  Street.  This  place 
catered  to  such  an  undesirable  element  that  the  wife  remained  in  her  room  with  their 
daughter  all  day.  She  thought  the  city  too  was  cold,  dirty,  and  noisy  to  live  in. 
Having  nothing  to  do  and  not  knowing  anyone,  she  was  so  lonely  that  she  cried  daily 
and  begged  her  husband  to  put  her  in  three  rooms  of  their  own  or  go  back  home. 
Because  of  the  high  cost  of  living,  they  were  compelled  to  wait  some  time  before  they 
had  saved  enough  to  begin  housekeeping. 

Housing  experience. — Their  first  home  was  on  South  Park  Avenue.  They  bought 
about  $500  worth  of  furniture,  on  which  they  are  still  paying.  The  wife  then  worked 
for  a  time  at  the  Pullman  Yards,  cleaning  cars  at  $1.50  a  day  for  ten  hours'  work. 
Their  house  leaked  and  was  damp  and  cold,  so  the  family  moved  to  another  house  on 
South  Park  Avenue,  where  they  now  live.  The  house  is  an  old,  three-story  brick, 
containing  three  flats.  This  family  occupies  the  first  flat,  which  has  six  rooms  and 
bath.  Stoves  are  used  for  heating,  and  gas  for  hght  and  cooking.  The  house  is 
warm,  but  dark  and  poorly  ventilated.  Lights  are  used  in  two  of  the  rooms  during 
the  day.  The  rooms  open  one  into  the  other,  and  the  interior,  as  well  as  the  exterior, 
needs  cleaning.  There  are  a  living-room,  dining-room,  and  three  bedrooms.  The 
living-room  is  neatly  and  plainly  furnished. 

The  daughter  has  married  a  man  twenty-three  years  old,  who  migrated  first  to 
Pittsburgh,  Pennsylvania,  then  to  Chicago.  He  works  at  the  Stock  Yards.  They 
occupy  a  room  and  use  the  other  part  of  the  house,  paying  half  the  rent  and  boarding 
themselves.  A  nephew,  who  was  a  glazier  in  Georgia,  but  who  has  been  unable  to 
secure  work  here,  also  boards  with  Mr.  and  Mrs.  J — ,  paying  $8  a  week.  He  is  now 
unemployed,  but  has  been  doing  foundry  work,  Mrs.  J —  occasionally  does  laxmdry 
work  at  $4  a  day. 

How  they  live. — The  cost  of  living  includes  rent  $25;  gas  $5.40  a  month;  coal 
$18  a  year;  insurance  $9.60  a  month;  clothing  $500  a  year;  transportation  $3.12  a 
month;  church  and  club  dues  I3  a  month ;  hairdresser  $1.50  a  month.  Little  is  spent 
for  recreation  and  the  care  of  the  health.  The  family  carries  insurance  to  the  amount 
of  $1,700,  of  which  $1,200  is  on  the  husband. 

The  meals  are  prepared  by  the  wife,  who  also  does  the  cleaning.  Greens,  potatoes, 
and  cabbage  are  the  chief  articles  of  diet.  Milk,  eggs,  cereals,  and  meat  are  also 
used.  Meat  is  eaten  about  four  times  a  week.  Hot  bread  is  made  daily,  and  the 
dirmers  are  usually  boiled. 

Relation  to  the  community. — The  whole  family  belongs  to  the  Salem  Baptist  Church 
and  attends  twice  a  week.  The  wife  is  a  member  of  the  Pastor's  Aid  and  the  Willing 
Workers  Club,  also  the  Elk's  Lodge.  The  husband  is  a  member  of  the  Knights  of 
Pythias.  He  goes  to  the  parks,  bathing-beaches,  and  baseball  games  for  amusement. 
The  family  spends  much  of  its  time  in  church  and  helped  to  estabhsh  the  "  Come  and 
See"  Baptist  Mission  at  East  Thirty-first  Street  and  Cottage  Grove  Avenue.  They 
have  gone  to  a  show  only  once  or  twice  since  they  came  to  the  city.  During  the 
summer  they  spend  Sunday  afternoons  at  the  East  Twenty-ninth  Street  Beach. 


172  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Heavier  clothes  were  necessary  because  of  the  change  of  climate,  and  more  fresh 
meat  is  used  because  of  the  lack  of  garden  space  and  the  high  cost  of  green  vegetables. 

The  wife  thinks  that  northern  Negroes  have  better  manners,  but  are  not  as  friendly 
as  the  colored  people  in  the  South.  She  says  people  do  not  visit  each  other,  and  one 
is  never  invited  to  dine  at  a  friend's  house.  She  thinks  they  cannot  afford  it  with 
food  so  high.  She  thinks  people  were  better  in  the  South  than  they  are  here  and 
says  they  had  to  be  good  there  for  they  had  nothing  else  to  do  but  go  to  church. 

She  feels  a  greater  freedom  here  because  of  the  right  to  vote,  the  better  treatment 
accorded  by  white  people,  the  lack  of  "Jim  Crow"  laws.  She  likes  the  North  because 
of  the  protection  afforded  by  the  law  and  the  better  working  conditions.  "  You  don't 
have  an  overseer  always  standing  over  you,"  she  remarked. 

Life  here  is  harder,  however,  because  one  has  to  work  all  the  time.  "  In  the  South 
you  could  rest  occasionally,  but  here,  where  food  is  so  high  and  one  must  pay  cash, 
it  is  hard  to  come  out  even."  The  climate  is  colder,  making  it  necessary  to  buy  more 
clothes  and  coal.  Rent  also  is  very  much  higher  here.  They  had  to  sell  their  two 
$50  Liberty  bonds. 

Economic  sufficiency. — ^With  all  this,  Mrs.  J —  gets  more  pleasure  from  her  income 
because  the  necessities  of  life  here  were  luxuries  in  Georgia,  and  though  such  things 
are  dear  here  there  is  money  to  pay  for  them.  Houses  are  more  modern,  but  not 
good  enough  for  the  rent  paid.  They  had  to  pay  $2  more  than  the  white  family  that 
moved  out  when  they  moved  in. 

Sentiments  on  the  migration. — Mrs.  J — •  says  "some  colored  people  have  come  up 
here  and  forgotten  to  stay  close  to  God,"  hence  they  have  "gone  to  destruction."  She 
hopes  that  an  equal  chance  in  industry  will  be  given  to  all;  that  more  houses  will  be 
provided  for  the  people  and  rent  wiU  be  charged  for  the  worth  of  the  house;  and  the 
cost  of  living  generally  will  be  reduced.  She  does  not  expect  to  return  to  Georgia 
and  is  advising  friends  to  come  to  Chicago. 

A  FACTORY  HAND 

In  his  home  town  in  Kentucky,  Mr.  M —  was  a  preacher  with  a  small  charge. 
Now,  at  the  age  of  forty-nine,  in  Chicago,  he  works  in  a  factory  and  is  paid  $130  a 
month.  He  has  an  adopted  son,  twenty-three  years  of  age,  who  is  an  automobile 
mechanic  in  business  for  himself,  drawing  an  income  of  $300  a  month. 

Mr.  M —  might  still  be  a  preacher  on  small  salary  but  for  the  intervention  of  his 
wife.  He  came  to  Chicago  about  1900.  His  wife  came  from  Nashville,  Tennessee, 
in  1902,  and  they  were  married  in  1904.  Mrs.  M —  felt  that  she  was  too  independent 
to  "live  off  the  people"  and  persuaded  her  husband  to  give  up  the  ministry.  He 
got  a  job  as  foreman  at  a  packing-house,  where  he  earned  $25  a  week  for  a  ten-hour 
day.  Next  he  worked  for  the  Chicago  Telephone  Company,  and  finally  secured  the 
position  with  a  box-manufacturing  company  which  he  now  holds. 

Family  life. — The  M — s  have  adopted  three  children,  having  had  none  of  their 
own — the  adopted  son  already  mentioned,  an  adopted  daughter  now  twenty  years  of 
age,  and  another  foster  son  of  thirteen.  The  latter  is  in  a  North  Side  school.  The 
girl  is  in  a  normal  school  in  Alabama.  Both  Mr.  and  Mrs.  M —  completed  high 
school.    All  speak  good  English. 

Wife  and  husband  have  separate  banking  accounts.  Living  expenses  for  such  a 
large  family  are,  of  course,  heavy.     For  example,  the  bills  for  food  aggregate  from 


THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM  173 

$42  to  $45  a  week,  and  more  than  $200  a  year  is  paid  in  insurance  premiums.  Fre- 
quently a  woman  is  hired  to  come  in  and  help  with  the  housework.  Food  in  good 
variety  is  used.  Illness  prevented  adding  to  the  bank  accounts  during  the  year  of 
1920.  An  operation  performed  on  Mrs.  M —  cost  $650  and  the  illness  of  Mr.  M — • 
and  the  daughter  consumed  between  $900  and  $1,000. 

Housing  experience. — The  M — s'  first  home  in  Chicago  was  a  cottage  in  the 
"Black  Belt."  They  wanted  a  large  house  and  found  one  on  South  State  Street. 
The  neighborhood,  however,  was  displeasing  to  them,  and  they  moved  to  the  North 
Side  to  be  near  a  brother's  children.  The  house  was  too  small,  and  they  moved  again 
to  another  North  Side  address.  Again  the  neighborhood  proved  distasteful,  so 
they  bought  the  three-story  dwelling  on  the  North  Side  where  they  now  live.  It  is 
in  good  sanitary  condition  and  is  supplied  with  gas.  As  lodgers  they  have  the  wife's 
sister  and  brother,  who  are  actually  members  of  the  family. 

Community  participation. — They  belong  to  the  Baptist  church.  Affiliations  of  a 
secular  nature  include  the  Masons,  the  Household  of  Ruth,  the  Court  of  Calanthe, 
the  Eastern  Star,  the  Heroines  of  Jericho,  the  North  Side  Men's  Progressive  Club, 
the  Twentieth  Century  and  Golden  Leaf  clubs,  and  the  Young  Matrons  and  Volun- 
teer Workers.  ISIrs.  M —  is  president  of  a  settlement  club  and  a  member  of  the  Urban 
League.  After  coming  to  Chicago  three  years  passed  before  she  mingled  much  with 
people.  She  had  always  done  community  work  in  her  southern  home  and  feels  that 
her  reluctance  here  was  due  to  the  fact  that  she  did  not  know  what  the  northern  people 
were  like.     She  found  them  friendly  enough  when  at  last  she  did  associate  with  them. 

Sentiments  on  community  problems. — They  came  to  Chicago  because  they  had 
visited  here  and  liked  it  well  enough  to  come  back  and  settle.  Conditions  are  not  all 
that  they  would  like.  They  would  like  to  see  Negroes  allowed  to  live  anywhere  they 
choose  without  hindrance,  they  would  suppress  moving  pictures  that  reveal  murder, 
drinking,  and  similar  acts  that  lead  young  people  to  commit  crimes.  They  would  also 
like  to  see  newspapers  abandon  their  habit  of  printing  articles  that  are  derogatory  to 
the  Negro,  thus  creating  prejudice,  and  of  printing  items  unfit  for  children.  Also 
they  would  like  to  see  better  homes  for  Negroes. 

For  the  Negroes,  they  feel,  Ufe  in  the  North  is  considerably  easier  than  in  the 
South,  since  they  can  always  get  plenty  of  work  and  do  not  have  to  work  so  hard  as 
in  the  South.  The  mixed  schools  in  the  North  are  especially  appreciated  because  no 
discrimination  can  creep  in.  The  general  lack  of  segregation  on  street  cars,  in  parks, 
and  in  similar  public  places  also  pleases  them.  Still  they  see  difficulties  for  southern 
Negroes  who  come  North  to  live  and  are  easily  led  astray.  Southern  Negroes  are 
not  accustomed  to  the  new  kinds  of  work  and  are  inclined  to  slight  it.  This  is,  of 
course,  unsatisfactory  to  their  employers  and  accounts  in  some  measure  for  the  fre- 
quency with  which  they  change  jobs.  This  may  also  account  for  the  fact  that  white 
people  are  averse  to  paying  migrants  well. 

A  RAILWAY  MAIL  CLERK 

JMr.  L —  was  graduated  from  the  Carbondale  (111.)  high  school  and  the  Southern 
Illinois  State  Normal  School,  while  Mrs.  L —  was  graduated  from  Hyde  Park  High 
School  and  the  Chicago  Normal  School.  The  latter  is  a  music  teacher.  Before  com- 
ing to  Chicago,  Mr.  L —  was  a  school  principal  in  Mounds,  Illinois,  and  Mrs.  L — 
also  was  a  teacher.    They  are  northern  people,  the  husband  having  been  born  in 


174  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

East  St.  Louis  and  the  wife  in  Chicago.  They  have  a  daughter,  three  years  of  age, 
and  have  living  with  them  a  niece  and  nephew,  six  and  five  years  old,  as  well  as  two 
adult  women  relatives. 

Ecotiomic  sufficiency. — As  a  railway  mail  clerk,  Mr.  L —  earns  $i  25  a  month.  He 
owns  a  house  and  lot  in  Carbondale  and  carries  insurance  on  his  Ufe  and  property. 
They  spend  $37.50  a  month  for  rent,  about  $10  for  miscellaneous  items,  S15  a  week  for 
food,  $4  a  month  for  gas,  $1  for  barber's  services,  and  always  $10  a  month  is  added  to 
the  family's  bank  account. 

Housing  and  neighborhood  expenses. — In  April,  1919,  a  flat  building  south  of  Sixty- 
third  Street,  previously  occupied  by  white  people,  was  opened  to  Negroes.  The 
L —  famUy  were  the  first  of  the  Negroes  to  move  in.  A  few  white  families  wished  to 
remain  and  lived  in  the  same  building  with  the  Negroes.  Mr.  L —  says :  "We  objected, 
as  they  were  not  the  kind  of  people  we  wanted  to  live  with.  My  sister-in-law  acted 
as  agent  of  the  buUding,  and  the  condition  of  some  of  the  flats  was  terrible.  The 
owner  was  arrogant  when  the  Negroes  first  came  in,  but  he  soon  found  that  we  would 
not  be  pleased  with  just  anything.  He  told  us  he  saw  that  we  were  particular  and 
wanted  things  nice,  and,  said  he,  'Seeing  that  you  are  that  way,  I'll  do  the  best  I 
can  for  you,  as  I  beheve  you  wiU  take  care  of  the  flat.'  The  Negroes  insisted  on  the 
laundry  being  cleaned  and  it  is  now  being  used." 

The  L —  family  has  had  three  stoves  since  moving  in.  After  thoroughly  renovat- 
ing the  building  and  making  many  of  the  repairs  themselves,  the  sanitary  conditions 
are  good,  and  the  owner  makes  no  further  objection  to  maintaining  the  good  order  of 
things. 

The  white  people  of  the  neighborhood  objected  to  having  the  building  occupied 
by  Negroes.  White  boys  of  the  neighborhood  stoned  the  building,  and  its  tenants 
were  obhged  to  call  upon  the  police  for  protection.  This  antagonism  now  seems  to 
have  disappeared.    The  white  and  Negro  children  play  together  amicably. 

Community  parlicipation. — Mrs.  L —  attends  the  First  Presbyterian  Church 
regularly  and  Mr.  L —  is  a  member  and  secretary  of  the  board  of  trustees  of  the 
A.M.E.  Mission.  He  is  a  Mason  and  a  member  of  the  Woodlawn  Community 
Organization,  which  has  the  betterment  of  the  neighborhood  as  its  aim.  He  plays 
tennis  for  recreation  and  goes  to  concerts  and  the  movies  for  entertainment.  The 
children  in  the  family  have  made  use  of  public  playgrounds  and  libraries.  Bathing- 
beaches  have  been  sought  occasionally,  and  contacts  have  been  made  with  the 
St.  Lawrence  Mission,  a  neighborhood  institution. 

Opinions  on  race  relations. — Mr.  L —  thinks  that  agitation  is  of  no  assistance  to 
the  problem  and  draws  attention  to  the  fact  that  lack  of  agitation  on  the  part  of 
newspapers  averted  a  riot  in  connection  with  one  recent  racial  disturbance.  "Hous- 
ing is  the  greatest  difficulty  confronted  by  the  migrant  from  the  South."  It  is  his 
opinion,  further,  that  the  Negroes  are  not  understood,  that  the  white  people  fear  them 
until  they  become  reaUy  acquainted  with  the  Negroes.  "Contact,"  he  says,  "is  the 
only  thing  that  wiU  help  to  make  conditions  better.  It  is  just  a  question  of  under- 
standing each  other." 

A  MULATTO 

Mr.  A —  was  born  in  Chicago  and  his  wife  in  Helena,  Arkansas.  He  was  edu- 
cated in  the  Chicago  public  schools,  and  his  wife  attended  Fisk  University,  Nashville, 
Tennessee,  and  afterward  the  Chicago  Musical  College. 


THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM  175 

Mr.  A —  is  light  in  complexion  and  is  frequently  mistaken  for  a  white  man. 
Several  years  ago,  without  announcing  his  race,  he  obtained  work  in  a  label  factory 
and  remained  for  some  time  until  it  was  discovered  that  he  was  not  a  white  man,  and 
therefore  the  only  Negro  in  the  establishment.  The  officials,  being  the  first  to  learn 
his  racial  identity,  decided  to  keep  him  as  long  as  no  objection  came  from  the  other 
white  employees.  In  a  few  years  he  became  superintendent  of  the  factory,  which 
position  he  held  for  eight  years.  He  was  treated  as  an  equal  by  members  of  the  firm, 
who  visited  him  at  his  home  and  invited  him  to  their  club.  He  was  also  president  of 
the  company's  outing  club. 

A  short  time  ago  he  decided  to  enter  business  for  himself,  and  both  he  and  his 
wife  took  courses  in  an  embalming  school.  He  now  has  a  business  with  stock  and 
fixtures  valued  at  $10,000. 

Economic  sufficiency. — His  business  income  affords  a  comfortable  livelihood  and 
a  surplus  for  investment.  He  has  bought  one  house  and  built  another.  These 
two  are  valued  at  $8,000  and  yield  $90  monthly.  He  also  owns  stock  in  the  Pennsyl- 
vania Railroad  and  a  fire  insurance  company,  has  $300  invested  in  Liberty  bonds 
and  owns  a  $1,000  automobile. 

Community  participation. — Mr.  and  Mrs.  A —  attend  Congregational  church 
services  every  Sunday  and  get  much  pleasure  from  concerts,  lectures,  and  shows  in 
the  "Loop."  Their  principal  recreation  is  motoring.  Mr.  A —  is  president  of  an 
association  of  business  men  and  of  a  charity  organization.  He  is  a  member  of  several 
fraternal  organizations,  contributes  to  Provident  Hospital,  United  Charities,  and  the 
Urban  League.    His  wife  is  an  active  committee  member  of  a  charity  organization. 

Opinions  on  local  race  problems. — Mr.  A —  thinks  there  would  be  no  housing  prob- 
lem if  prejudice  were  not  so  marked.  He  mentioned  a  subdivision  east  of  Stony 
Island  Avenue  where  it  is  specifically  stated  that  Negroes  are  not  desired.  Homes 
there  are  being  sold  for  prices  within  the  reach  of  Negroes,  and  he  feels  that  at  least 
500  Negroes  would  be  glad  to  pay  cash  for  such  homes  anywhere  in  Chicago  if  they 
were  given  the  opportunity.  He  feels  that  proper  protection  should  be  given  Negroes 
against  bombers. 

A  TRANSPLANTED  HOUSEHOLD 

Mr.  B —  is  seventy-two  years  old  and  his  wife  sixty-four.  They  came  to  Chicago 
during  the  migration.  They  had  difficulty  in  finding  work  suited  to  their  advanced 
age  and  in  accustoming  themselves  to  the  simplest  changes  in  environment.  Neither 
of  them  can  read  or  write. 

Home  life  in  the  South. — In  Alabama  they  owned  an  eight-acre  farm  and  a  four- 
room  house  and  raised  hogs,  chickens,  and  cows.  They  both  had  worked  twelve 
hours  a  day  for  years  and  by  denying  themselves  even  a  comfortable  home  had 
saved  $2,000.  They  were  members  of  a  church,  although  they  could  not  actively 
participate  in  church  or  other  affairs  of  their  rural  community.  When  the  migration 
fever  struck  them  they  sold  their  property,  drew  out  their  $2,000,  and  followed  the 
crowd. 

Home  life  in  Chicago. — ^They  first  secured  rooms  and  began  the  search  for  work. 
Mr.  B —  finally  secured  a  job  in  a  livery  stable  at  $18  a  week,  but  the  work  was  uncer- 
tain and  the  wages  insufficient.  Mrs.  B —  went  to  work  cleaning  taxicabs.  Illness 
and  frequent  lapses  in  work  depleted  their  savings.  They  rented  an  eight-room  house 
and  took  in  lodgers,  hoping  to  insure  a  steady  income.    They  have  nine  lodgers  in 


176  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

these  eight  rooms,  in  addition  to  themselves.  There  is  no  furnace  heat;  the  bathroom 
is  out  of  repair,  the  halls  dark  and  dirty,  and  they  are  using  their  old  furniture  brought 
from  the  South.  Three  of  the  women  lodgers  came  from  the  same  Alabama  community. 
The  habits  and  customs  of  this  household  are  unchanged.  They  go  out  seldom,  and 
aU  of  the  women  smoke  pipes  and  use  snuff. 

Of  the  original  $2,000  which  Mr.  B —  brought  with  him,  he  has  $250  left. 

They  make  no  use  of  civic  and  social  agencies  and  do  not  go  to  church  because 
they  think  Chicago  Negroes  are  unsociable.  They  prize  the  fact,  however,  that 
work  is  plentiful  for  the  lodgers,  and  they  have  no  intention  of  returning  South. 

A   BARBER   FROM   MISSISSIPPI 

Mr.  D —  was  a  migrant  and  a  member  of  a  party  of  over  a  hundred  Negroes  who 
left  Hattiesburg,  Mississippi,  in  the  autumn  of  1916. 

He  was  a  barber  at  home  and  earned  an  average  of  $25  a  week.  Mrs.  D —  was 
a  good  housewife.  They  owned  a  house  and  lot  valued  at  $1,000  and  furniture  valued 
at  $500.    They  have  two  children. 

Motive  for  coming  to  Chicago. — Mr.  D —  had  always  read  the  Chicago  Defender, 
and  usually  got  in  a  supply  of  these  papers  to  sell  to  his  customers  and  to  supply 
topics  for  barber-shop  discussion.  His  daughter,  then  a  student  at  Straight  College  in 
New  Orleans,  was  to  be  graduated  that  year,  and  he  went  to  New  Orleans  to  spend  a 
week.  While  there  he  worked  in  a  barber  shop.  He  found  that  the  migration  was 
being  much  discussed.  One  day  a  man  came  into  the  shop  and  said  he  was  a  repre- 
sentative of  a  northern  industry  that  was  anxious  to  get  Negroes  to  come  North 
and  work  for  it.  He  argued  that  the  North  had  freed  the  Negroes,  but  had  left  them 
in  the  South  where  they  had  not  received  good  treatment,  so  that  at  this  late  date  the 
North  was  trying  to  right  an  old  wrong  and  was  now  offering  to  Negroes  a  chance 
to  work.    On  the  other  hand  the  Negroes  were  indebted  to  the  North  for  their  freedom. 

When  Mr.  D —  returned  home  he  sold  his  barber  shop  and  left  for  the  North 
with  his  wife  and  children. 

Life  in  Chicago. — Opening  a  place  of  business  in  Chicago,  he  called  it  the  Hatties- 
burg Barber  Shop.  It  is  patronized  largely  by  Hattiesburg  people  who  came  up  in 
his  party.  His  earnings  are  larger  here,  but  at  first  his  wife  was  forced  to  work  in 
the  Stock  Yards  at  $10  a  week  to  help  meet  the  family  budget.  Occasionally  now 
she  works  as  a  hairdresser.  They  pay  $46.50  a  month  for  rent.  Their  clothing  bill 
amounts  to  $650  a  year.  Last  year  they  spent  $200  for  medicine  and  an  average  of 
$18  a  week  for  food.    Their  insurance  premiums  total  $6  a  month. 

Community  participation. — In  the  South  the  entire  family  was  active  in  church 
affairs.  In  Chicago  they  have  continued  their  church  connections,  and  Mr.  D — 
is  one  of  the  officials  at  the  Olivet  Baptist  Church.  They  go  to  church  four  times  a 
week. 

Adjustments  to  Chicago. — They  were  quick  to  begin  adjustment  to  their  new  sur- 
roundings, profiting  by  the  advice  and  instructions  of  their  present  pastor.  At  the 
end  of  six  months  they  felt  themselves  quite  at  home.  They  feel  the  need  for 
using  more  careful  English  and  are  more  formal  in  their  greetings  and  relations  with 
persons  whom  they  meet.  They  enjoy  the  "freedom  of  speech  and  action"  allowed 
in  Chicago,  the  privilege  of  voting,  the  freedom  from  segregation,  and  the  absence  of 
Jim  Crow  laws.     They  think  Chicago  is  fair  to  Negroes  in  so  far  as  laws  are  con- 


THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM  177 

cerned,  but  believe  there  should  be  better  enforcement  of  the  laws.  They  find  life 
easier  here,  although  there  is  more  work  to  be  done.  They  feel  a  great  satisfaction  in 
the  more  modern  homes  and  other  comforts  and  pleasures  they  are  able  to  obtain. 
Each  month  they  add  a  small  amount  to  their  bank  account.  They  suggest  that 
Negroes  who  have  became  adjusted  to  Chicago  should  take  pains  in  a  kindly  spirit  to 
inform  newcomers  concerning  the  proper  deportment.  They  believe  that  if  advice  is 
offered  in  the  right  manner  it  will  always  be  gladly  received.  They  do  not  intend  to 
return  South. 

A  STOCK  YARDS  LABORER 

A  son-in-law  of  the  B —  family,  also  from  Mississippi,  is  employed  at  the  Stock 
Yards.  His  impressions  throw  light  on  the  adjustment  of  migrants  and  on  their 
views.    He  said: 

"A  friend  met  me  when  I  first  came  to  Chicago  and  took  me  to  the  Stock  Yards 
and  got  me  a  job.  I  went  to  the  front  of  the  street  car  the  first  time  I  entered  one 
here  because  my  friend  told  me  to;  I  would  not  sit  beside  a  white  person  at  first,  but 
I  finally  got  courage  to  do  so. 

"At  Swift's  the  whites  were  friendly.  There  I  was  in  the  dry-salt  department  at 
22I  cents  an  hour.  The  foreman,  a  northerner,  had  been  there  thirty-five  years. 
He  was  fair  to  all.  I  worked  with  Americans,  Poles,  and  Irish.  But  the  work  was 
very  hard,  and  I  had  to  leave.  I  carried  my  lunch  with  me.  Negroes  and  whites 
there  eat  together  when  they  wish.  I  am  now  working  at  Wilson's.  The  Irish  and 
Poles  are  a  mean  class.  They  try  to  get  the  Negroes  to  join  the  union.  When  the 
Negroes  went  to  work  Friday  after  the  riot,  most  of  the  Irish  and  Poles  quit  and 
didn't  come  back  to  work  until  Monday.  They  came  back  jawing  because  the 
Negroes  didn't  join  the  imion.  White  members  of  the  union  got  paid  when  their 
houses  had  been  burned — $50  if  they  had  families  and  $25  if  they  were  single. 
Colored  members  of  the  union  got  nothing  when  their  houses  had  been  burned. 
That's  why  I  won't  join.  You  pay  money  and  get  nothing.  The  whites  worked 
during  the  riot ;  we  had  to  lose  that  time.  I  lost  two  weeks.  It  seemed  strange  to  me. 
It  looked  imfair.  They  are  still  mean  and  'dig  ditches'  for  us.  They  go  to  the 
foreman  and  knock  us,  just  trying  to  get  us  out  of  jobs.  The  foreman  so  far  hasn't 
paid  any  attention  to  it.  I  am  working  in  the  fresh-pork  department,  handling 
boxes. 

"The  Negroes  stick  together  and  tend  to  their  business.  Some  of  the  Americans 
and  Polish  are  very  friendly.  Everybody  does  his  own  work.  We  use  the  same 
showers  and  locker-rooms.  They  don't  want  us  to  work  because  we  are  not  in  the 
imion.  One  asked  me  yesterday  to  join.  The  Poles  said  non-union  men  would  not 
get  a  raise,  but  we  got  it." 

Opinions  on  race  relations. — "When  I  first  came  I  thought  the  city  was  wide  open — 
I  mean  friendly  and  free.  It  seems  that  there  is  more  discrimination  and  unfriendly 
feeling  than  I  thought.  I  notice  it  at  work  and  in  public  places.  Wages  are  not 
increasing  like  the  high  cost  of  Hving.  As  soon  as  one  gets  a  raise,  the  cost  of  living 
goes  up  [May,  1920]. 

"The  whites  act  just  as  disorderly  on  cars  as  the  Negroes.  Monday  evening 
two  white  laborers  sitting  beside  a  white  woman  cursed  so  much  that  I  had  to  look 
around.    Nothing  is  ever  said  about  such  incidents. 


178  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

"Rent  goes  up  whenever  people  think  of  it.  We  have  to  pay  $8  more  since 
April.  Things  are  getting  worse  for  us  and  we  need  to  think  about  it.  Still  it  is 
better  here  than  in  the  South." 

AN  OLD   SETTLER 

Mr.  S —  was  born  in  Baltimore  in  1851.  At  the  time  of  the  gold  rush  to  Cali- 
fornia, his  father  took  his  family  and  started  out  to  seek  his  fortune.  They  had  got 
as  far  as  Chicago  when  his  father  was  robbed  and  the  journey  ended.  Mr.  S —  has 
lived  here  since.  He  has  seen  many  changes  during  his  sixty-three  years'  residence  in 
Chicago.  When  he  came  here  the  city  Umits  were  Twelfth  Street  on  the  South  and 
Chicago  Avenue  on  the  North,  and  there  were  no  street  cars.  The  Negro  population 
was  175.  His  parents  took  him  on  Sunday  to  the  Railway  Chapel  Sunday  School, 
started  in  1857  in  two  passenger  cars  by  a  Presbyterian  minister.  Father  Kent. 
The  first  building  occupied  by  this  congregation  was  on  the  site  where  the  Board  of 
Trade  now  stands,  141  West  Jackson  Boulevard.  This  was  destroyed  in  the  fire  of 
1 87 1.  The  second  church  was  at  the  corner  of  State  and  Thirteenth  streets,  where 
the  Fair  warehouse  now  stands.  The  next  site  of  the  church  was  that  of  the  Institu- 
tional Church  at  Thirty-eighth  and  Dearborn  streets. 

Early  housing  experience. — Prejudice,  Mr.  S —  says,  was  unknown  in  the  early 
days.  He  has  lived  south  of  Thirty-first  Street  for  thirty-five  years.  They  were  the 
first  Negro  famUy  to  enter  the  block  in  which  they  now  live.  He  built  his  home 
there  and  has  been  living  there  twenty  years. 

A  BASEBALL  " MAGNATE" 

Mr.  G —  was  born  in  La  Grange,  Texas,  the  son  of  a  minister.  As  a  boy  he  worked 
on  his  father's  farm,  went  to  school,  and  progressed  as  far  as  the  eighth  grade.  He 
was  a  good  baseball  player.  He  played  first  in  Forth  Worth,  Texas,  then  in  New  York 
and  Philadelphia,  and  finally  came  to  Chicago  in  1907.  The  highest  amount  he  had 
been  able  to  earn  was  $9  a  week.  His  first  job  in  Chicago  netted  him  about  $1,000 
a  year.  In  1910  he  had  acquired  ownership  of  the  team,  and  now,  at  the  age  of 
forty,  it  nets  him  $15,000  a  year.  His  team  has  traveled  extensively,  having  covered 
the  principal  cities  in  the  United  States  at  least  twenty-five  times. 

Home  life. — Mrs.  G —  was  born  in  Sherman,  Texas.  She  completed  the  first- 
year  high  school  at  her  home.  She  is  a  modest  woman  and  a  good  housekeeper. 
They  have  two  chUdren,  a  son  of  nine  and  a  daughter  of  three.  Mr.  G —  has  moved 
four  times  in  Chicago,  seeking  desirable  living  quarters  for  his  family.  He  owns  a 
three-story  brick  building  containing  nine  rooms,  the  house  in  which  he  now  lives. 
In  addition  he  owns  $7,000  worth  of  Liberty  bonds  and  values  his  baseball  team  and 
other  personal  property  at  about  $35,000. 

Community  participation. — Both  Mr.  and  Mrs.  G —  were  church  members  in  the 
South.  This  membership  is  continued  in  Chicago.  Mrs.  G —  belongs  to  an  A.IVLE. 
church  and  is  interested  in  and  helps  support  Provident  Hospital  and  Phyllis  Wheatley 
Home  for  Girls,  while  Mr.  G —  is  a  member  of  several  fraternal  orders,  City  Federa- 
tion of  Clubs,  and  the  Appomattox  Club.  Their  recreation  is  baseball  and  dancing, 
and  they  find  entertainment  in  attending  theaters  and  orchestra  concerts  principally 
in  the  "Loop."  Mr.  G —  is  very  much  interested  now  in  a  playground  which  is 
being  established  near  his  home  and  a  tennis  and  croquet  club  for  young  people  in  the 
same  vicinity. 


THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM  179 

AN   OLD   RESIDENT 

Before  coming  to  Chicago  in  1886  Mrs.  L —  had  lived  in  Washington  and  Detroit. 
Mr.  L —  was  successively  a  railroad  porter,  a  night  watchman,  and  a  janitor.  There 
are  four  children,  three  daughters  and  a  son.  Two  of  the  daughters  are  married  and 
have  families.  One  is  a  dressmaker,  another  a  stenographer,  and  another  an  accom- 
plished musician.  The  son  is  a  typist.  Several  years  ago  Mr.  L —  purchased  a  lot 
near  Forty-seventh  Street  on  Wells  Street  on  which  he  built  his  home.  In  this 
neighborhood  the  famUy  was  reared.     Mr.  L —  died  several  years  ago. 

Riot  experience. — Although  the  L —  family  has  been  living  at  Forty-seventh 
and  Wells  streets  for  over  thirty  years,  and  relations  between  the  family  and  the 
white  neighbors  in  the  block  were  cordial,  gangs  of  hoodlvmas  from  other  districts 
practically  destroyed  their  property.  The  house  was  attacked,  some  of  the  furniture 
was  stolen,  and  some  was  destroyed.  The  heavy  pieces  of  furniture  were  broken  up 
and  burned  in  the  street.  The  building  was  so  badly  damaged  that  they  were  forced 
to  move  into  a  boarding-house  for  a  time. 

Community  participation. — The  L —  family  lived  in  a  section  of  the  city  in  which 
there  were  few  Negroes,  but  maintained  an  active  relationship  with  organizations  of 
the  Negro  commimity.  They  are  members  of  the  A.M.E.  Church  and  Sunday 
school  and  of  two  fraternal  organizations.  Mrs.  L —  is  a  member  of  the  Linen  Club 
of  the  Provident  Hospital  and  is  actively  interested  in  the  Old  Folks  Home.  Miss  L — , 
one  of  the  daughters,  is  well  known  in  the  community  as  a  musician  and  composer. 

A  PHYSICIAN 

Dr.  W —  and  family  came  to  Chicago  in  1910.  He  had  lived  in  Mexico  City 
vmtU  the  revolution  made  living  there  hazardous.  He  was  in  good  circumstances, 
maintaining  a  comfortable  household  with  servants.  Since  he  has  been  in  Chicago 
he  has  had  considerable  difficulty  in  finding  a  home  in  a  neighborhood  fit  for  rearing 
his  children.  He  finally  purchased  a  home  on  Grand  Boulevard  which  is  valued  at 
more  than  $25,000.  It  is  a  three-story  building  with  brown-stone  front,  ten  rooms  and 
two  baths,  and  many  works  of  art  installed  by  the  artist,  Holslag,  who  formerly  owned 
the  house,  and  who  himself  painted  some  of  the  decorations.  Dr.  W —  has  spent 
several  thousand  dollars  on  the  furnishings. 

Home  life. — Besides  the  doctor  and  his  family  there  are  two  other  relatives.  The 
physician's  income  is  adequate  to  maintain  this  establishment  and  in  addition  two 
high-class  automobiles.  Mrs.  W —  is  a  social  leader  and  does  much  entertaining. 
She  is  a  patron  of  community  drama  and  attends  grand  opera  and  the  leading  theaters 
in  the  "Loop."  They  were  formerly  CathoHcs  but  now  attend  the  Bahai  Assembly. 
Dr.  W —  is  a  member  of  two  fraternal  orders  and  two  social  clubs.  Their  recreation 
is  tennis,  boating,  motoring,  and  bathing.  He  is  a  director  of  the  Chicago  Health 
Society.  He  is  an  examining  physician  and  a  member  of  the  board  of  directors  in  a 
life  insurance  company.  Both  are  members  of  the  Art  Institute  and  are  active  in 
supporting  the  settlements  and  hospitals  of  the  commimity. 

In  addition  to  her  social  duties  Mrs.  W —  continues  the  study  of  music.  She  is 
chaperon  at  the  regular  dances  of  a  post  of  the  American  Legion  held  in  the  South 
Side  Community  Center;  a  member  of  the  Library  Committee  of  the  Y.W.C.A., 
and  is  interested  in  the  entertainment  of  Negro  students  of  the  University  of  Chicago. 


i8o  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

They  are  living  in  a  neighborhood  in  which  several  bombings  of  homes  of  Negroes 
have  occurred,  but  Mrs.  W —  says  that  their  relations  with  the  white  neighbors  are 
friendly. 

A  NATIVE   OF  CHICAGO 

Mr.  C —  was  bom  in  Chicago  in  1869.  His  grandmother  was  part  Indian  and  his 
grandfather  of  Scotch  extraction.  The  grandfather  was  bom  in  Cincinnati,  and 
was  graduated  from  Oberhn  College.  His  father's  brother  was  a  personal  friend  of 
Owen  jLovejoy  and  Wendell  Phillips.  In  Leavenworth,  Kansas,  a  monument  had 
been  erected  to  him  as  the  first  Negro  captain  of  a  volunteer  company.  He  fought 
with  General  Buckner  in  New  Orleans,  was  active  as  an  abolitionist,  and  his  wife 
was  one  of  the  women  sent  to  Kansas  to  estabhsh  schools  among  Negroes.  She  taught 
school  for  thirty-six  years  and  was  one  of  the  first  women  in  the  country  who  were 
graduated  as  kindergarten  teachers.  His  maternal  grandfather  bought  a  home  in 
Chicago  in  1854  and  lived  where  the  Federal  Building  now  stands.  At  the  time  of 
Mr.  C — 's  birth  his  father  Uved  on  Plymouth  Court,  then  called  Diana  Place.  They 
lived  for  thirty-one  years  on  South  La  Salle  Street,  where  they  owned  their  home. 

Economic  sufficiency. — Mr.  C —  is  a  graduate  of  the  Chicago  College  of  Dental 
Surgery  and  practiced  his  profession  until  ill  health  forced  him  into  other  fields.  He 
has  been  a  clerk  in  the  county  treasurer's  ofiice,  assistant  bookkeeper  in  a  white  bank 
in  Memphis,  which  position  he  held  for  two  years,  and  assistant  electrician  for  a  tele- 
phone company.  Now,  at  fifty-one,  he  is  superintendent  of  the  Western  Exposition 
Company's  building.  Twice  he  has  lost  his  savings  by  bank  failures.  He  lost  $9,000 
through  the  failure  of  the  Day  and  Night  Bank  in  Memphis,  Tennessee.  He  owns  a 
house  and  lot,  oil  and  mining  stocks  valued  at  $4,600,  Liberty  bonds.  Thrift  stamps, 
and  carries  a  small  bank  balance.  His  present  home  is  a  four-room  flat  in  a  building 
on  South  State  Street,  which  contains  forty  apartments  and  two  stores.  With  him 
hves  the  family  of  his  younger  brother,  who  has  a  twelve-year-old  son.  He  is  a 
member  of  the  Baptist  church  and  two  fraternal  orders.  His  chief  recreation  is 
swimming,  and  he  finds  his  entertainment  in  the  "Loop"  theaters  and  the  city 
library. 

A  MISSOURI  FAMILY 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  T —  came  to  Chicago  in  1919,  the  wife  arriving  one  month  before 
her  husband.  They  had  been  Uving  in  St.  Louis,  Missouri,  where  Mr.  T —  was 
employed  as  a  roller  in  an  aluminum  works.  Prior  to  that  time  he  had  been  a  house- 
man, and  before  that  a  teamster. 

There  are  two  children.  One  is  fourteen  years  old  and  in  the  first-year  high  school, 
and  the  other  is  seven  and  in  the  first-grade  grammar  school. 

Mrs.  T —  has  always  been  a  substantial  aid  to  her  husband,  and,  as  she  says,  she 
"doesn't  always  wait  for  him  to  bring  something  to  her,  but  goes  out  herself  and  helps 
to  get  it."  Accordingly,  when  reports  were  being  circulated  that  Chicago  offered 
good  jobs  and  a  comfortable  Uving,  she  came  up  to  investigate  while  her  husband  held 
his  job  in  St.  Louis. 

Home  life  in  Chicago. — The  family  hves  on  State  Street  over  a  store.  They  have 
moved  four  times  since  coming  to  Chicago  in  1919,  once  to  be  nearer  work,  once  to 
get  out  of  a  neighborhood  that  suffered  during  the  riot,  and  twice  to  find  a  more  desir- 
able neighborhood  for  their  family.    They  are  not  satisfied  with  their  present  home 


THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM  i8i 

and  are  planning  to  move  again  as  soon  as  a  more  suitable  place  can  be  found.  With 
them  live  a  sister-in-law  and  her  child,  who  are  regarded  as  members  of  the  family. 
The  house  is  in  poor  sanitary  condition.  The  toilet  is  in  the  yard  and  used  by  two 
families.  There  is  no  bath.  The  sister-in-law  is  a  music  teacher  but  does  not  earn 
much.     She  pays  board  when  she  can  afford  it. 

Mr.  T —  is  forty-seven  and  his  wife  forty-six  years  old.  He  is  employed  at  the 
International  Harvester  Company  and  earns  $35  a  week  for  a  nine-hour  day.  He 
consumes  an  hour  and  a  half  each  day  going  to  work. 

Although  Mr.  T —  lived  on  a  farm  and  too  far  from  school  to  attend,  he  taught 
himself  to  read  and  write.  Mrs.  T — ■  went  as  far  as  the  eighth  grade  in  grammar 
school. 

Community  participation. — The  entire  family  belongs  to  a  Methodist  church. 
Mr.  T —  is  a  member  of  the  Knights  of  Pythias  and  Mrs.  T —  is  a  member  of  the 
Sisters  of  the  Mysterious  Ten.  They  have  no  active  recreation.  For  amusement 
they  attend  motion-picture  shows  in  the  neighborhood.  The  children  regularly  use 
the  playground  near  their  home  and  the  Twenty-sixth  Street  Beach. 

Adjustment  to  Chicago. — Their  most  difficult  adjustment  has  been  in  housing. 
They  think  landlords  should  be  forced  to  provide  better  homes  for  the  people  in  view 
of  the  high  rents. 

AN   EMBALMER 

Mr.  B —  was  born  in  Texas,  lived  for  a  number  of  years  in  Tuskegee,  Alabama, 
moved  to  Montgomery,  and  thence  to  Chicago  in  the  summer  of  1906.  His  first 
position  here  was  that  of  coachman  for  $30  a  month,  room,  and  board.  His  next 
position  was  that  of  porter,  working  fifteen  hours  a  day  for  $30  a  week.  He  accumu- 
lated a  small  amount  of  money,  and,  wishing  to  enter  business  for  himself,  and  not 
having  sufl&cient  funds  to  attend  a  specialized  school,  he  secured  a  job  with  an 
embalmer  and  worked  for  him  four  years.  In  1913  he  entered  the  undertaking  busi- 
ness for  himself.  He  is  now  buying  a  two-story  brick  building  on  a  five-year  contract, 
to  serve  as  a  place  of  business  and  a  home.  The  business  is  young  and  was  begun  on 
small  capital.  To  establish  himself  he  exhausted  his  little  bank  account  and  sold  his 
Liberty  bonds.  His  equipment  is  still  incomplete,  and  he  rents  funeral  cars  and  other 
equipment  necessary  for  burials. 

Community  participation. — Both  Mr.  and  Mrs.  B — ■  are  members  of  several  local 
improvement  clubs;  they  attend  Friendship  Baptist  Church,  and  each  belongs  to 
three  fraternal  orders. 

Sentiments  on  local  conditions. — Mrs.  B —  thinks  the  town  too  large  for  much 
friendliness.  Mr.  B —  believes  that  there  should  be  a  segregated  vice  district.  His 
principal  objection  to  the  present  scattering  of  houses  of  prostitution  is  that  his  wife, 
who  is  frequently  obliged  to  return  home  late  at  night,  is  subjected  to  insults  from  men 
in  the  neighborhood.  He  thinks  there  should  be  a  law  requiring  that  landlords  clean 
flats  at  least  once  a  year. 

A  YOUNG  PHYSICIAN 

Dr.  C —  is  a  good  example  of  the  niunbers  of  young  Negro  professional  men  in 
Chicago.  His  office  is  on  State  Street  near  Thirty-fifth.  He  was  born  in  Albany, 
New  York,  and  his  wife  in  Keokuk,  Iowa.    They  have  lived  in  Chicago  since  1915. 

Early  experiences  in  profession. — Through  a  civil-service  examination  Dr.  C — ■ 
secured  a  place  as  jimior  physician  at  the  Municipal  Tuberculosis  Sanitarium.    At 


i82  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

the  same  time  he  passed  with  high  rating  an  examination  for  intemeship  at  the  Oak 
Forest  Infirmary.  At  the  latter  place  he  was  promptly  rejected  because  of  his 
color,  and  at  the  former  he  was  asked  to  leave  nine  hours  after  he  reported  for 
duty. 

Economic  status. — Dr.  C —  owns  a  house  and  lot  in  his  former  home,  Albany,  which 
he  values  at  $14,000  and  other  property  and  stock  holdings  valued  at  $13,000. 

Education. — ^Dr.  C —  was  graduated  from  the  Brooklyn  Grammar  School,  the 
Boys'  High  School  of  Brooklyn,  and  Cornell  University,  where  he  obtained  his  A.B. 
and  M.D.  degrees.  Mrs.  C —  is  a  graduate  nurse.  He  is  at  present  an  associate 
surgeon  and  chief  of  the  dispensary  of  a  local  hospital. 

Community  participation. — He  has  already  assumed  a  position  of  leadership  in 
the  social  activities  of  the  community,  is  a  trustee  of  the  new  Metropohtan  Church, 
a  thirty-second  degree  Mason,  a  member  of  the  Knights  of  Pythias,  Chicago  Medical 
Society,  American  Medical  Association,  Urban  League,  and  a  director  of  the  Com- 
mimity  Service,  and  also  an  instructor  at  the  Chicago  Hospital  College. 

Opinions  on  race  relations. — He  believes  that  the  recent  migration  of  Negroes  has 
been  an  advantage  in  teaching  Chicago  Negroes  the  value  of  property  ownership  and 
co-operation.  He  thinks  the  scarcity  of  homes  for  Negroes  can  be  relieved  by  allow- 
ing Negroes  "as  much  freedom  as  the  American  dollar."  Definite  suggestions  for 
improving  conditions  within  the  race  he  gives  as  follows: 

1.  Establishment  of  a  permanent  medium  for  understanding  between  the  two 
races — a  permanent  commission  to  act  in  the  adjustment  of  difficulties  of  any  kind. 
This  body  should  be  composed  of  Negroes  and  whites. 

2.  Rigid  enforcement  of  existing  laws. 

3.  A  systematic  campaign  under  the  direction  of  the  commission  among  Negroes 
to  teach  them  personal  hygiene. 

4.  Negroes  should  join  labor  unions  and  refuse  to  serve  as  strike  breakers. 

5.  When  Negroes  do  act  as  strike  breakers,  the  doctor  thinks,  race  friction  is 
created  and  labor  is  cheapened.  Negroes  can  obtain  a  square  deal  from  the  unions 
only  when  they  have  joined  them  in  sufficient  niimbers  to  demand  justice  by  becom- 
ing an  important  factor  in  the  unions.  If  they  are  not  permitted  in  certain  unions 
they  should  form  groups  of  their  own  for  collective  bargaining. 

A  YOUNG  LAWYER 

Nimibers  of  young  Negro  lawyers  are  establishing  themselves  in  Chicago,  and 
their  influence  already  is  being  felt  in  the  community.  A  good  example  of  this  group 
is  Mr.  J — ,  who,  although  only  twenty-eight  years  old,  has  been  actively  practicing 
law  six  years.  He  was  bom  in  Kentucky  and  has  lived  in  Indiana,  Kansas,  Ohio, 
New  York,  and  Oklahoma. 

Education. — He  completed  high  school  in  Kansas,  graduated  from  Oberlin 
CoUege,  and  then  went  to  Columbia  University,  New  York,  and  received  the  degrees 
of  Master  of  Arts  and  Bachelor  of  Laws.  His  wife  completed  the  junior  year  in 
college  in  New  York,  studied  art  in  New  York  City,  and  is  skilled  in  china  painting. 

Home  life. — Mr.  and  Mrs.  J —  have  one  child  of  four  years.  They  live  in  one  of 
the  1,400  buildings  owned  by  a  real  estate  man  of  that  district  who  "notoriously 
neglects  his  property."    The  struggle  to  establish  himself  during  the  first  few  years 


THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM  183 

in  Chicago  was  difficult.  Now  Mr.  J —  has  the  confidence  of  a  large  number  of 
people,  and  a  clientele  which  provides  a  comfortable  income. 

Community  participation. — Mr.  J —  is  a  trustee  of  the  institutional  A.M.E. 
Church,  chainnan  of  the  United  Pohtical  League,  member  of  the  Y.M.C.A.,  Knights 
of  Pythias,  a  Greek-letter  fraternity  and  the  Urban  League,  and  is  a  member  of  the 
Executive  Committee  of  the  Friends  of  Negro  Freedom. 

Civic  consciousness. — He  thinks  that  if  working  Negroes  and  working  white  men 
can  be  led  to  regard  one  another  as  workingmen  interested  in  the  same  cause  the 
color  question  will  be  forgotten.  He  believes  that  prejudice  is  based  on  the  economic 
system.  With  respect  to  housing  he  thinks  a  Negro  should,  as  an  American  citizen, 
be  free  to  purchase  real  estate  wherever  he  is  able  to  make  a  purchase;  that  as  long  as 
artificial  barriers  are  set  up  there  can  be  no  successful  solution  of  the  color  question; 
that  a  man's  respect  for  the  rights  of  others  increases  in  proportion  to  his  intelligence, 
and  that  the  press  can  be  a  great  source  of  evil  or  good  in  educating  the  people. 
He  beHeves  that  there  should  be  clubs  and  educational  meetings  to  instruct  some  of 
the  less  refined  classes  of  Negroes  in  conduct. 

A  MIGRANT  PROFESSIONAL  MAN 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  F —  lived  in  Jackson,  Mississippi,  until  191 7,  the  year  of  the 
migration,  when  they  moved  to  Chicago.  He  followed  his  clientele  and  established 
an  office  on  State  Street  near  Thirty-first  Street.  Mr.  F —  received  his  commercial 
and  legal  training  at  Jackson  College  and  Walden  University.  Mrs.  F —  is  a  graduate 
of  Rust  College  and  the  University  of  Chicago. 

Home  life. — The  F —  home  evidences  their  economic  independence.  It  contains 
ten  rooms  and  bath  and  is  kept  in  excellent  condition.  They  own  six  houses  in  the 
South,  from  which  they  receive  an  income.  Mr.  F —  is  the  president  of  an  insurance 
company  incorporated  in  Illinois  in  1918,  which  has  a  membership  of  12,000.  He 
has  also  organized  a  mercantile  company,  grocery  and  market  on  State  Street,  incor- 
porated for  $10,000,  of  which  $7,000  has  been  paid. 

They  have  two  sons,  nineteen  and  twelve  years  of  age,  and  three  adult  nephews 
Hving  with  them.  One  nephew  is  a  painter  at  the  Stock  Yards,  another  is  a  laborer, 
and  the  third  a  shipping-clerk. 

Community  participation. — They  are  members  of  the  Baptist  church  and  of  the 
People's  Movement,  while  Mr.  F —  is  a  member  of  the  Appomattox  Club,  an  organi- 
zation of  leading  Negro  business  and  professional  men.  In  addition  to  membership 
in  three  fraternal  organizations,  they  are  interested  in  and  contribute  to  the  support 
of  the  Urban  League  and  United  Charities. 

Opinions  on  race  relations. — Concerning  housing,  Mr.  F —  feels  that  some  corpora- 
tion should  build  medium-sized  cottages  for  workingmen.  He  thinks  that  the  changes 
in  labor  conditions  make  it  hard  for  Negroes  to  grasp  immediately  the  northern 
industrial  methods.     Patience  will  help  toward  adjustment,  he  thinks. 

He  thinks  that  colored  women  receive  better  protection  in  Chicago  than  in  the 
South.  His  experience  in  the  courts  leads  him  to  beheve  that  Negroes  have  a  fairer 
chance  here  than  in  the  South.  Agitation  by  the  press  in  his  opinion  can  have  no 
other  effect  than  to  make  conditions  worse. 


i84  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

B.    PHYSICAL  ASPECTS  OF  NEGRO  HOUSING 

The  purpose  of  this  section  of  the  report  is  to  describe  by  a  selection  of 
types  the  physical  condition  of  houses  occupied  as  residences  by  Negroes. 
This  description  mcludes  the  structure,  age,  repair,  upkeep,  and  other  factors 
directly  affecting  the  appearance,  sanitation,  and  comfort  of  dwellings  available 
for  Negro  use. 

In  1909  the  Chicago  School  of  Civics  and  Philanthropy  included  Negro 
housing  in  a  series  of  general  housing  studies.  This  study  was  confined  to 
the  two  largest  areas  of  Negro  residence,  those  on  the  South  and  West  sides. 
Both  of  these  were  studied  generally,  and  in  each  a  selected  area,  of  four  blocks 
in  one  case  and  three  blocks  in  the  other,  was  studied  intensively. 

The  South  Side  area  included  parts  of  the  Second,  Third,  and  Thirteenth 
wards  between  Fifteenth  and  Fifty-fifth  streets,  with  State  Street  as  the  main 
thoroughfare.  The  four  blocks  bounded  by  Dearborn  Street,  Twenty-seventh 
Street,  Armour  Avenue,  and  Thirty-second  Street  were  intensively  studied. 
It  was  found  that  within  these  four  blocks  94  per  cent  of  the  heads  of  families 
were  Negroes.  The  buUdings  were  one-  and  two-story,  with  a  considerable 
amount  of  vacant  space  in  the  lots.  Half  the  lots  had  less  than  50  per  cent 
of  their  space  covered.  The  houses  were  for  the  most  part  intended  for  single 
families  but  had  been  converted  into  two-flat  buildings.  Rooms  were  poorly 
lighted  and  ventilated,  the  sanitation  bad,  and  the  alley  and  grounds  about 
the  houses  covered  with  rubbish  and  refuse. 

Comparisons  with  other  districts  studied  showed  the  following:  Of  houses 
in  a  PoHsh  district,  71  per  cent  were  in  good  repair;  in  a  Bohemian  district, 
57  per  cent;  Stock  Yards  district,  54  per  cent;  Jewish  and  South  Chicago 
districts,  28  per  cent;  and  in  the  Negro  district,  26  per  cent.  A  study  made 
three  years  later  by  the  School  of  Civics  covering  the  same  area  showed  a 
decrease  of  16  per  cent  of  buildings  in  good  repair.  Five  buildings  had  been 
closed  by  the  Department  of  Health  as  no  longer  fit  for  habitation.  There 
were  leaks  in  the  roofs,  sinks,  and  windows  of  five-sixths  of  the  dwellings. 
In  describing  a  typical  house  in  this  area,  the  report  said: 

There  was  no  gutter  and  the  roof  leaked  in  two  places,  the  sink  drain  in  the 
basement  leaked,  keeping  it  continually  damp,  the  opening  of  the  chimney  let  the 
rain  come  down  there,  the  windowpane  in  front  rattled  from  lack  of  putty.  The 
conditions  in  these  houses  are  typical;  almost  every  tenant  tells  of  rain  coming  in 
through  roof,  chimney  or  windows,  and  cases  of  fallen  plaster  and  windows  without 
putty  were  too  common  to  be  noted.  One  aspect  of  the  situation  that  should  not  be 
overlooked  is  the  impossibility  of  putting  these  old  houses  in  good  condition.  Leaks 
may  be  repaired,  plaster  may  be  replaced,  windows  may  be  made  tight,  and  these  things 
would  certainly  improve  most  of  the  houses,  but  when  all  were  done  it  would  not  alter 
the^fact  that  these  are  old  houses,  poorly  built,  through  which  the  wind  can  blow  at  will. 

Lack  of  repairs  to  the  houses  in  the  "Black  Belt"  is  accounted  for  by  the 
fact  that  owners  do  not  regard  the  buildings  as  worth  repairing,  and  that 


TYPES  or  NEGRO  HOUSING 

WOOD    H0U5E5  [  ] 

BRICK    HOUSES  ESM 

STONE   FRONT   HOUSES  J^^M 

OTHER    BUILDING  I      II      I 

NUMERALS  INDICATE  HOUSES   MORE  THAN  ONE  STORY  HIGH 
THE  LETTER  'B'  INDICATES   BASEMENT  z^s^^^^ Sr^eer 


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/"cDesyt:.   Sr/ee/:r. 


DWELLINGS  IN  A  BLOCK   INTERSECTED  BY  A  RAILROAD  TRACK 


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•S  O/i^eeoje//  Sr/e^^r 


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DWELLINGS  IN  A  btOCk    INTERSECTED  BY  AN    ALLEY 


THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM  185 

tenants  can  always  be  found,  even  though  it  is  necessary  to  reduce  rents  some- 
what. This  reduction  is  indeed  notable.  The  School  of  Civics  found  that 
while  in  1909  50  per  cent  of  the  houses  examined  on  the  South  Side  rented 
for  as  much  as  $16  a  month,  in  1917  only  13  per  cent  could  command  as  high 
a  rental  as  that;  that  in  1909  the  prevailing  rents  were  $15  and  $16  as  against 
$10  and  $12  in  1917. 

On  the  West  Side  the  area  studied  generally  was  that  bounded  by  Lake 
Street,  Ashland,  Austin,  and  Western  avenues.  Here  the  situation  was  little 
better.  One-third  of  the  families  visited  in  the  three  selected  blocks  bounded 
by  Fulton  and  Paulina  streets,  Carroll  Avenue  and  Robey  Street  were  Negroes. 
The  remaining  two-thirds  represented  sixteen  nationalities.  It  was  reported 
that  the  white  residents  could  get  advantages  and  improvements  for  their 
houses  that  a  Negro  could  not.  While  35  per  cent  of  the  houses  were  reported 
in  good  repair,  31  per  cent  were  described  as  "absolutely  dilapidated"  and  in 
a  worse  state  of  repair  than  those  in  any  other  districts  studied  except  the  Jewish 
district.    The  report  said: 

Broken-down  doors,  unsteady  flooring,  and  general  dilapidation  were  met  by  the 
investigators  at  every  side.  Windowpanes  were  out,  doors  hanging  on  single  hinges 
or  entirely  faUen  off,  and  roofs  rotting  and  leaking.  Colored  tenants  reported  that 
they  found  it  impossible  to  persuade  their  landlords  either  to  make  the  necessary 
repairs  or  to  release  them  from  their  contracts;  and  that  it  was  so  hard  to  find  better 
places  in  which  to  live  that  they  were  forced  either  to  make  the  repairs  themselves, 
which  they  could  rarely  afford  to  do,  or  to  endure  the  conditions  as  best  they  might. 
Several  tenants  ascribed  cases  of  severe  and  prolonged  illness  to  the  unhealthful  condi- 
tion of  the  houses  in  which  they  were  living. 

That  there  was  a  continuing  demand  even  for  the  shacks  and  shanties  of 
the  "  Black  Belt "  is  evidenced  in  a  report  made  by  the  Urban  League  of  Chicago 
in  191 7  that  only  one  out  of  every  thirteen  Negro  applicants  for  houses  to  rent 
could  be  supplied.  At  the  height  of  the  demand  applications  for  houses  were 
coming  in  at  the  rate  of  460  to  600  a  day,  and  only  ninety-nine  were  available 
for  renting  purposes.  This  was  due,  of  course,  to  the  growing  stream  of 
Negroes  arriving  daily  from  the  South. 

Covering  the  same  area  on  the  South  Side  as  that  studied  by  the  School 
of  Civics  in  191 7  a  canvass  was  also  made  in  191 7  by  Caswell  W.  Crews,  a 
student  at  the  University  of  Chicago.  He  found  that  tenants  had  remained  in 
these  dwellings  in  some  instances  as  long  as  twenty  years  after  their  unfitness 
had  become  evident,  because  the  rent  was  low  and  they  could  find  nowhere 
else  to  go.  He  mentioned  the  mass  of  migrants  from  the  South  who,  because 
of  their  ignorance  of  conditions  in  Chicago  as  to  what  was  desirable  and  what 
was  to  be  had  for  a  given  sum,  fell  an  easy  prey  to  unscrupulous  owners  and 
agents.    Mr.  Crew's  description  said: 

With  the  exception  of  two  or  three  the  houses  are  frame,  and  paint  with  them  is  a 
dim  reminiscence.    There  is  one  rather  modern  seven-room  flat  building  of  stone 


i86  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

front,  the  flats  renting  at  $22.50  a  month  and  offering  the  best  in  the  way  of  accom- 
modations to  be  found  there.  There  is  another  makeshift  flat  building  situated  above 
a  saloon  and  pool  hall,  consisting  of  six  six-room  flats,  renting  at  $12  per  month,  but 
in  a  very  poor  condition  of  repair.  Toilets  and  baths  were  foimd  to  be  in  no  condition 
for  use  and  the  plumbing  in  such  a  state  as  to  constantly  menace  health.  Practically 
all  of  the  houses  have  been  so  reconstructed  as  to  serve  as  flats,  accommodating  two 
and  sometimes  three  famiUes.  As  a  rule  there  are  four,  five,  and  sometimes  six  rooms 
in  each  flat,  there  being  but  five  instances  when  there  were  more  than  six.  It  is  often 
the  case  that  of  these  rooms  not  aU  can  be  used  because  of  dampness,  leaking  roofs, 
or  defective  toilets  overhead. 

The  owners  are  in  most  instances  scarcely  better  off  than  their  tenants  and  can 
ill  afford  to  make  repairs.  One  house  in  the  rear  of  another  on  Federal  Street  near 
Twenty-seventh  had  every  door  off  its  hinges,  water  covering  the  floor  from  a  defective 
sink,  and  windowpanes  out.  A  cleaning  of  the  house  had  been  attempted,  and  the 
cleaners  had  torn  loose  what  paper  yielded  readily  and  proceeded  to  whitewash  over 
the  adhering  portion  which  constituted  the  majority  of  the  paper.  There  were 
four  such  rooms  and  for  them  the  family  paid  $7  a  month. 

In  1920  a  cursory  examination  by  investigators  from  the  Commission 
showed  that  the  only  change  in  the  situation  was  further  deterioration  in  the 
physical  state  of  the  dwellings. 

The  movement  of  the  Negro  population  across  State  Street  eastward  into 
the  area  once  occupied  by  wealthy  whites  began  as  early  as  19 10.  Wabash 
Avenue  was  the  first  street  into  which  they  moved.  Gradually  they  scattered 
farther  east  toward  Lake  Michigan.  Following  the  migration  from  the 
South  the  Negro  area  east  of  State  Street  expanded  to  the  lake  and  pushed 
southward.  The  houses  which  they  found  in  the  new  territory,  although 
from  twenty  to  forty  years  old,  were  a  vast  improvement  over  those  they  had 
left  west  of  State  Street.  These  houses  do  not  permit  of  any  general  classifica- 
tion, for  some  are  very  bad  while  others,  though  not  new,  are  in  a  state  of  good 
repair,  largely  according  to  the  care  taken  by  previous  occupants.  Along  with 
descriptions  of  Negro  homes  must  be  considered  the  tendency  among  those 
Negroes  who  were  able  to  move  away  from  the  congested  areas  of  Negro 
residence.  Some  of  the  best  houses  occupied  by  Negroes  in  1920  were  in 
districts  until  recently  wholly  white. 

A  rough  classification  of  Negro  housing  according  to  types,  ranging  from 
the  best,  designated  as  "Type  A,"  to  the  poorest,  designated  as  "Type  D," 
was  made  by  the  Commission  on  the  basis  of  a  block  survey  comprising  238 
blocks,  covering  all  the  main  areas  of  Negro  residence,  and  data  concerning 
274  families,  scattered  through  these  238  blocks,  one  or  two  to  a  block,  whose 
histories  and  housing  experiences  were  intensively  studied  by  the  Commission's 
investigators.  Approximately  5  per  cent  of  Chicago's  Negro  population  live 
in  "Type  A"  houses,  10  per  cent  in  "Type  B,"  40  per  cent  in  "Type  C,"  and 
45  per  cent  in  the  poorest,  "Type  D." 


THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM  187 

I.    "type  a"  houses 

Type  A  houses,  with  those  of  the  other  types,  were  not  concentrated 
wholly  in  any  one  section  but  were  found  widely  scattered;  there  were  none, 
however,  in  the  areas  which  in  19 10  held  practically  the  whole  Negro  popula- 
tion. Examples  of  Type  A  were  found  on  South  Park  Avenue  between 
Thirty-third  and  Thirty-fifth  streets,  where  some  Negroes  had  lived  for  six 
years;  on  Grand  Boulevard  between  Thirty-fifth  and  Thirty-eighth  streets, 
where  a  few  had  lived  for  three  years;  on  Champlain,  Evans,  Vincennes, 
and  Langley  avenues,  between  Forty-third  and  Forty-seventh  streets,  where 
some  Negroes  had  lived  four  and  five  years;  and  on  Wabash  Avenue  between 
Fifty-first  and  Fifty-third  streets.  In  Woodlawn  there  are  a  few  of  recent 
occupancy,  one  of  which  was  built  by  its  Negro  owner. 

Most  of  the  Type  A  dwellings  are  of  substantial  construction,  principally 
of  brick  and  stone.  Some  are  old  family  residences  in  formerly  high-class 
neighborhoods,  built  to  withstand  the  test  of  years.  Consequently,  although 
they  have  been  subject  to  the  usual  deterioration,  they  still  afford  a  fairly 
high  standard  of  comfort  and  convenience.  Some  are  large  and  exceptionally 
well  equipped  with  luxurious  fittings  and  adornments  installed  by  former 
owners.  Most  of  these  houses  were  built  and  owned  by  people  of  wealth  who 
abandoned  them.  Many  of  them  have  since  passed  through  several  stages 
of  occupancy.  Somewhat  less  permanent  in  their  physical  aspects  perhaps 
are  the  Type  A  houses  in  Woodlawn.  Many  of  the  houses  in  this  district  are 
of  frame  structure,  and  they  are  not  as  commodious  as  those  in  the  formerly 
fashionable  white  districts.  But  they  provide  a  desirable  measure  of  comfort, 
with  less  waste  space  and  superfluous  rooms. 

Comforts  and  conveniences. — Type  A  dwellings  are  fitted  with  all  the 
conveniences  required  by  well-to-do  whites.  Some  of  them  have  more  than 
the  customary  one  bathroom,  have  electricity  and  gas,  and  are  well  heated 
by  steam  or  hot-air  furnaces.  One  example  of  Type  A  housing  is  a  three-story, 
stone-front,  ten-room  house  on  South  Park  Avenue  owned  and  occupied  by 
a  lawyer  and  his  family.  There  is  a  garage,  and  the  place  is  kept  in  good 
condition.  A  twelve-room  house,  also  on  South  Park  Avenue,  owned  and 
occupied  by  a  physician  and  his  family,  has  two  bathrooms,  steam  heat,  and 
electricity,  and  is  in  excellent  repair.  Another  physician  on  the  same  street 
owns  a  three-story  brown-stone  house,  with  a  garage.  It  contains  ten  rooms 
and  two  bathrooms,  has  steam  heat  and  electric  hghts,  and  is  in  good  condition. 
For  this  property  he  paid  $35,000.  A  three-story  brick  house  on  Vernon 
Avenue  is  owned  and  occupied  by  a  business  man.  In  addition  to  other  modem 
conveniences  there  are  lavatories  in  four  of  the  bedrooms.  The  house  is  in 
excellent  condition.  A  nine-room  house  on  Langley  Avenue,  in  good  repair, 
owned  by  another  business  man,  has  gas,  furnace  heat,  and  a  bathroom. 

The  occupants. — Although  these  buildings  are  occupied  by  the  wealthier 
Negroes,  business  or  professional  men,  it  often  happens  that  others  secure  and 


1 88  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

occupy  such  houses.  High  wages  during  the  war  and  immediately  afterward 
permitted  some  Negroes  who  arrived  in  Chicago  during  the  migration  to  live 
in  the  best  class  of  housing  available  for  Negroes.  For  example,  an  undertaker 
owns  such  a  house  on  Langley  Avenue,  with  seven  rooms,  with  gas,  a  bathroom, 
electricity,  and  hot-water  heat.  This  building  is  ornate  and  in  excellent 
repair.  A  postal  clerk  who  has  been  in  Chicago  since  1897  owns  a  seven-room 
house  on  Champlain  Avenue  south  of  Sixty-sixth  Street,  where  he  lives  with 
his  wife  and  child.  In  the  block  south  of  Forty-third  Street  on  Prairie  Avenue 
is  a  nine-room  house  occupied  by  an  employee  of  the  American  Express  Com- 
pany. In  order  to  help  pay  the  rent,  four  lodgers  are  taken,  who  together 
pay  $20  a  week.  The  house,  which  includes  a  bathroom,  is  furnace-heated 
and  lighted  by  electricity.  A  transfer  man  pays  $65  a  month  rent  for  an 
eight-room  house  of  this  class  on  Bowen  Avenue.  He  earns  $35  a  week,  and 
two  lodgers  pay  $50  a  month.  The  house  has  bath,  electricity,  and  furnace. 
A  railroad  porter,  who  has  been  a  doctor's  assistant  and  has  lived  in  Chicago 
since  1886,  owns  a  house  on  Rhodes  Avenue  near  Sixty-sixth  Street.  It  has 
seven  rooms  and  is  provided  with  a  furnace,  gas,  bathroom,  and  electricity. 

Neighborhood  conditions. — Surroundings  of  Type  A  houses  are  generally 
far  more  pleasant  than  those  in  areas  where  the  majority  of  Negroes  live. 
The  streets  and  alleys  are  usually  clean,  except  where  Type  A  houses  are 
in  neighborhoods  surrounded  by  poorer  houses.  The  premises  are  generally 
weU  kept.  This  is  especially  true  where  the  occupants  are  owners.  When 
space  permits,  there  is  a  lawn  or  a  garden  that  shows  signs  of  pride  and  atten- 
tion. One  block  was  noted,  however,  where  the  residents  reported  that  the 
street  was  watered  twice  a  day  until  Negroes  moved  in,  after  which  it  received 
no  such  attention. 

n.    "type  b"  houses 

Type  B  designates  a  class  of  houses  which  have  not  the  size,  durability, 
permanence,  architectural  embellishments,  or  general  standard  of  comfort 
and  convenience  of  those  classed  as  Type  A.  They  are  usually  flat  buildings, 
whether  originally  intended  for  that  purpose  or  not.  Frequently  dwellings 
are  rearranged  by  landlords,  when  Negroes  are  given  occupancy,  to  accommodate 
two  or  more  famiUes  in  place  of  the  one  for  which  they  were  built.  Type  B 
houses  have  less  floor  space,  the  average  number  of  rooms  is  fewer,  and  they 
have,  as  a  rule,  fewer  modern  conveniences.  Still,  they  are  good  houses  and 
much  superior  to  the  habitations  in  which  Negroes  are  most  often  found. 

Occupants  of  Type  B  houses  are  frequently  found  to  be  clerical  workers, 
postal  clerks,  railway  mail  clerks,  small  tradesmen,  artisans,  and  better-paid 
workers  in  steel  mills  and  Stock  Yards. 

Most  of  the  houses  in  the  part  of  Woodlawn  inhabited  by  Negroes  are  of 
Type  B.  Another  district  in  which  this  type  of  house  is  found  extends  from 
Fortieth  to  Forty-seventh  streets  on  Langley,  Evans,  Champlain,  Vincennes, 
and  St.  Lawrence  avenues.    Although  in  this  area  a  few  dwellings  are  of 


HOMES  OWNED  BY  NEGROES  ON  SOUTH  PARK  AVENUE 
Classified  in  text  as  "Type  A" 


AN  ABANDONED  RESIDENCE  IN  THE  PRAIRIE  AVENUE  BLOCK 
\\TTH  A  FACTORY  IN  THE  REAR 


THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM  189 

Type  A,  the  greater  part  of  them  fall  under  Type  B.  About  5  per  cent  of  the 
dwellings  occupied  by  Negroes  on  the  West  Side — for  example,  some  of  those 
on  Oakley  and  Washington  boulevards — might  also  be  classed  as  Type  B. 
Brick  or  stone  dwellings  predominate  in  the  districts  where  this  type  is  found. 
For  example,  the  block  survey  made  by  the  Commission  covered  twelve  blocks 
in  the  Negro  residence  in  Woodlawn  on  which  there  were  190  brick  or  stone 
and  119  frame  houses.  Practically  all  the  Type  B  dwellings  are  one-  and 
two-family  houses,  and  the  majority  are  two-family  houses.  The  Com- 
mission's study  shows  that  these  dwelUngs  are  not  overcrowded  and  house 
their  families  comfortably.    Many  of  the  occupants  own  their  homes. 

Comforts  and  conveniences. — Most  of  these  houses  have  baths,  electric 
lights,  steam,  hot-water  or  hot-air  heating,  and  gas  for  cooking.  Only  a  few 
are  heated  by  stoves  or  lack  electrical  fixtures.  They  were  found  to  be  in 
good  repair,  well  kept  and  clean.  Special  pride  is  taken  by  home  owners 
of  this  class  in  keeping  the  property  presentable  and  preventing  rapid  deteriora- 
tion. Family  histories  reveal  that  most  of  the  Woodlawn  residents  are  long- 
time residents  of  Chicago. 

Neighborhood  conditions. — In  the  neighborhoods  where  Type  B  houses 
were  found,  no  uniform  standard  of  cleanliness  was  evident  in  streets  and  alleys 
or  in  adjoining  properties.  They  were  as  frequently  unkempt  as  tidy. 
Although  the  premises  of  Type  B  houses  were  generally  kept  neat,  surrounding 
untidiness  often  detracted  from  their  appearance.  But  a  block  containing 
a  majority  of  this  type  usually  had  an  appearance  of  being  better  kept,  whether 
the  surrounding  property  was  occupied  by  whites  or  Negroes.  In  the  Wood- 
lawn area  the  surroundings  of  the  houses  were  well  cared  for,  and  sanitary 
measures  were  commonly  observed.  In  some  blocks  in  the  Langley  Avenue 
neighborhood  carelessness  and  neglect  were  evident.  Vacant  lots  were  no 
more  littered  with  rubbish  than  in  white  areas  of  a  similar  grade. 

m.    "type  c"  houses 

Type  C  houses  are  the  most  common  in  areas  of  Negro  residence.  In 
this  classification  are  included  about  50  per  cent  of  the  houses  on  the  South 
Side  east  of  State  Street,  most  of  those  in  the  North  Side  area,  about  60  per 
cent  of  those  in  the  West  Side  area,  practically  all  those  in  the  Ogden  Park 
area,  and  many  dwellings  in  the  little  Lake  Park  district. 

Heads  of  families  occupying  Type  C  houses  were  usually  unskilled  wage- 
earners,  or  in  personal  service.  Their  incomes  were  such  that  they  could  rarely 
afford  more  than  $20  a  month  rent. 

Types  of  houses. — Eleven  blocks  on  the  North  Side  were  included  in  the 
Commission's  block  survey.  In  these  blocks  146  of  the  buildings  were  of 
brick  or  stone,  and  123  frame.  Fifteen  were  single  houses,  four  were  double, 
and  167  housed  three  or  more  families,  the  largest  proportion  of  such  buildings 
in  any  district  examined.    There  were  also  four  rows  of  houses.    They  were 


iQo  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

in  a  fair  state  of  repair.  Four-room  houses  or  flats  predominated  among  the 
fourteen  families  whose  histories  were  taken.  In  one  instance  seven  persons 
were  living  in  four  rooms,  in  another  nine  persons  were  living  in  seven  rooms, 
in  another  eleven  persons  were  living  in  seven  rooms.  The  dwellings  were 
mainly  one-  and  two-story  buildings,  with  a  few  three-  and  six-flat  buildings. 

A  large  proportion  of  buildings  housing  three  or  more  families  was  foimd 
also  in  Ogden  Park.  In  eleven  blocks  there  were  log  such  buildings.  There 
were  also  sixty-eight  single  and  no  double  houses.  The  frame  buildings 
nimibered  189,  and  brick  or  stone  forty-eight.  Most  of  the  houses  were  one- 
and  two-story  frame  buildings.  The  majority  were  in  good  or  fair  repair, 
though  one  block  showed  gross  neglect  of  repairs  to  exteriors,  and  practically 
aU  needed  painting.  Five-room  dwellings  predominated  among  the  fifteen 
families  whose  histories  were  recorded.  Overcrowding  was  frequent.  In 
one  instance  eleven  persons  lived  in  five  rooms;  in  another  nine  persons  in 
five  rooms. 

In  the  part  of  the  South  Side  area  east  of  State  Street  and  between  Twenty- 
second  and  Thirty-first  streets  forty-two  blocks  were  surveyed.  Michigan, 
Indiana,  and  Prairie  avenues  have  excellent  dwellings,  practically  all  of  which 
are  stiU  occupied  by  whites.  Until  a  few  years  ago  these  were  fashionable 
residential  streets,  and  the  buildings  are  large,  well  built,  and  often  ornate. 
Surrounding  them,  however,  are  hundreds  of  houses,  old  and  difficult  to  keep 
in  repair.  In  these  forty- two  blocks  there  were  767  buildings  of  which  163 
were  frame  and  604  brick.    About  37  per  cent  of  these  are  of  Type  C. 

The  surroundings  of  these  buildings  appear  in  brief  comments  on  some  of 
these  blocks,  taken  from  investigator's  notes,  as  follows: 

Property  has  been  allowed  to  run  down. 

Five  vacant  houses;  yards  full  of  rubbish;  lodgers  transient;  families  do  not  move. 
Vacant  lot  dirty. 

Two  vacant  lots;  yards  weU  kept. 
Garbage  piled  up  on  vacant  lot;  Negroes  moving  in. 
Roomers  move  often;  one  poolroom;  empty  church  buUding. 
Vacant  lot  used  as  dump;  yards  well  kept. 
Two  vacant  houses  robbed  of  plumbing  fixtures. 

Yards  poorly  kept;  whites  moved  out  three  years  ago,  except  one  famUy. 
Vacant  lot  used  as  diunp;  one  poolroom,  two  hotels;  yards  well  kept;  Negroes 
moving  in. 

Yards  imkempt;  mostly  renters. 

Formerly  questionable  houses  for  whites. 

Mostly  newcomers;  property  run  down. 

Yards  well  kept;  boarding-houses. 

People  move  in  because  they  can't  find  anything  better. 

Between  Thirty-first  and  Thirty-ninth  streets  east  of  State  Street  seventy- 
eight  blocks  were  surveyed.  There  were  seventy-eight  frame  and  1,523  brick 
and  stone  buildings,  620  single  houses,  559  double,  254  accommodating  three 


THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM  191 

or  more  families,  and  nine  apartment  houses.  Of  this  group  51  per  cent  were 
of  Type  C.  The  property  and  general  surroundings  showed  age  and  the 
beginning  of  rapid  deterioration  everywhere;  in  some  cases  there  had  been 
attempts  to  care  for  the  premises  and  in  some  cases  neglect  was  obvious. 
The  streets,  except  Michigan  Avenue  and  South  Park  Boulevard,  showed 
much  neglect,  and  the  alleys  generally  were  dirty.  Many  of  these  houses 
were  occupied  by  their  Negro  owners.  Negroes  were  found  to  occupy  about 
40  per  cent  of  these  Type  C  houses. 

Conveniences. — In  these  two  parts  of  the  South  Side  area  conveniences 
and  ordinary  sanitary  facilities  are  often  absent.  Gas  is  the  common  form  of 
lighting,  and  often  it  is  not  used.  Family-history  data  revealed  that  there 
were  about  as  many  homes  without  as  with  bathrooms.  In  a  large  number  of 
buildings  families  were  obliged  to  use  common  toilets  located  in  halls  or  back 
yards.  The  dwellings  were  out  of  repair  in  some  respects  in  nearly  every 
instance.  Defects  of  this  kind  were  often  in  the  plumbing.  Leaky  toilets 
or  water  pipes  were  common  complaints.  Some  toilets  did  not  flush.  Some 
sinks  were  leaky,  as  were  some  of  the  roofs.  In  some  houses  windows  or  doors 
were  broken,  loose,  or  sagging.     Some  houses  were  very  dirty. 

On  the  West  Side  a  situation  not  essentially  different  was  found  among 
the  Type  C  dwellings.  Possibly  baths  were  a  little  more  frequent.  Occasion- 
ally there  was  a  furnace,  though  stove  heat  was  most  common.  Gas  was  the 
usual  means  of  lighting.  The  situation  as  to  toilets  was  about  the  same,  and 
the  buildings,  being  chiefly  old,  were  usually  out  of  repair  in  some  respect. 
The  nimaber  of  brick  and  frame  dwellings  was  about  equal.  There  were  more 
double  houses  in  proportion  to  the  single  ones,  and  none  that  had  three  or 
more  families.  Five-room  dwellings  were  most  numerous,  and  there  was 
little  indication  of  overcrowding. 

Neighborhood  conditions. — Only  two  blocks  in  the  West  Side  area  were 
rated  as  merely  "fair,"  four  in  the  North  Side  area  were  dirty,  while  only  one 
in  the  Ogden  Park  area  was  not  cleaned.  In  the  North  Side  and  Ogden  Park 
areas  distinct  efforts  were  observed  to  keep  yards  clean.  Premises  showed 
signs  of  care  and  attention,  though  an  occasional  vacant  lot  showed  use  for 
dumping.  Alleys  in  all  three  districts  gave  evidence  of  neglect.  .  Some  were 
badly  littered  with  garbage  and  rubbish. 

rv.    "type  d"  houses 

Type  D  housing  is  the  least  habitable  of  aU.  The  houses  were  usually 
dilapidated,  and  in  many  cases  extremely  so.  Most  of  the  buildings  are 
among  the  oldest  m  the  city.  They  were  occupied  only  by  Negroes  at  the  foot 
of  the  economic  scale,  many  families  living  from  hand  to  mouth,  frequently  in 
extreme  poverty. 

This  class  of  houses  predominates  in  those  parts  of  the  South  Side  area 
from  Twelfth  to  Twenty-second  Street  along  State  Street  and  Wabash  Avenue, 


192  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

and  from  Twelfth  to  Thirty-ninth  streets  and  Wentworth  Avenue.  Many 
Negro  dwellings  in  the  North  Side  area  and  about  35  or  40  per  cent  of  those  in 
the  West  Side  area  were  of  Type  D.  Even  in  the  area  of  the  South  Side 
between  State  Street  and  Lake  Michigan  many  of  the  older  frame  and  brick 
buildings  fall  into  this  classification.  It  is  safe  to  say  that  43  per  cent  of  the 
housing  for  Negroes  is  of  this  type. 

Most  of  these  dwellings  were  fraU,  flimsy,  tottering,  unkempt,  and  some 
of  them  literally  falling  apart.  Little  repairing  is  done  from  year  to  year. 
Consequently  their  state  grows  progressively  worse,  and  they  are  now  even 
less  habitable  than  when  the  surveys  quoted  at  the  beginning  of  this  section 
were  made.  The  surroundings  in  these  localities  were  in  a  condition  of  extreme 
neglect,  with  little  apparent  effort  to  observe  the  laws  of  sanitation.  Streets, 
alleys,  and  vacant  lots  contained  garbage,  rubbish,  and  litter  of  aU  kinds. 
It  is  difficult  to  enforce  health  regulations. 

Although  there  has  been  protest  by  Negroes  against  the  necessity  of  living 
in  places  so  uncomfortable  and  unhealthful,  improvement  comes  slowly. 
Contentment  with  such  insanitary  conditions  is  usually  due  to  ignorance  of 
better  Uving.  For  the  poorest  buildings  low  rents  are  offered  to  encourage 
continued  occupancy  and  to  forestall  requests  for  repairs.  Prompt  vacating 
of  many  of  these  houses  usually  follows  when  a  family  can  secure  better  accom- 
modations in  a  better  neighborhood.^ 

V.      NEIGHBORHOOD   IMPROVEMENT  ASSOCIATIONS 

Among  the  more  intelligent  Negroes  neighborhood  organizations  were 
found  similar  to  those  of  white  people.  Dissatisfaction  with  local  conditions, 
failure  of  authorities  to  sweep  and  sprinkle  streets  or  to  provide  adequate 
street  lighting,  corner  signs,  and  similar  equipment  usually  prompt  these 
efforts.  Three  or  four  such  societies  have  been  instituted  by  Negroes  in 
Chicago.  One  example  is  the  Middlesex  Improvement  Club,  organized 
following  the  riots  of  1 919  in  a  neighborhood  including  three  blocks  on  Dearborn 
Street  near  Fiftieth.  Among  other  things  it  seeks  to  promote  a  friendly 
spirit  among  the  people  of  both  races  in  a  neighborhood  which  was  turbulent 
during  the  riots.  It  has  extended  some  financial  aid  to  its  members  when 
required.  It  is  financed  by  Negro  business  men  with  some  help  from  white 
business  men  of  the  locality. 

Woodlawn  has  a  community  organization  which  reflects  the  friendly 
attitude  between  the  races  in  that  district.  Both  whites  and  Negroes  are 
members,  with  a  common  community  interest.  This  organization  goes 
somewhat  beyond  the  usual  neighborhood  improvement  association  in  scope 
and  purpose.  While  it  embodies  the  usual  purposes,  it  also  seeks  to  induce 
full  use  by  all  the  people  of  the  district  of  all  public  and  semi-public  institutions 
that  contribute  to  good  citizenship.    One  of  the  notices  sent  out  by  the  associa- 

'  See  "Family  Histories,"  p.  170. 


THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM  193 

tion  urged  attendance  at  night  sessions  of  public  schools.  It  briefly  set  forth 
the  advantages  for  both  young  and  older  people,  suggesting  that  their  useful- 
ness to  the  community  might  thus  be  enlarged,  that  they  might  be  trained 
for  profitable  employment,  and  incidentally  that  young  people  could  be  kept 
off  the  streets  and  away  from  demoralizing  places.  Attention  was  drawn  to 
the  fact  that  "business  men  of  the  city  are  seeking  young  people,  both  col- 
ored and  white,  for  positions  as  stenographers,  clerks,  and  trades  people." 
The  notice  closed  thus: 

We  are  desirous  that  you  use  your  influence  to  maintain  a  spirit  of  friendliness 
and  good  will  among  all  citizens,  white  and  black,  and  especially  among  the  school 
children,  paying  especial  attention  to  the  conduct  of  pupUs  to  and  from  school.  We 
earnestly  seek  your  co-operation  in  these  matters. 

In  the  neighborhood  of  Fifty-sixth  Street  and  Wabash  Avenue  is  another 
of  these  neighborhood  leagues;  all  the  members  are  Negroes.  Meetings 
take  place  periodically  at  the  houses  of  members,  and  special  attention  is 
given  to  such  matters  as  the  condition  of  their  premises,  care  of  lawns,  etc. 

VI.      EFFORTS   OF   SOCIAL  AGENCIES 

Social  agencies  likewise  have  given  considerable  attention  to  the  instruction 
and  encouragement  of  Negroes  in  better  living.  While  this  effort  has  been 
directed  mainly  to  the  newer  arrivals  from  the  South,  it  has  also  had  an  effect 
on  many  who  have  lived  in  the  city  for  some  time  but  have  not  yet  adjusted 
themselves  to  city  life  and  more  rigid  standards  of  sanitation  and  deportment. 

One  of  these  agencies  is  the  Urban  League.  Among  other  activities  it 
issued  placards  to  be  kept  in  sight  in  Negro  homes,  graphically  contrasting  good 
and  bad  habits  of  living.  Pictures  showed  the  front  porch  of  a  Negro  family 
as  it  should  and  should  not  be  used,  with  the  pointed  question,  "  Which  ? " 
underneath.    Then  followed  a  sort  of  pledge  of  conduct: 

/  realize  that  our  soldiers  have  learned  new  habits  of  self-respect  and  cleanliness. 

I  desire  to  help  bring  about  a  new  order  of  living  in  this  community. 

I  will  atteiid  to  the  neatness  of  my  personal  appearance  on  the  street  or  when 
sitting  in  front  doorways. 

/  will  refrain  from  wearing  dust  caps,  bungalow  aprons,  house  clothing,  and 
bedroom  shoes  out  of  doors. 

/  will  arrange  my  toilet  within  doors  and  not  on  the  front  porch. 

/  will  insist  upon  the  use  of  rear  entrances  for  coal  dealers,  hucksters,  etc. 

/  will  refrain  from  loud  talking  and  objectionable  deportment  on  street  cars  and 
in  pubHc  places. 

/  will  do  my  best  to  prevent  defacement  of  property  either  by  children  or  adults. 

The  guidance  and  instruction  given  by  the  South  Side  Community  Service, 
pastors  of  churches  and  Negro  newspapers  have  stimulated  the  Negro  popula- 
tion to  efforts  at  improvement  of  their  property.  One  newspaper,  for  example, 
conducted  a  column  containing  hints  on  cleanliness,  sanitation,  and  deport- 
ment.   It  printed  items  concerning  objectionable  conditions  at  given  addresses 


194  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

and  warned  ofifenders  tJiat  they  were  being  watched  by  the  neighborhood 
organization,  which  might  take  action  against  them  if  they  did  not  improve 
their  conduct. 

Another  way  in  which  Negroes  have  been  led  to  understand  that  habits 
of  orderliness  and  cleanliness  are  expected  of  them  in  Chicago  has  been  through 
a  "Clean-up  Week"  in  the  spring  of  each  year,  when  concerted  efforts  are  made 
to  collect  and  dispose  of  tin  cans  and  other  rubbish  on  vacant  lots  and  yards. 
A  "Tin  Can  Contest"  was  conducted  by  the  Wabash  Avenue  Y.M.C.A., 
which  offered  prizes  to  the  children  collecting  the  greatest  number  of  tin  cans 
beyond  300.  The  1,000  youngsters  who  participated  in  the  Second  Ward 
were  divided  into  eight  regiments.  The  eleven-year-old  Negro  girl  who  collected 
the  greatest  number  of  tin  cans  had  a  total  of  6,840  to  her  credit.  Next  in 
order  was  Hyman  Friedman,  whose  total  was  5,347.  More  than  100,000  tin 
cans  in  all  were  obtained. 

Vn.      EFFORTS   OF   nSTDrVIDUAL  HOUSEHOLDERS 

Individual  householders,  especially  those  owning  their  homes,  were  found 
to  be  trying  to  keep  their  premises  presentable  often  in  the  face  of  discouraging 
odds.  Throughout  the  family  histories  appear  repeated  protests  by  tenants  at 
the  failure  of  landlords  to  maintain  a  decent  state  of  repairs  and  improvements. 

None  of  the  houses  occupied  by  Negroes  are  of  as  high  a  standard,  generally 
speaking,  as  those  occupied  by  whites  of  a  similar  economic  status. 

Negroes  rarely  live  in  new  houses.  Virtually  all  live  in  neighborhoods 
where  the  housing  is  old.  Negro  houses,  even  of  the  best  class,  were  built 
from  twenty  to  forty  years  ago.  Conditions  in  these  old  neighborhoods  do 
not  make  for  high  standards  of  sanitation  and  cleanliness,  nor  the  best  habits 
of  Hving  generally;  and  Negroes  labor  under  a  handicap  in  striving  to  attain 
such  standards. 

Less  attention  is  paid  by  public  authorities  to  the  condition  of  streets 
and  alleys  in  such  neighborhoods  than  in  localities  where  the  housing  is  of  a 
higher  grade.  The  streets  are  not  cleaned  and  sprinkled  as  often  and  the 
alleys  are  more  likely  to  be  dirty,  unpaved,  and  generally  uncared  for. 

In  most  of  the  localities  where  Negroes  live,  buildings  that  have  not 
already  reached  a  state  of  great  dilapidation  are  deteriorating  rapidly  because 
of  the  failure  of  owners  to  make  repairs  and  improvements. 

Escape  from  undesirable  housing  conditions  is  difficult  for  any  Negroes, 
and  for  the  vast  majority  it  is  practically  impossible,  particularly  during  a 
period  of  acute  general  housing  shortage. 

C.    NEGROES  AND  PROPERTY  DEPRECIATION 
No  single  factor  has  complicated  the  relations  of  Negroes  and  whites  in 
Chicago  more  than  the  widespread  feeling  of  white  people  that  the  presence 
of  Negroes  in  a  neighborhood  is  a  cause  of  serious  depreciation  of  property 


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THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM  195 

values.  To  the  extent  that  people  feel  that  their  financial  interests  are  affected, 
antagonisms  are  accentuated. 

When  a  Negro  family  moves  into  a  block  in  which  all  other  families  are 
white,  the  neighbors  object.  This  objection  may  express  itself  in  studied 
aloofness,  in  taunts,  warnings,  slurs,  threats,  or  even  the  bombing  of  their 
homes.'  White  neighbors  who  can  do  so  are  likely  to  move  away  at  the  first 
opportunity.  Assessors  and  appraisers  in  determining  the  value  of  the  property 
take  account  of  this  general  dislike  of  the  presence  or  proximity  of  Negroes. 
It  matters  little  what  type  of  citizens  the  Negro  family  may  represent,  what 
their  wealth  or  standing  in  the  community  is,  or  that  their  motive  in  moving 
into  a  predominant  white  neighborhood  is  to  secure  better  living  conditions — 
their  appearance  is  a  signal  of  depreciation.  So  it  happens  that  when  a  Negro 
family  moves  into  a  block,  most  of  the  white  neighbors  show  resentment 
toward  both  the  Negro  family  and  the  owner  or  agent  who  rents  or  sells  the 
property.  Whites  owning  homes  in  the  neighborhood  become  much  exercised 
by  fear  of  loss  both  of  money  and  of  neighborhood  exclusiveness  and  desira- 
bility. The  Negro  suffers  under  the  realization  that,  for  reasons  which  he 
cannot  control,  he  is  considered  undesirable  and  a  menace  to  property  values. 
Wherever  Negroes  have  moved  in  Chicago  this  odium  has  attached  to  their 
presence.  The  belief  that  they  destroy  property  values  wherever  they  go  is 
now  commonly  taken  as  a  vaHd  explanation  of  any  unfriendliness  toward  the 
entire  group.  This  feeling  takes  on  the  strength  of  a  protective  instinct 
among  the  whites. 

So  wide  and  menacing,  indeed,  has  this  feeling  grown  that  the  Commission 
deemed  it  necessary  to  make  a  thorough  inquiry  into  its  basis  and  to  determine, 
if  possible,  to  what  degree  the  presence  of  Negroes  is  a  factor  in  the  depreciation 
of  property  values.  Therefore  it  is  essential  to  distinguish  clearly  between: 
(i)  general  factors  in  depreciation;  and  (2)  presence  of  Negroes  as  an  influence 
in  these  factors,  and  also  as  a  direct  factor. 

What  is  meant  by  "depreciation"  ?  Real  estate  men  know  it  as  "a,  loss 
in  market  value."  Market  value  is  "the  price  which  a  buyer  who  wishes  to 
buy  but  is  not  forced  to  buy  will  pay  to  an  owner  who  wishes  to  sell  but  is  not 
forced  to  sell."  Depreciation  is  reflected,  not  only  in  market  values,  but  also 
in  appraised  or  assessed  valuations.  Before  purchasing  property  it  is  custom- 
ary to  take  into  account  the  surrounding  conditions  that  affect  its  value,  as 
well  as  its  inherent  value.  Assessed  valuations,  fixed  for  taxing  purposes  by 
authorized  public  ofl&cials,  fluctuate  to  some  extent  in  harmony  with  appraised 
valuations.  This  analysis  of  the  factors  that  tend  to  determine  the  value 
of  real  estate  for  one  purpose  or  another  gives  a  fairly  dependable  rule  for 
finding  whether  it  has  risen  or  fallen  in  a  given  period.  If  property  is  thus 
shown  to  have  decreased  in  value,  it  is  said  to  have  depreciated. 

'  See  discussion  of  non-adjusted  neighborhoods,  p.  113,  and  of  bombings,  p.  122. 


196  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

The  value  of  real  estate  is  determined  largely  by  the  human  factors  involved. 
This  fact  accounts  for  the  striking  differences  in  value  of  property,  for  example, 
on  Sixteenth  Street,  on  State  Street,  in  the  "Loop,"  on  Chicago  Avenue,  and 
on  Sheridan  Road.  Convenience,  desirabiUty,  and  other  factors  involving 
individuals  who  make  up  the  public  enter  into  the  determination  of  realty  values. 

It  is  necessary  to  distinguish  between  land  values  and  improved-property 
values.  Usually  buildings  are  erected  that  harmonize  in  cost  with  the  value 
of  the  land  on  which  they  stand.  But  this  harmonious  relationship  may  not 
continue;  developments  in  the  neighborhood  may  increase  materially  the 
value  of  the  land,  while  the  value  of  the  improvements  decreases  as  time  goes 
on.  The  values  of  the  land  and  of  the  improvements  do  not  necessarily  rise 
and  fall  together,  though  improvements  generally  tend  to  add  to  the  value 
of  the  land.  Much,  however,  depends  on  the  use  to  which  the  land  is  put, 
and  even  more  on  the  use  of  adjacent  land.  That  use  may  be  such  as  seriously 
to  impair  the  value  of  all  the  land  within  a  given  area  or  some  particular  tract 
in  that  area.  Such  impairment  is  a  chief  reason  advanced  for  zoning,  so  that 
property  values  in  various  given  districts  may  not  be  impaired  through  inhar- 
monious uses,  and  that  property  values  throughout  a  city  may  thus  be  stabilized* 

It  is  also  necessary  to  distinguish  between  "deterioration"  and  "deprecia- 
tion." They  are  not  interchangeable.  Deterioration  of  improvements  on 
land  affects  the  value  of  the  improvement,  not  necessarily  the  value  of  the  land. 
The  property  as  a  whole  may  be  depreciated  by  deterioration  of  improvements, 
but  an  increase  in  the  land  value  might  more  than  offset  this  loss.  This  would 
be  accounted  for  by  a  possible  change  in  the  use  of  the  land.  For  example, 
the  buildings  on  the  North  Side  in  which  Negroes  now  live  are  uniformly 
old  and  bad,  yet  the  Negroes  cannot  buy  them.  The  properties  are  in  process, 
of  change  from  residence  to  industrial  use,  and  the  values  placed  upon  them 
for  the  latter  use  are  far  beyond  the  financial  capacity  of  the  Negro  residents. 

I.      GENERAL  FACTORS   IN  DEPRECIATION  OF  RESIDENCE  PROPERTY 

Apart  from  any  racial  influence  there  are  many  causes  of  depreciation  in 
property  values,  the  responsibility  for  all  of  which  has  often  been  thoughtlessly 
placed  upon  Negroes.  Throughout  the  city  may  be  observed  blocks,  streets, 
and  neighborhoods  running  a  declining  course  in  desirability  for  residence 
purposes,  losing  value,  changing  in  character  and,  in  short,  depreciating,  but 
in  or  near  which  no  Negroes  live.  The  following  are  important  factors  of 
depreciation  not  due  to  race: 

Physical  deterioration. — The  natural  wear  of  time  and  the  elements  is  a 
constant  factor.  Few  houses  are  built  to  withstand  these  inroads  over  a  long 
course  of  years,  even  though  they  have  the  utmost  care.  Neglect  and  lack 
of  repairs  and  improvements  hasten  this  deterioration  sometimes  greatly. 
Character  of  occupancy  is  often  a  factor.  Some  occupants  are  highly  destruc- 
tive, particularly  in  rented  houses.    Their  careless  or  inept  use  of  a  house 


THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM  197 

often  adds  vastly  to  the  wear  and  tear  and  hastens  deterioration.  Over- 
crowding has  a  like  effect. 

Change  in  the  character  of  a  neighborhood. — Depreciation  in  property- 
values  in  large  cities  is  due  in  marked  degree  to  factors  not  purely  physical. 
There  is  always  a  continuing  yet  varying  fluctuation  in  the  character  of  neigh- 
borhoods; a  restless  shifting  of  population  and  conditions  due  to  growth 
which  rarely  has  been  orderly  or  scientific.  The  psychological  factor  of 
residential  property  values  is  such  that  they  may  change  very  rapidly  with 
the  advent  into  a  homogeneous  neighborhood  of  a  few  families  of  a  different 
nationality  or  social  status.  Between  Twelfth  and  Thirty-first  steeets  in 
the  South  Side  Negro  residence  area,  once  the  most  fashionable  white  residence 
section,  property  values  based  on  residential  uses  slumped  utterly,  and  then 
later  began  to  increase  because  of  industrial  uses.  Such  a  change  is  often  due 
to  an  encroachment  upon  a  residential  district  of  commercial  or  industrial 
enterprises.  Neighbors  wUl  move  away  rather  than  endure  such  disturbance 
of  their  peace  and  comfort.  Their  places  may  be  taken  by  people  less  sensi- 
tive to  such  influences  who  may  be  drawn  to  the  neighborhood  by  reduced 
rents  resulting  from  the  exodus  of  former  residents.  Then  rapid  deterioration 
usually  sets  in  as  the  tone  of  the  neighborhood  falls.  A  like  result  follows  a 
change  from  an  exclusive  residential  district  into  one  of  rooming-  and  boarding- 
houses  and  large  residences  remodeled  into  flats. 

The  shifting  of  fashionable  neighborhoods  soon  leads  persons  of  means 
to  abandon  a  high-grade  residential  section  for  some  suburb  or  newer  neighbor- 
hood which  they  think  better  suited  to  their  social  positions. 

Use  of  buildings  for  immoral  purposes. — Such  use,  though  clandestine, 
eventually  becomes  known;  and  although  the  property  yields  high  rents, 
it  lowers  the  standing  and  value  of  the  block  or  neighborhood  and  of  adjacent 
areas.  It  not  only  deteriorates  the  buildings  thus  used,  but  also  drives  decent 
people  from  the  locality;  and  the  deserted  houses  either  remain  vacant  or 
are  taken  by  less  desirable  occupants.    Depreciation  inevitably  results. 

Public  garages,  theaters,  and  kindred  nuisances. — People  of  a  high-grade 
residential  district  do  not  wish  to  live  too  near  a  public  garage,  theater,  bathing- 
beach,  saloon,  cabaret,  dance  hall,  bowling-alley,  or  billiard  room.  If  they  are 
unable  to  keep  such  enterprises  out  of  their  neighborhood  they  will  sell  their 
property  and  find  homes  elsewhere. 

Changes  in  transportation  facilities. — These  may  depreciate  property  in 
two  ways:  {a)  they  may  themselves  introduce  obnoxious  dirt  or  noise-making 
features  or  bring  in  industries  with  such  features;  {b)  new  transportation 
facilities  often  open  up  more  desirable  localities  to  which  people  are  drawn 
from  the  older  localities.     In  both  cases  depreciation  ensues. 

Overbuilding. — Overbuilding  is  another  and  frequent  cause  of  depreciation. 
Building  booms  are  often  followed  by  years  of  depression  due  to  an  oversupply 
of  buildings. 


198  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

n       DEPRECIATION   ON   THE   SOUTH   SIDE 

The  area  from  Thirty-first  to  Thirty-ninth  Streets  and  State  Street  to  the 
lake  is  now  the  center  of  the  largest  Negro  residential  area  in  the  city,  having 
approximately  20  per  cent  more  Negroes  than  whites. 

In  the  eighties  and  nineties  this  area  was  part  of  the  most  fashionable 
residential  district  in  Chicago  and  included  some  of  the  city's  most  prominent 
families  and  business  leaders.  They  lived  in  houses  which  they  had  built 
for  their  homes,  and  which  were  the  first  fine  residences  erected  after  the 
Chicago  fire  of  1871.  Michigan,  Prairie,  and  South  Park  avenues  and  Grand 
Boulevard  were  the  most  fashionable  streets  with  the  best  houses. 

The  Negro  population  then  lived  immediately  west,  between  Wentworth 
Avenue  and  State  Street  and  north  of  Thirty-fifth  Street. 

The  North  Side  and  the  North  Shore  had  not  yet  developed  as  fashionable 
neighborhoods.  Indeed,  the  most  prominent  residence  on  Lake  Shore  Drive 
and  one  of  the  earliest  stood  almost  alone  for  many  years  before  fashionable 
people  settled  around  it. 

As  the  North  Side  grew  in  fashionable  favor  the  South  Side  began  to  lose 
its  original  exclusiveness,  and  its  residences  began  to  depreciate.  These 
properties,  while  their  original  owners  occupied  them,  were  worth,  many  of 
them,  from  $30,000  to  $100,000,  including  large  grounds,  elaborate  interior 
decorations,  and  sometimes  works  of  art.  The  usual  range  of  the  original 
costs  of  these  houses  was  from  $10,000  to  $30,000.  The  change  steadily 
continued,  and  these  houses  were  rented  and  sold  by  the  first  owners  at  reduced 
prices  to  persons  less  prominent  socially,  until  nearly  all  the  original  families 
had  gone.  A  few  refused  to  sell  their  houses  and  left  them  in  charge  of  care- 
takers; and  a  very  few  stiU  remain. 

The  gradual  lowering  of  the  market  value  of  the  property  is  pictured  by 
prominent  real  estate  men  well  acquainted  with  the  neighborhood  for  many 
years : 

It  is  a  positive  fact,  an  economic  fact,  that  any  time  a  poor  class  of  people  moves 
into  a  neighborhood  formerly  occupied  by  people  who  had  an  earning  capacity  greater 
than  that  of  the  people  moving  in,  there  is  depreciation.  That  is  true  whether  Italians 
move  in,  or  Poles,  Negroes,  Greeks,  etc.  If  the  people  moving  into  the  neighbor- 
hood earn  less  and  have  less  than  the  people  formerly  Uving  in  that  neighborhood, 
there  is  depreciation. 

Between  1900  and  19 10  a  few  Negroes  moved  into  Wabash  Avenue.  The 
houses  were  very  old  and  built  close  together,  with  few  single  residences. 
Negroes  did  not  progress  farther  eastward  in  any  large  numbers  because  the 
next  street  was  Michigan  Avenue,  probably  the  most  select  of  all  the  streets 
in  the  area.  With  the  pressure  of  increasing  numbers  and  ascending  economic 
ability  urging  them  out  of  the  congested,  uncomfortable,  and  unclean  dwellings 
west  of  State  Street,  Negroes  could  and  would  pay  higher  rents  than  the  class 
of  white  persons  to  which  the  oldest  houses  would  next  descend.    In  191 2, 


THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM  199 

in  the  area  east  of  State  Street,  practically  all  of  the  original  residents  had 
gone,  and  few  Negroes  had  come  in.  Real  estate  men  estimate  that  generally- 
natural  depreciation  proceeds  at  the  rate  of  2  to  2^  per  cent  a  year.  When 
Negroes  first  came  into  the  area  the  buildings  were  at  least  twenty  years  old, 
and  many  were  much  older,  representing  at  the  lowest  figure  a  very  substantial 
depreciation. 

There  was  another  important  factor  in  the  depreciation  of  the  area.  In 
1912  the  old  vice  district  west  of  State  Street  and  immediately  northwest  of 
this  area  was  broken  up.  The  inmates  numbered  approximately  2,000  and 
were  by  no  means  confined  strictly  within  the  recognized  limits.  They  moved 
into  the  nearest  good  houses  available  where  they  could  continue  to  ply  their 
trade  clandestinely.  They  could  afford  to  pay  high  rents,  and  numbers  of  real 
estate  owners  profited  greatly  by  dealing  with  them.  As  many  of  these 
houses  stood,  they  again  yielded  rents  almost  as  high  as  when  they  were  new. 
Cabarets,  saloons,  and  amusement  places  packed  the  side  streets,  and  buffet 
flats  opened  up  in  the  residence  blocks.  Raids  and  prosecution,  night  visits 
from  men  who  did  not  live  in  the  district,  called  attention  to  the  changed 
character  of  the  neighborhood,  and  property  values  sank  lower.  Pressure  from 
prosecuting  agencies,  as  well  as  the  attraction  of  better  houses  in  less  con- 
spicuous neighborhoods,  urged  the  vice  element  southward.  This  southward 
trend  is  indicated  in  the  maps,  facing  pages  342  and  346,  showing  the  environ- 
ment of  the  South  Side  Negro. 

While  property  in  this  area  could  be  bought  cheaply  it  was  also  possible 
to  obtain  proportionately  high  rents  by  placing  Negroes  or  prostitutes  in  houses 
not  rented  to  either  class  before.  Negroes  were  always  charged  higher  rents 
than  were  the  whites  who  immediately  preceded  them. 

The  Juvenile  Protective  Association  in  1913  made  a  study  called  The 
Colored  People  of  Chicago  and  published  it  in  a  small  pamphlet.  Concerning 
the  disposition  of  real  estate  men  to  profit  in  this  way,  the  reports  say: 

....  the  dealer  oflfers  to  the  owner  of  an  apartment  house  which  is  no  longer 
renting  advantageously  to  white  tenants  cash  payment  for  a  year's  lease  on  the 
property,  thus  guaranteeing  the  owner  against  loss,  and  then  he  fills  the  building  with 
colored  tenants.  It  is  said,  however,  that  the  agent  does  not  put  out  the  white 
tenants  unless  he  can  get  10  per  cent  more  from  the  colored  people. 

The  fact  that  for  hke  quarters  Negroes  pay  much  higher  rents  than  any 
other  group  in  the  city  was  discussed  by  the  Chicago  School  of  Civics  and 
Philanthropy  in  a  special  study  of  housing  for  Negroes  in  1911-12.  The 
report  says: 

The  explanation  for  this  condition  of  aflfairs  among  the  colored  people  is  com- 
paratively simple;  the  results  are  far-reaching.  The  strong' prejudice  among  the 
white  people  against  having  colored  people  living  on  white  residence  streets,  colored 
children  attending  schools  with  white  children,  or  entering  into  other  semi-social  rela- 
tion with  them,  confines  the  opportunities  for  residence  open  to  colored  people  of  all 


200  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

positions  in  life  to  relatively  small  and  weU-defined  areas.  Consequently  the  demand 
for  houses  and  apartments  within  these  areas  is  strong  and  comparatively  steady, 
and  since  the  landlord  is  reasonably  certain  that  the  house  or  apartment  can  be 
filled  at  any  time,  as  long  as  it  is  in  any  way  tenantable,  he  takes  advantage  of  his 
opportunities  to  raise  rents  and  to  postpone  repairs. 

It  was  during  this  period  that  buildings  could  be  easily  purchased  by 
Negroes.  One  white  real  estate  dealer  whose  interests  are  almost  exclusively 
in  the  area  under  discussion  has  purchased  more  than  i,ooo  such  houses  which 
he  rents  to  Negroes.  These  buildings  were  not  purchased  from  Negroes  but 
from  first,  second,  and  third  owners,  and  at  a  price  much  below  the  original  value. 

With  an  opportunity  for  renting  or  purchasing  the  houses  in  this  area, 
Negroes  began  to  move  in,  first  in  small  numbers  and  soon  in  larger  numbers. 
They  naturally  sought  to  abandon  the  generally  and  often  extremely  dilapidated 
houses  west  of  State  Street. 

III.      DEPRECIATION  AFTER   THE   COMING   OF   NEGROES 

Buildings  twenty  to  thirty  years  old  deteriorate  rapidly  tmless  expensive 
repairs  are  made.  As  Negroes  were  often  unable  to  make  such  repairs  while 
paying  for  the  property,  the  depreciation  continued. 

Widespread  buying  of  property  in  this  district  by  Negroes  began 
during  the  period  of  the  migration.  Many  home-owning  Negroes,  having 
sold  their  property  in  the  South  and  brought  the  money  to  Chicago,  found  it 
easier  to  buy  a  house  here  on  a  first  payment  of  $200  to  $500,  and  on  monthly 
instalments  thereafter,  than  to  pay  the  rents  demanded.  Few,  however, 
knew  anything  of  city  property  values;  they  were  often  exploited  by  agents 
or  assumed  larger  obligations  than  they  could  easily  handle. 

Many  Negroes  purchased  fairly  substantial  dwellings  on  the  long-time 
instalment  plan  without  providing  for  repairs  and  maintenance.  Usually 
the  monthly  payment  to  cover  interest,  taxes,  and  instalment  on  principal 
was  about  all  the  Negro  and  his  family  could  carry,  even  though  his  wife's 
wages  supplemented  his.     Thus  nothing  was  left  for  upkeep. 

Real  estate  agents  before  the  Commission  agreed  that  Negroes  meet  these 
obligations  with  reasonable  regularity.  One  white  real-estate  broker  said: 
"Those  of  us  who  have  dealings  with  Negroes  find  that  they  make  very  fair 
clients  on  the  whole,  pay  their  way,  and  ask  no  favors  that  any  other  human 
being  would  not  ask." 

Another  referred  to  Negroes  as  "wonderful  instalment  buyers"  who  have 
a  "tendency  to  invest  in  a  home  earlier  than  whites,"  and  said  that  in  fifteen 
years'  experience  his  firm  had  never  foreclosed  on  a  Negro  home  buyer;  and 
in  only  two  cases,  due  to  exceptional  circumstances,  had  contracts  been  for- 
feited.   Two  Negro  real  estate  dealers  said: 

A  colored  man  usually  feels  that  he  will  go  without  food  rather  than  not  meet  his 
obligations.    That  is  one  reason  why  sometimes  his  home  is  run  down,  because  he 


THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM  201 

has  spent  every  dollar  he  can  get  to  meet  the  payments  on  that  property.     He  cannot 
spare  the  money  sometimes  to  buy  a  lawn  mower  or  sprinkling  hose. 

A  colored  man  who  buys  a  piece  of  property  in  a  neighborhood  has  no  financial 
connections.  He  meets  his  obligations  promptly  for  three  reasons:  first,  he  wants 
a  home;  second,  he  knows  they  may  squeeze  him;  third,  that  mortgage  is  coming 
due  and  he  doesn't  know  where  to  go  to  get  it  renewed.  We  have  no  organization  of 
our  own  to  back  him.  If  the  fence  is  to  be  fixed  or  the  house  is  to  be  painted,  and  a 
year  from  that  date  the  mortgage  is  due,  and  he  has  $500  in  the  bank,  he  will  not 
paint  his  house  for  the  simple  reason  that,  if  he  did,  when  the  mortgage  is  due  he  will 
not  be  able  to  meet  it.  He  saves,  and  when  the  mortgage  comes  due  he  has  $500, 
or  $700  set  aside  to  meet  it. 


Frequently  Negroes  overreach  themselves  in  purchasing  property.  Charles 
Duke,  a  Negro,  in  a  pamphlet  on  Negro  housing  in  Chicago  remarked: 

A  very  harmful  result  of  present  tendencies  is  manifested  in  the  acquisition  of  homes 
by  colored  people  beyond  their  social  or  economic  advancement.  The  economic 
waste  in  this  particular  has  been  especially  great.  They  represent  in  many  cases 
a  considerable  outlay  of  capital.  The  domestic  facihties  they  afford  are  years  beyond 
the  needs  of  the  people  to  whom  they  are  allotted.  In  many  instances  it  costs  a 
small  fortune  annually  to  maintain  one  of  these  establishments,  and  when  this  is 
not  done  the  depreciation  is  both  rapid  and  spectacular. 

There  is  such  lack  of  hotels  and  lodging-houses  for  Negroes,  especially  for 
single  men,  that  many  Negroes  have  bought  or  rented  houses  with  the  intention 
of  paying  for  them,  in  part  at  least,  with  income  from  lodgers  or  boarders. 
Such  use  leads  to  overcrowding,  with  consequent  rapid  deterioration  and 
depreciation.  This  tendency  is  accentuated  by  the  fact  that  the  houses 
that  Negroes  can  buy  are  usually  old  and  deteriorated. 

While  new  arrivals  from  the  South  soon  learn  that  the  poorest  city  tenement 
requires  better  care  than  plantation  cabins,  their  carelessness  meanwhile 
contributes  to  the  property  depreciation  of  their  dwellings  and  neighborhood. 

There  are  other  factors  of  depreciation  in  this  district  which  became  active 
after  the  Negroes  came,  but  for  which  they  were  not  wholly  responsible.  One 
was  the  remodeling  of  residences  for  business  purposes.  While  the  remodeled 
property  may  bring  larger  returns,  neighboring  residence  property  declines 
in  value.  Many  fine  old  dwellings  on  Michigan  Avenue  and  Grand  Boulevard 
have  been  transformed  in  recent  years  into  lamp-shade  factories,  second-hand 
fur  shops,  and  small  business  houses;  and  these  changes  have  depreciated 
neighboring  property  for  residence  purposes. 

Another  factor  of  depreciation  is  the  city's  tolerance  of  gambling  and 
unmorality  in  and  near  areas  of  Negro  residence.  In  most  cities  where  Negroes 
are  numerous  a  like  tendency  appears.  Little  consideration  is  given  to  the 
desire  of  Negroes  to  live  in  untainted  districts,  and  they  have  not  been  able 
to  make  efifective  protest. 


202  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

In  1916  the  Chicago  Daily  News,  in  a  series  of  articles  on  the  Negroes, 
described  some  of  the  disorderly  saloons  and  cabarets  in  the  South  State  and 
Thirty-fifth  streets  region,  with  their  vile  associations  of  disreputable  whites 
and  blacks: 

Other  resorts  in  the  district  are  worse;  some  are  better.  These  are  typical  of  the 
roistering  saloons,  a  kind  which  would  not  be  tolerated  in  any  other  part  of  the  city 
since  the  old  Twenty-second  Street  levee  was  broken  up.  White  proprietors  have 
brought  them  into  the  district,  and  many  of  them  are  patronized  largely  by  crowds 
from  other  parts  of  the  city.  The  resorts  are  forced  on  the  colored  people.  Those 
colored  families  in  good  circumstances  and  desiring  respectable  surroundings  move 
away,  only  to  find  disorderly  saloons  trailing  after  them. 

At  301  East  Thirty-seventh  Street,  on  the  southeast  corner  of  Forest  Avenue,  is  the 
saloon  of  C — .  With  this  exception  the  district  is  a  quiet,  respectable  residence 
quarter.  When  it  was  known  that  this  property  was  to  be  used  for  saloon  purposes 
a  petition  of  protest  was  signed  by  300  representative  colored  men  and  presented  to 
Mayor  Harrison. 

At  night  this  saloon  is  an  animated  place.  Reputable  colored  families  object  to 
it  chiefly  on  account  of  the  numbers  of  disorderly  white  women  who  meet  colored  men 
in  its  diminutive  back  room.  In  the  barroom  an  automatic  piano  thumps  through 
the  night  untU  closing  hours.  On  the  mirrors  are  pasted  chromos  of  "September 
Morn"  and  other  poses  of  nude  women. 

Buffet  flats  and  disorderly  hotels  are  adjuncts  of  the  bad  saloons.  They  make  a 
better  harvest  for  the  pohce  than  the  saloons.  The  borderland  of  a  colored  residential 
district  is  the  haven  for  disorderly  resorts.  Protests  of  colored  residents  against  the 
painted  women  in  their  neighborhood,  the  midnight  honking  of  automobiles,  the 
loud  profanity  and  vulgarity  are  usually  ignored  by  the  poUce. 

In  one  block  between  South  State  and  South  Dearborn  streets  which  was  can- 
vassed by  the  Daily  News,  five  places  were  found  openly  admitted  to  be  disorderly 
houses.  Some  were  in  flat  buildings,  the  other  tenants  of  which  apparently  were 
respectable,  some  raising  families  of  children. 

Many  white  owners  of  real  estate  who  speak  in  horrified  whispers  of  vice  dangers 
view  such  dangers  with  complacency  when  these  are  thrust  among  colored  families. 
Two  years  ago  a  woman  of  the  underworld  and  her  gambler  husband  decided  to  open 
a  "high-class"  resort  on  the  South  Side.  She  got  a  location  as  a  neighbor  of  reputable 
colored  people  by  purchasing  the  home  of  a  former  alderman  and  leader  in  a  church, 
the  one  of  which  the  Rev.  John  P.  Brushingham,  secretary  of  Mayor  Thompson's 
Morals  Commission,  is  the  pastor.  The  woman  was  one  of  the  most  notorious  of 
the  demimonde.  An  oil  painting  of  her,  as  she  was  before  her  husband  in  a  fit  of 
jealousy  bit  off  a  part  of  her  nose,  for  years  hung  in  a  saloon  of  international  reputation. 

These  are  some  of  the  influences  which  the  colored  population  is  forced  to  combat 
in  its  fight  for  decency  and  good  citizenship.  A  few  secure  political  preferment  and 
others  profit  by  catering  to  the  city's  vices,  whUe  the  rank  and  file  are  hedged  around 
by  demoralizing  influences  and  the  race  is  discredited  vmjustly. 

Another  chapter  of  this  series  dealt  with  gambling  in  the  South  Side 
district.    Here  are  two  excerpts: 


HOMES  OCCUPIED  BY  NEGROES  ON  FOREST  AVENUE 

(Note  pavement  and  smoke) 

Classified  in  text  as  "Type  C" 


REAR  VIEW    OV  II()UM;>  (  )CCUI'1I:I)   by  NEGROES  (J\   FEDERAI.  SIREET 
Classified  in  text  as  "Type  D" 


THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM  203 

Colored  men  are  in  active  control  of  the  gambling  situation  in  the  big  part  of  their 
district  in  the  second  ward.  Back  of  them  are  white  pohce  officials  at  one  end  of  the 
line  and  white  politicians  who  keep  them  in  power  at  the  other  end  of  the  line.  When 
second  ward,  and  even  some  adjacent  ward,  gambling  is  discussed  by  gamblers  on 
the  inside,  certain  colored  men  are  always  mentioned.  They  are  called  "the  syndi- 
cate, "  and  their  approval  is  said  to  be  necessary  if  the  police  are  to  let  anybody  run 
in  the  ward. 

Whether  gambling  is  a  more  dangerous  cause  of  demoralization  of  a  community 
than  are  disorderly  saloons,  buffet  flats  and  dissolute  women  is  an  often  discussed 
question.  Gambling  is  a  man's  game,  is  more  open,  and  the  connection  between  it, 
the  police,  and  politics  easier  to  trace.  In  order  to  gamble  the  police  must  be  evaded, 
which  is  difficult,  or  made  blind  by  a  peculiar  remedy  for  itching  palms  or  by  orders 
from  poUtical  powers  that  be.  However,  it  usually  is  the  same  police  and  the  same 
poUticians  who  are  protecting  both  classes  of  vice. 

The  contamination  of  these  influences  depreciates  property  and  casts  a 
blight  upon  all  who  live  within  their  unrestricted  range.  The  taint  extends 
beyond  the  blocks  in  which  they  exist  and  serves  to  promote  prejudice  and 
ill  feeling  against  the  Negroes  who  are  the  unwilling  sufferers  from  these 
vicious  resorts. 

There  are  many  landlords  who  exact  high  rentals  from  Negroes  for  the 
use  of  run-down  houses.  All  investigations  of  Negro  housing  on  the  South 
Side  indicated  that  as  a  rule  the  rents  are  excessive,  considering  the  inferior 
dwellings,  their  disrepair,  and  unsanitary  conditions.  This  neglect  by  the 
landlords  not  only  directly  depreciates  the  property  but  encourages  a  careless 
use  of  it  by  tenants  that  leads  to  the  same  end.  One  can  hardly  expect  tenants 
to  respect  property  that  is  not  respected  by  its  owners. 

Owners  and  agents  of  property  occupied  by  Negroes  differ  in  their  opinions 
of  Negroes  as  tenants  and  in  their  ways  of  handling  them.  Of  course  there  are 
differences  in  character,  standing,  and  responsibility  among  Negroes  as  among 
whites,  and  this  fact  partly  explains  the  following  differences  of  opinion 
expressed  by  experienced  real  estate  men: 

One  real  estate  firm,  on  Indiana  Avenue,  that  makes  leases  to  both  white  and 
Negro  cUents,  said  that  property  occupied  by  Negroes  was  more  likely  to  run  down. 
Another  firm  on  East  Fifty-first  Street  reported  that  it  rented  to  Negroes  on  regular 
leases  and  had  no  trouble  about  collections.  A  young  Negro  real  estate  agent  on 
Indiana  Avenue  said  that  he  had  no  difficulty  with  collections:  about  half  of  his 
tenants  came  to  the  office,  and  collectors  called  upon  the  other  half.  When  a  building 
supports  a  janitor,  he  said,  there  is  no  trouble  about  repairs,  but  if  the  responsibility 
is  upon  the  tenants  it  is  difficult  to  keep  a  building  in  repair.  The  office  manager 
for  a  firm  on  Cottage  Grove  Avenue  said  that  the  majority  of  its  Negro  tenants  are 
on  leases;  all  pay  the  rent  at  the  office;  if  they  fall  in  arrears  collectors  are  sent. 

A  firm  which  for  many  years  has  conducted  a  real  estate  business  on  the  South 
Side  reported  that  75  per  cent  of  its  Negro  tenants  are  on  a  month-to-month  basis 
with  thirty  days'  notice  to  terminate;  and  95  per  cent  of  them  are  north  of  Thirty 


204  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

ninth  Street.  A  firm  on  Indiana  Avenue  requires  its  tenants  to  sign  leases;  and  in 
districts  where  there  is  much  shifting  about,  or  where  the  property  is  for  sale,  a  sixty- 
days'  notice  clause  is  inserted.  It  usually  sends  a  collector,  so  that  proper  super- 
vision may  be  kept  of  the  property.  Its  head  expressed  the  opinion  that  Negroes  are 
just  as  good  tenants  as  whites  whose  wages  are  on  about  the  same  scale. 

The  oflSce  manager  of  an  owner  with  about  1,400  Negro  tenants  said  that  on  the 
whole  they  compared  very  favorably  with  the  white  tenants  who  preceded  them; 
whUe  some  Negroes  are  careless  and  ignorant,  they  all  paid  their  rent  promptly;  his 
office  did  not  average  one  eviction  a  month,  and  when  Negroes  are  evicted  they  rarely 
cause  trouble.  Quite  the  contrary  was  the  report  of  the  ofl&ce  manager  of  a  real 
estate  firm  on  East  Thirty-first  Street,  which  does  an  extensive  business  with  Negroes. 
Much  depreciation,  he  said,  can  be  attributed  to  Negro  tenants;  they  are  much  harder 
on  houses  than  white  tenants  of  the  same  station  in  life;  they  do  not  take  proper  care 
of  the  furnaces  or  plumbing,  and  the  higher  rents  paid  by  them  merely  cover  the  cost 
of  the  additional  repairs;  the  recent  comers  pay  their  rent  promptly  when  they  have 
brought  money  with  them  or  when  they  receive  good  wages,  but  later  on  become  diffi- 
cult to  manage  because  they  find  it  hard  to  adjust  themselves  to  city  life. 

A  firm  on  East  Forty-seventh  Street  reported  that  it  has  a  large  number  of  Negro 
tenants,  makes  leases  to  them,  has  no  difficulty  in  collecting  rents,  and  considers 
them  more  desirable  than  the  whites  who  preceded  them;  a  firm  on  Indiana  Avenue 
expressed  the  opinion  that  depreciation  is  very  great  in  houses  rented  to  Negroes. 
That  Negro  tenants  pay  their  rent  promptly  was  the  experience  of  a  real  estate  agent 
on  Cottage  Grove  Avenue.  He  has  many  Negro  tenants  on  leases  and  is  well  satis- 
fied with  them,  although  he  does  not  think  they  take  as  good  care  of  the  property 
as  do  the  whites;  Negroes  are  usually  occupants  of  old  buildings,  which  are  more 
difficult  to  take  care  of. 

Another  real  estate  dealer  on  Cottage  Grove  Avenue  who  leases  to  Negroes  finds 
that  usually  they  adhere  to  the  terms  of  the  lease,  although  they  sometimes  move 
without  notice.  A  dealer  on  Wabash  Avenue,  who  rents  flats  to  Negroes,  said 
that  he  looked  up  the  housing  record  of  Negroes  carefully  before  letting  them  in,  yet 
he  sometimes  had  trouble  with  them.  Once  he  rented  a  flat  to  a  mother  and  daughter, 
and  the  next  day  he  found  another  family  living  in  it ;  but  on  the  whole  he  was  well 
satisfied  to  have  Negroes  as  tenants. 

A  prominent  official  of  the  Grand  Boulevard  district  of  the  Kenwood  and  Hyde 
Park  Property  Owners'  Association,  which  seeks  to  keep  Negroes  out  of  Hyde  Park, 
stated  that  a  fundamental  fault  in  connection  with  the  strained  relations  between 
whites  and  Negroes  was  the  failure  of  white  owners  to  keep  their  property  in  good 
condition  so  that  it  might  be  occupied  "efficiently,"  that  is,  by  white  persons. 
Another  official  of  that  organization  said  that  Negro  tenants  could  not  be  expected 
to  repair  white  men's  property;  that  there  are  a  great  many  dwellings  in  the  South 
Side  Negro  district  that  ought  to  be  condemned  by  the  city  health  department, 
and  that  Negroes  are  compelled  to  live  in  them  because  they  can  get  nothing  better. 

In  analyzing  responsibility  for  depreciation,  in  the  area  from  Thirty-first 
to  Thirty-ninth  Street  and  from  State  Street  to  the  lake,  it  is  difficult  to  deter- 
mine to  just  what  extent  the  Negroes  are  there  because  of  prior  depreciation, 
and  to  what  extent  present  depreciation  is  due  to  their  presence.    It  is  certain, 


THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM  205 

however,  that  a  large  part  of  the  depreciation  is  not  justly  chargeable  to  them, 
and  that  their  contribution  is  attributable  partly  to  their  economic  status  and 
partly  to  the  deep-seated  prejudice  against  them.  There  are  many  instances  in 
which  property  occupied  by  them  has  appreciated  in  value.  This  will  always  be 
true  when  the  use  by  Negroes,  or  the  demand  for  such  use,  is  higher  or  greater 
than  any  other  use  or  demand.  A  symptom  of  the  general  prejudice  is  the 
very  prevalent  belief  that  if  Negroes  have  once  occupied  property  its  value  is 
thereby  "destroyed"  for  white  persons.  This  is  true  only  until  it  has  a  value 
for  use  by  whites  greater  than  its  value  for  use  by  Negroes.  So  long  and  only 
so  long  as  Negroes  as  a  class  are,  or  are  generally  deemed  to  be,  at  the  bottom 
of  the  economic  scale  will  their  presence  in  a  neighborhood  depreciate  values. 
At  present  the  fact  stands  out  that  Negro  occupancy  is  an  unmistakable 
symptom  of  depreciation — an  indication  that  the  value  of  property  has  fallen 
to  their  economic  level,  as  well  as  an  aid  to  depreciation  in  its  last  stages. 

IV.      DEPRECIATION  IN  HYDE  PARK 

The  area  bounded  by  Thirty-ninth  and  Fifty-fifth  streets  and  Michigan  and 
Cottage  Grove  avenues  has  several  property  owners'  protective  associations 
for  the  purpose  of  preserving  property  values.  Their  dominant  interest  has 
been  the  exclusion  of  Negroes  because  these  associated  property  owners 
believe  that  Negroes  always  depreciate  the  values  of  real  estate.  Negroes 
have  moved  into  the  neighborhood  and  there  has  been  depreciation.  Therefore 
Negroes  are  the  cause. 

A  complete  understanding  of  the  situation  requires  that  it  be  determined 
to  what  extent  property  values  decreased  because  Negroes  moved  in,  and  to 
what  extent  Negroes  moved  in  because  property  values  had  decreased.  There 
is  no  doubt  that  the  thousands  of  protests  against  the  "invasion"  of  Negroes 
were  sincere.  It  is  also  true  that  scarcely  ten  Negroes  now  living  there  could 
have  purchased  their  properties  at  the  original  prices. 

A  leading  real  estate  dealer  said  that  "when  a  Negro  moves  into  a  block 
the  value  of  the  properties  on  both  sides  of  the  street  is  depreciated  all  the 
way  from  $100,000  to  $500,000,  depending  upon  the  value  of  the  property  in 
the  block";  that  it  was  a  fact  and  that  there  was  no  escaping  it. 

It's  a  condition  that  is  inherent  in  the  human  race a  man  will  not  buy  a 

piece  of  property  or  put  his  money  in  or  invest  in  it  where  he  knows  that  he  is  hable 
to  be  confronted  the  next  day  or  the  next  year  or  even  five  years  hence  with  the 
problem  of  having  colored  people  living  alongside  of  his  investment.  This  deprecia- 
tion runs  all  the  way  from  30  to  60  per  cent.  Some  time  ago  a  survey  was  made  as  a 
result  of  which  it  was  estimated  that  the  influx  of  Negroes  into  white  neighborhoods 
during  the  last  two  years  had  depreciated  property  on  the  South  Side  about 
$100,000,000. 

He  cited  as  evidences  of  this  the  increased  difficulty  of  negotiating  loans  on 
South  Side  realty  on  any  terms,  and  the  fact  that  some  loan  companies  refused 
to  write  them  at  all,  and  loan  values  there  had  dropped  enormously. 


2o6  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

The  Grand  Boulevard  district  of  the  Kenwood  and  Hyde  Park  Property- 
Owners'  Association  reported  an  even  larger  estimate  of  the  depreciation 
caused  by  the  coming  of  Negroes  into  property  near  that  boule\'ard.  A 
committee  of  the  Association  in  a  report  made  early  in  1920  claimed  that  the 
coming  of  Negro  owners  and  tenants  into  that  territory  had  depreciated 
property  values  of  $400,000,000  fully  50  per  cent. 

The  advent  of  the  first  Negro  families  in  a  white  district  usually  creates 
something  like  a  panic.  The  white  residents,  in  a  great  many  instances, 
fearing  contiguity  with  Negroes  and  property  loss,  hasten  to  offer  their  property 
for  sale  and  move  elsewhere.  Even  a  threat  that  Negroes  intend  to  occupy 
a  certain  block  or  neighborhood  will  cause  an  exodus  of  white  people,  and  their 
property  is  customarily  sold  at  a  sacrifice.  When  many  properties  are  thus 
thrown  on  the  market  low  prices  are  the  certain  result. 

When  in  recent  years,  Negroes  moved  into  the  Hyde  Park  district,  ani- 
mosity was  aroused,  and  numerous  bombings  of  property  occupied  by  Negroes 
followed.  One  of  the  oldest  South  Side  real  estate  dealers,  quoted  in  the 
Daily  News'  series  of  articles  in  the  summer  of  1919,  expressed  the  tense 
feeling  of  an  association  there  that  was  seeking  methods  to  drive  out  and  keep 
out  the  Negroes: 

We  want  to  be  fair.  We  want  to  do  what  is  right,  but  these  people  will  have  to 
be  more  or  less  pacified.  At  a  conference  where  their  representatives  were  present  I 
told  them  we  might  as  well  be  frank  about  it,  "You  people  are  not  admitted  to  our 
society,"  I  said.  Personally  I  have  no  prejudice  against  them.  I  have  had  experi- 
ence of  many  years  dealing  with  them,  and  I'll  say  this  for  them:  I  have  never  had 
to  foreclose  a  mortgage  on  one  of  them.  They  have  been  clean  in  every  way  and 
always  prompt  in  their  payments.  But,  you  know,  improvements  are  coming  along 
the  lake  shore,  the  Illinois  Central,  and  aU  that;  we  can't  have  these  people  coming 
over  here.  Not  one  cent  has  been  appropriated  by  our  organization  for  bombing 
or  anything  like  that. 

They  injure  our  investments.  They  hurt  our  values.  I  couldn't  say  how  many 
have  moved  in,  but  there's  at  least  a  hundred  blocks  that  are  tainted.  We  are  not 
making  any  threat,  but  we  do  say  that  something  must  be  done.  Of  course,  if  they 
come  in  as  tenants,  we  can  handle  the  situation  fairly  easily,  but  when  they  get  a 
deed,  that's  another  matter. 

This  fear  of  Negro  neighbors  has  been  used  by  some  real  estate  agents  in 
promoting  speculative  schemes.  By  sending  a  Negro  to  inquire  about  property, 
they  alarm  the  neighbors  so  that  they  will  consider  offers  of  purchase  much 
below  the  normal  prices.  When  the  excitement  has  abated  values  rise  again, 
and  a  profit  is  made. 

In  the  actual  depreciation  of  Hyde  Park  property  there  were  several 
factors,  usually  overlooked,  that  were  in  no  wise  attributable  to  the  presence 
of  Negroes.  Some  of  Chicago's  finest  residences  were  located  on  Michigan 
Avenue  and  Grand  Boulevard  south  of  Thirty-ninth  Street.  This  was  an 
extension  of  the  early  fashionable  South  Side  district  and  had  residences  that 


THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM  207 

cost  $350,000.  But  as  in  the  case  of  the  earlier  South  Side  the  neighborhood 
long  since  had  lost  some  of  its  first  settlers  and  had  begun  to  decline.  The 
World's  Columbian  Exposition,  held  in  Chicago  in  1893,  was  near  the  Hyde 
Park  neighborhood.  To  accommodate  the  millions  of  visitors  at  the  Exposi- 
tion hotels  and  apartment  houses  were  built  in  that  district  far  in  excess  of 
the  normal  need.  The  apartment  houses,  moreover,  affected  the  exclusiveness 
of  the  residence  streets.  The  buildings  were  speculations.  Large  sums  were 
expended  in  the  hope  of  immediate  exceptional  profits.  Property  on  Sixty- 
third  Street  sold  at  the  Exposition  time  for  three  times  the  price  it  could 
command  today.  This  is  typical  of  the  speculative  values  that  then  prevailed 
there.  After  the  Exposition  the  removal  of  the  first  residents  to  the  North 
Side  and  to  suburbs  steadily  increased. 

The  abnormal  years  just  preceding  the  Exposition  had  brought  in  thousands 
of  workmen,  who  were  thrown  out  of  work  when  the  Exposition  buildings  were 
finished.  This  and  the  panic  of  1893  made  building  costs  very  low  and  caused 
further  construction  of  dwellings  in  that  district.  Mr.  L.  M.  Smith,  a  promi- 
nent South  Side  real  estate  man,  described  this  change  at  a  meeting  of  the 
Kenwood  and  Hyde  Park  Property  Owners'  Association: 

The  condition  that  existed  after  the  World's  Fair,  if  you  will  remember,  in  the 
material  yards  and  the  labor  market  was  this:  Every  yard  was  loaded  up,  and  the 
carpenters  and  the  mechanics  that  were  stranded  here  after  the  World's  Fair  were 
glad  to  take  jobs  as  janitors  at  $25  a  month,  in  order  that  they  could  have  good  warm 
places  for  their  famiUes,  and  buUdings  that  were  put  up  three  and  four  years  after 
the  Fair,  along  in  1894,  1895,  and  1896,  could  be  built  at  about  30  per  cent  cheaper 
than  those  that  were  put  up  during  the  World's  Fair.  The  consequences  were  that 
you  could  rent  a  flat  cheaper  in  a  brand-new  modern  building  than  you  coidd  in  a 
building  that  was  put  up  during  the  World's  Fair,  and  as  the  older  buildings  could  not 
be  rented,  the  owners  finally  had  to  come  down  in  their  rent  more  and  more;  they 
got  in  less  and  less  desirable  tenants  until  finally  the  whole  territory  became  unde- 
sirable. 

These  first  "undesirables"  were  not  Negroes,  for  Negroes  had  not  then 
moved  across  State  Street.  And  there  were  other  causes  for  the  vacancies 
and  removals  that  admitted  Hyde  Park's  first  undesirables  beside  the  over- 
building. One  was  the  proximity  of  the  Stock  Yards.  Since  the  South 
Siders  could  not  have  the  Stock  Yards  moved,  many  of  them  moved  themselves. 
The  railroads  along  the  lake  front,  with  their  cinders,  smoke,  and  noise,  were 
also  a  factor.  Another  was  the  creeping  in  of  industrial  plants  that  located 
in  and  near  the  district,  frequently  in  the  face  of  protests.  A  striking  instance 
of  this  is  the  large  assembly  plant  of  an  automobile  company  at  Thirty-ninth 
Street  and  Michigan  Avenue.  During  recent  years  the  automobile  industry 
has  practically  taken  control  of  Michigan  Avenue,  once  the  most  beautiful 
street  of  the  South  Side. 

The  coming  of  apartment  houses  and  boarding-houses  was  another  signal 
of  declining  values.     It  was  shown  that  for  twenty-five  years  scarcely  a  new 


2o8  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

residence  had  been  built  on  Grand  Boulevard,  once  noted  for  its  handsome 
residences — due  principally  to  the  extensive  building  of  apartment  houses 
there. 

Racial  prejudice  other  than  that  against  Negroes  has  operated  in  many- 
instances  to  depress  property  values.  The  presence  of  Jews,  Germans,  Irish, 
Italians,  and  Swedes  has  at  times  been  objectionable  to  neighborhoods  of 
Americans  or  of  another  race.  A  leader  in  the  movement  to  remove  Negroes 
from  the  Grand  Boulevard  area  gave  evidence  of  this,  saying:  "I  know  the 
Irish  killed  a  certain  boulevard.  I  know  the  Jews  hurt  another  one,  and  I 
know  the  gambling  element  hurt  another  one." 

On  the  South  Side  the  Negroes  were  preceded  by  Irish.  The  original 
Settlers  in  the  area  around  Thirty-first  and  Dearborn  streets  were  mainly 
Irish  laborers  who  worked  in  the  lumber  yards  and  mills,  the  Stock  Yards, 
and  other  South  Side  industries.  When  they  moved  westward  among  their 
own  people,  thirty-five  years  ago,  the  Negroes  took  their  places. 

Sometimes  social  or  sentimental  values  are  involved  in  the  depreciation 
brought  about  when  a  new  race  or  nationality  breaks  down  the  exclusiveness 
of  a  residence  district.  After  the  Exposition,  for  example,  when  wealthy 
residents  of  Michigan  Avenue,  and  Grand  and  Drexel  boulevards  deserted  their 
houses  for  more  fashionable  locations,  many  of  them  were  bought  by  Jews. 
This  operated  to  depreciate  adjacent  property  in  the  opinion  of  those  who  dis- 
liked Jews  as  neighbors. 

How  the  changes  take  place  was  well  described  by  an  experienced  real 
estate  man:  The  original  families  have  divided  up  and  moved  away;  sons 
and  daughters  have  married;  the  servant  problem  has  become  acute,  making 
it  difiicult  to  maintain  large  houses;  thus  apartment  houses  have  become 
popular;  houses  are  older  and  deteriorated,  apartments  are  new  and  modem. 
In  1 91 5  when  the  number  of  apartments  for  rent  was  in  excess  of  the  demand, 
a  tenant  would  spend  $25  or  $30  in  order  to  move  into  an  apartment  across 
the  street  merely  because  it  happened  to  be  fitted  with  glass  door  knobs;  a 
high-class  residence  at  Forrestville  Avenue  and  Forty-fifth  Street  was  sold 
twenty  years  ago  for  $12,000;  yet  he  told  the  purchasers  ten  years  ago  that  the 
property  would  not  sell  for  more  than  $4,000  to  $6,000;  and  that  was  before 
Negroes  had  moved  into  the  neighborhood.  Apartments  in  that  vicinity 
still  command  a  price  approaching  their  original  cost  of  building,  because  the 
demand  for  them  is  stronger  than  for  houses. 

This  real  estate  man  made  the  broad  statement  that  the  depreciation  has 
taken  effect,  in  the  majority  of  cases,  before  a  Negro  family  has  moved  into  a 
neighborhood.  There  is  depreciation,  he  thought,  due  to  prejudice,  when  a 
Negro  family  moves  into  a  good  neighborhood  that  has  been  exclusively  white, 
but  that  there  are  very  few  such  instances  for  the  reason  that  Negroes  prefer 
to  live  where  they  are  welcome,  where  there  is  no  antagonism.  With  regard 
to  the  district  between  Thirty-ninth  and  Fifty-fifth  streets.  State  Street  and 


THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM  209 

Cottage  Grove  Avenue,  he  stated  that  the  entrance  of  the  Negro  had  not 
appreciably  affected  values. 

Another  real  estate  dealer,  experienced  in  South  Side  property  and  in 
selling  to  Negroes,  expressed  similar  opinions.  The  greatest  depreciation,  he 
felt,  was  in  the  expensive  residences,  and  he  doubted  whether  property  as  a 
whole  in  the  square  mile  centered  at  State  and  Thirty-fifth  streets  had  been 
depreciated  much  if  at  all. 

There  was  agreement  among  the  authorities  consulted  that  in  an  exclusive 
neighborhood  of  wealthy  residents  marked  depreciation  in  large  residences 
has  taken  place,  followed  by  the  introduction  of  apartment  buildings.  One 
of  the  men  who  had  earnestly  opposed  Negro  entrance  into  the  Grand  Boulevard 
district  recalled  when  valuations  on  Grand  and  Drexel  boulevards  were  from 
$400  to  $600  a  front  foot;  then  they  fell  to  $125  or  $150  a  foot;  and  then  gradu- 
ally cHmbed  back  to  $175  or  $200  a  foot  on  account  of  the  introduction  of 
apartment  buUdings. 

Such  variations  in  value  are  the  usual  accompaniment  of  unguided  growth 
in  a  large  city.  This  unguided  development  brought  depreciation,  which  was 
manifest  before  Negroes  began  to  make  their  appearance  in  the  area. 

The  spread  of  clandestine  prostitution,  discussed  in  connection  with  the 
area  north  of  Thirty-ninth  Street,  did  not  stop  at  Thirty-ninth  Street.  As  the 
environment  maps  indicate,'  there  was  a  noticeable  increase  from  19 16  to 
1918  in  the  number  of  houses  or  flats  used  by  prostitutes  in  the  area  south  of 
Thirty-ninth  Street.  These  changes  occurred  before  the  spread  of  the  Negro 
population  reached  the  neighborhood.  Two  houses,  for  example,  at  4404 
and  4406  Grand  Boulevard,  bought  by  a  Negro  woman  and  bombed  four  times 
after  she  moved  in,  had  been  occupied  by  prostitutes  just  prior  to  her  purchase. 

The  coming  of  Negroes. — In  1916  hundreds  of  buildings  in  the  Hyde  Park 
area  stood  vacant  and  had  been  so  for  some  time.  Owners  and  real  estate 
men  were  offering  large  concessions  in  the  effort  to  get  tenants.  Values  had 
fallen  greatly.  A  prominent  real  estate  man  closely  in  touch  with  the  neighbor- 
hood estimated  that  25  per  cent  of  the  buildings  there  were  vacant,  and  that 
there  was  little  prospect  of  renting  or  selling  them.  Coincident  with  this 
oversupply  in  Hyde  Park  was  an  acute  demand  among  Negroes  for  houses, 
intensified  by  the  sudden  addition  of  about  50,000  migrants.  Many  of  them 
had  sold  their  property  in  the  South  and  brought  the  money  with  them.  Hyde 
Park  landlords  were  willing  to  sell  or  rent  to  them  rather  than  lose  their  property 
entirely.  Many  Negroes,  however,  instead  of  renting,  purchased  the  properties 
because  of  the  exceptional  terms  offered. 

This  continued  for  about  two  years,  when  a  demand  for  houses  again  arose 
among  the  white  population.  There  was  inactivity  in  building  throughout  the 
war  period.  Chicago  was  sharing  in  the  housing  shortage  which  affected  the 
whole  country,  which  was  estimated  in  the  early  part  of  1921  at  50,000  houses. 

'See  pp.  342  and  346. 


210  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

As  the  demand  of  whites  for  housing  became  acute,  Hyde  Park  owners  began 
to  feel  that  their  property  was  at  a  disadvantage  due  to  the  presence  of 
Negroes. 

Plans  for  beautifying  the  lake  front  and  improving  Hyde  Park  were 
emphasized  as  a  reason  for  holding  on  to  property  there.  Alderman  Schwartz, 
in  addressing  a  meeting  of  the  Grand  Boulevard  district  of  the  Kenwood  and 
Hyde  Park  Property  Owners'  Association,  said: 

The  South  Side,  and  Hyde  Park  and  Kenwood  in  particular,  in  past  years  has  been 
the  choice  residential  section  of  Chicago,  the  show  place  of  Chicago.  Grand  Boule- 
vard is  the  most  magnificent  street  in  the  world,  the  finest  boulevard  of  our  wonderful 
boulevard  system.  I  know  that  for  many,  many  years,  in  this  town,  it  was  the 
ambition  of  people  hving  in  other  parts  of  the  city  to  arrange  matters  so  that  they 
could  have  their  homes  on  the  South  Side  in  the  place  where  you  now  live. 

We  have  seen  the  rapid  deterioration.  In  the  council  and  in  the  committees  we 
have  decided  that  we  must  do  something.  The  law  has  some  very  definite  limitations 
written  into  our  constitution  and  statutes.  It  cannot  afford  any  reHef.  You  your- 
selves must  resurrect  the  South  Side. 

As  one  instance  of  what  we  attempted  to  do  in  the  way  of  assuring  to  the  people 
who  reside  here  that  the  South  Side  can  and  will  continue  to  be  the  great  place  we  live 
in,  we  passed  the  Lake  Front  Ordinance.  You  people  probably  never  realized  what 
a  wonderful  thing  that  will  be  for  the  South  Side.  It  will  take  in  the  lake  front  from 
Twelfth  Street  south  to  Fifty-first;  it  will  affect  the  very  choicest  residential  district 
in  Chicago,  the  territory  between  Thirty-ninth  Street  and  Forty-seventh  Street — 
in  this  portion  of  the  ward  where  we  now  are,  something  like  $125,000,000  will  be 
expended  in  reclaiming  the  lake  front  for  you  people,  you  men  and  women  who  must 
stand  together  to  save  your  homes,  see  that  your  homes  are  kept  as  fine  places  to 
hve  in,  that  your  neighbors  are  kept  the  most  desirable  neighbors  in  the  city  of  Chicago, 
so  that  you  may  enjoy  the  benefit  of  that  wonderful  improvement  that  is  to  come. 
Think  of  that  tremendous  stretch,  from  Thirty-ninth  to  Forty-seventh,  of  bathing 
facihties,  the  fijiest  in  the  world.  More  than  a  year  and  a  half  ago  an  estimate  was 
made  of  the  loss  in  property  values  in  the  Oakland  district,  north  of  Forty-third 
Street,  and  that  was  estimated  to  be  $100,000,000.  Now  it  is  not  only  the  loss  of 
money  that  interests  us.  It  means  not  only  that  somebody  has  lost  a  certain  amount 
of  wealth,  but  it  means  that  somebody  has  lost  comfort  in  living;  someone  has  lost 
joy  in  his  home;  someone  has  lost  the  opportunity  to  give  his  children  the  environ- 
ment that  he  wanted  to  give. 

A  survey  made  by  the  Hyde  Park  Property  Owners'  Association  in  1920 
showed  that  there  were  then  3,300  property  owners  in  the  area  bounded  by 
Thirty-nmth  and  Fifty-fifth  streets,  Michigan  Avenue  and  Cottage  Grove 
Avenue,  and  that  of  this  number  1,000  were  Negroes.  Then  began  the  attempts 
to  move  Negroes'  back  into  "their  own  neighborhood." 

Many  of  the  Negroes  who  moved  into  this  area  had  substantial  resources 
enabling  them  either  to  buy  property  outright  or  so  to  arrange  for  payments 
through  instalments  and  mortgages  as  to  render  themselves  secure  against 

■  See  "Contested  Neighborhoods,"  p.  116. 


THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM  211 

efforts  to  remove  them.  But  in  so  doing  they  further  complicated  the  status 
of  the  neighborhood.  Few  white  persons  recognize  the  marked  differences 
among  Negroes,  so  that  in  purely  commercial  dealings  they  are  not  as  careful 
in  selecting  Negro  tenants  as  they  would  be  among  whites.  As  a  result  some 
Negroes  who  secured  property  there  proved  damaging  to  property  values,  just 
as  would  persons  of  a  similar  type  from  any  other  race. 

Many  of  the  houses  for  sale  or  rent  were  not  suited  to  the  incomes  of 
ordinary  wage-earners.  White  persons  whose  incomes  were  sufficient  to  pay 
the  rental  for  such  large  houses  preferred  a  different  sort  of  house  or  neighbor- 
hood; and  whites  of  smaller  incomes  could  find  more  suitable  houses  elsewhere; 
while  Negroes,  hard  pressed  for  houses,  rented  them,  and  took  lodgers  to  fill 
them  and  help  pay  the  rent. 

The  exclusive  occupancy  of  a  block  by  Negroes  is  usually  followed  by  less 
care  of  streets  and  alleys.  This  neglect  is  general  between  Twenty-second 
and  Thirty-ninth  streets  and  is  beginning  to  appear  in  the  territory  between 
Thirty-ninth  and  Forty-third  streets  where  recently  blocks  have  been  "  turned 
over"  to  Negroes.  Community  associations  are  being  formed  in  some  of 
these  areas  to  protest  against  this  laxity,  and  stimulate  neighborhood  interest 
in  neat  premises. 

Appreciation  of  property. — ^When  values  fall  extremely  due  to  a  selling 
panic  among  white  owners,  it  is  often  followed  by  a  decided  recovery  as  the 
Negro  demand  grows.  Such  a  new  market  among  Negroes,  however,  seems  never 
to  have  been  strong  enough  to  send  prices  for  residence  purposes  back  to  origi- 
nal levels.  But  many  instances  have  shown  that  prices  rarely  stay  at  the 
low  "panic"  level  and  frequently  rebound  to  a  level  much  above  that  at  which 
panic  sales  were  made.  Mr.  Gates,  a  prominent  South  Side  real  estate  dealer, 
said:  "If  a  Negro  family  locates  in  a  street  where  the  population  is  all  white, 
values  are  cut  in  two,  but  this  would  not  be  likely  to  occur  if  a  large  number 
of  Negroes  were  ready  and  willing  to  buy  adjacent  property  at  established 
prices.  Supply  and  demand  would  rule  in  such  a  market."  Other  real 
estate  dealers  expressed  the  opinion  that  "if  the  white  owners  were  not  over- 
anxious to  sell  when  the  Negro  'invasion'  begins,  they  might  later  on  obtain 
as  much  or  more  for  their  property  than  they  could  have  obtained  before  the 
advent  of  the  Negroes." 

In  numerous  cases  Negroes  created  a  market  for  property  when  there  was 
none.  A  prominent  white  business  man  long  resident  on  the  South  Side  told 
of  a  row  of  houses  on  South  Park  Avenue  and  Grand  Boulevard  that  were 
vacant  for  years  until  sold  or  rented  to  Negroes:  they  could  not  be  sold  at 
all  until  they  took  on  a  value  because  Negroes  were  ready  to  buy  them. 

A  prominent  Negro  physician  bought  a  piece  of  property  in  an  exclusive 
white  Hyde  Park  neighborhood.  He  lived  there  seven  years  and  then  sold 
the  property  at  an  advance,  and,  to  his  knowledge,  there  had  been  no  deprecia- 
tion in  adjacent  property. 


212  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

A  white  real  estate  dealer  bought  a  house  in  Grand  Boulevard  between 
Thirty-fifth  and  Thirty-sixth  streets  about  five  years  ago.  WTien  Negro 
residents  came  some  of  the  white  people  sold  at  a  sacrifice.  But  he  remained 
and  four  years  later  sold  the  property  for  $2,000  above  its  cost  to  him. 

An  interesting  instance  related  to  property  on  Langley  Avenue  into  which 
a  Negro  family  moved  in  1919.  The  value  of  contiguous  property  remained 
the  same  as  of  property  two  and  three  blocks  east  where  no  Negroes  lived. 
Six  months  later,  across  the  street  from  this  Negro  family,  a  white  man, 
aware  of  their  occupancy,  bought  a  house  and  paid  $1,500  more  than  it  had 
formerly  been  offered  for. 

Thus,  notwithstanding  the  prejudice  against  Negro  neighbors  that  usually 
obtains,  a  block  or  neighborhood  into  which  Negroes  move  is  not  always  and 
necessarily  depreciated,  so  many  and  active  are  the  other  factors  contributing 
to  depreciation  (or  sometimes  preventing) ;  and  so  frequently  has  it  occurred 
that  these  factors  of  depreciation  have  operated  extensively  prior  to  the  arrival 
of  Negroes. 

The  fluctuation  of  values  in  response  to  sentiment,  both  inherent  and 
stimulated,  manifested  itself  in  a  practice  of  certain  real  estate  dealers  on  the 
South  Side.  Although  it  was  stated  and  believed  that  values  were  irrevocably 
destroyed  when  a  Negro  family  occupied  a  building,  these  agents  boosted  values 
by  announcing  that  another  building  had  been  "saved"  or  "redeemed," 
thoroughly  renovated,  and  restored  to  its  "rightful  occupants."  The  Kenwood 
and  Hyde  Park  Property  Owners'  Association  stated  that  this  plan  had 
succeeded  in  sixty-eight  instances  of  buildings  "reclaimed"  by  the  Association. 

A  Prairie  Avenue  block. — To  study  the  processes  and  factors  of  depreciation 
the  Commission  selected  an  obviously  depreciated  block  on  the  once  fashionable 
Prairie  Avenue,  between  Twenty-ninth  and  Thirtieth  streets,  into  which  no 
Negroes  had  yet  moved. 

In  1885-90  Prairie  Avenue  was  one  of  Chicago's  most  fashionable  and 
exclusive  residential  streets.  Imposing  brown-  and  gray-stone  residences, 
with  balconies  of  stone  and  ornamental  iron,  broad  bay-windows,  and  large 
well-kept  lawns  behind  high  iron  fences,  gave  evidence  of  the  wealth  and  social 
position  of  their  owners. 

The  gradual  decline  of  Prairie  Avenue,  as  North  Side  and  North  Shore 
neighborhoods  became  more  fashionable  places  of  residence,  and  long  before 
the  approach  of  Negroes  was  even  thought  of,  was  exemplified  in  this  block. 
Chicago  Blue  Book,  a  broadly  inclusive  social  directory,  published  annually, 
shows  that  in  1890  the  families  living  at  forty-nine  of  the  sixty-one  addresses 
in  the  block  were  listed;  in  1900  there  were  eighteen  of  the  forty-nine  left; 
in  1910  there  were  only  ten,  and  in  1915  only  two.  Second  and  third  occupants 
of  the  houses  took  the  places  of  fifteen  of  the  original  forty-nine  in  1900,  of 
nine  in  1910,  and  of  four  in  1915.  The  Blue  Book  listings  at  five-year  intervals 
are  shown  in  the  table  on  the  following  page. 


A  CHANGING    NEIGHBORHOOD 


WOOD    HOUSES -- 

BRICK     HOUSES 

STONE    FRONT   HOUSES-— 

OTHER    BUILDINGS ' □□ 


/vaz/fz/^f  i^yef/if^. 


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1 \     Tl 

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A:;;':si 

mM^ 

I] 

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i>*-t:ii>**j>*— *^jr 

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C/*i.i//*er  /fy^^fi/s 


THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM 


213 


From  1895  on,  those  who  moved  away  were  to  be  found  scattered  all  the 
way  from  Lake  Shore  Drive  to  Lake  Forest.  The  newcomers  who  took 
their  places  appeared  decreasingly  in  the  Blue  Book  and  more  and  more  fre- 
quently they  had  Irish  or  Jewish  names. 

A  closer  examination  of  the  changing  occupancy  of  the  sixty-one  houses 
in  the  block  shows  strikingly  the  rapidity  and  extent  of  the  decline  and  reveals 
some  of  its  causes. 


'BLUE  BOOK"  LISTINGS  IN  PRAIRIE  AVENUE  BLOCK 


Year 


Number  of  Houses 
Listed  with  no 
Change  in  Occu- 
pants 


Number  of  Houses 
Not  Listed 


Number  of  Houses 
with  Second  and 
Third  Occupants 
Listed 


1890. 
189s 
19CX) 

1910 
I915 


49 
26 
18 
12 
10 


12 

25 

28 
36 

41 

54 


10 

15 

13 

9 

4 


The  residents. — In  a  house  with  fifty  feet  frontage  on  Prairie  Avenue  lived 
a  wealthy  artist,  son  of  a  Chicago  pioneer  merchant  and  member  of  several 
exclusive  clubs.  He  lived  there  until  a  large  brick  factory  was  erected  at  the 
rear  of  his  residence  which  is  now  occupied  by  a  medical  fraternity.  A  promi- 
nent Chicago  family  lived  in  another  house  which  they  had  built  in  1885. 
In  1890,  they  moved  to  Cleveland  and  rented  the  property.  For  sentimental 
reasons  they  kept  the  property,  although  it  was  fast  sinking  in  value.  In  1919 
a  son  living  in  Lake  Forest  proposed  to  remodel  and  improve  the  property, 
if  by  reasonable  expenditures  he  could  be  assured  by  real  estate  men  of  "desir- 
able" tenants.  No  real  estate  man  felt  able  to  do  this,  however,  and  the 
deterioration  and  depreciation  were  uninterrupted. 

Another  residence,  formerly  occupied  by  a  capitalist  and  journalist  since 
1890,  was  a  large  two-story  house  with  basement  and  attic  and  two-story  brick 
bam.  The  family  long  since  moved  to  the  North  Side,  and  the  old  mansion  on 
Prairie  Avenue  is  now  a  rooming-house  of  thirty-eight  rooms,  including  the 
garage. 

At  another  address  lived  the  president  of  a  large  business  corporation, 
in  a  two-story  stone-front  building.  It  is  now  cut  up  into  flats;  and  in  the 
window  recently  was  a  sign:  "4th  Flat  for  Rent,  6  Rooms,  $20.00,  White  Only." 

Only  one  or  two  of  the  fine  old  residences  in  this  block  are  still  occupied 
by  Chicago's  "first  families"  or  owned  by  their  estates. 

There  are  now  two  relatively  modem  three-  and  four-story  brick  apartment 
buildings  in  the  block,  and  five  old  residences  are  rooming-houses.  One  is  a 
club  for  railroad  men,  and  another  is  a  fraternity  house.  About  a  third  of  the 
places  are  in  fairly  good  repair. 


214  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

The  altered  character  of  the  block  is  revealed  also  in  the  number  of  persons 
now  at  each  address.  The  polling  lists  for  March,  1920,  disclose  that  fourteen 
persons  are  registered  from  one  address,  ten  from  another,  seven  from  another, 
six  each  from  three  others,  and  so  on,  indicating  more  adults  than  are  usually- 
found  in  a  single  family.    These  are  probably  roomers. 

The  problem,  however,  is  a  complex  one,  for,  although  no  Negroes  moved 
into  this  block,  they  occupied  parts  of  neighboring  blocks  during  that  period, 
and  their  occupancy  contributed  to  the  final  stage  of  depreciation. 

The  picture  in  neighboring  Calumet  Avenue  is  not  essentially  different; 
perhaps  the  early  occupants  represented  fewer  of  the  "first  families,"  and  the 
deterioration  is  more  obvious. 

The  evidences  of  the  oncoming  of  commerce  and  industry  from  the  north 
are  numerous  and  inescapable.  In  this  and  adjoining  blocks  are  now  garages, 
an  auto-repairing  shop,  the  South  Side  Dispensary  of  the  Municipal  Tubercu- 
losis Sanitarium,  a  factory  for  grinding  bearings,  and  a  carpentry  and  glazing 
shop.    An  auto-laundry  occupies  the  old  church  building. 

This  area  is  a  comparatively  short  distance  from  the  "Loop."  In  real 
estate  parlance  it  is  known  as  "close-in"  property.  A  former  president  of 
the  Chicago  Real  Estate  Board  stated  that  a  large  part  of  this  "close-in" 
property  depreciated  because  of  its  change  from  residential  to  commercial 
property.  He  mentioned  Prairie  and  Calumet  avenues,  north  of  Thirty-first 
Street — which  includes  the  block  studied.  The  depreciation,  he  asserted,  was 
also  due  to  the  "departure  of  many  owners  of  costly  homes  to  other  districts." 

With  the  city's  growth,  transportation  became  an  increasingly  influential 
factor.  The  automobile  made  it  easy  to  reach  the  business  center  from 
outlying  and  suburban  regions.  It  thus  became  less  desirable  to  live  near  the 
"Loop,"  particularly  as  such  districts  are  susceptible  to  changes  that  may 
quickly  destroy  an  exclusive  residence  district. 

The  rapidly  developing  automobile  industry  gravitated  very  largely  to 
this  part  of  the  South  Side.  Its  salesrooms,  shops  for  the  sale  of  accessories, 
and  kindred  business  places  spread  along  Michigan  Avenue  from  Twelfth  to 
Thirty-fifth  street.  Michigan  Avenue  is  only  two  blocks  west  of  Prairie 
Avenue  and  one  block  west  of  Indiana  Avenue.  Garages,  repair  shops, 
welding  factories,  and  the  like  accompanied  this  invasion,  and  spread  into 
adjoining  streets.  For  instance,  on  an  Indiana  Avenue  comer  a  large  eight- 
story  factory  was  built  immediately  adjoining  the  rear  of  a  handsome  Prairie 
Avenue  residence,  and  a  one  and  one-half  story  garage  and  repair  shop  was 
built  in  the  rear  of  2900  Prairie  Avenue.  Just  northeast  of  the  block  are 
factories  and  breweries  with  their  noise,  smoke,  and  heavy  traflfic;  and  from 
the  west  and  south  Negroes  have  recently  been  approaching — long  after  these 
other  factors  were  operating. 

A  peculiar  fact  about  the  property  in  this  block  and  northward  on  Prairie 
Avenue  is  that  the  lots  are  long  and  narrow,  and  the  houses  are  built  to  the 


THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM  215 

side  lines.  These  lots,  when  threatened  with  encroachment  by  factories  and 
the  automobile  industry,  lost  their  residence  value  but  did  not  easily  take  on 
a  new  industrial  value  because  they  were  individually  owned  and  it  required 
several  lots  to  make  a  suitable  industrial  site.  The  owners,  though  not  desiring 
to  live  there,  were  yet  loath  to  sell  as  cheaply  as  the  individual  strip  sales  would 
make  necessary.  And  no  investor  would  buy  a  single  lot  for  industrial  pur- 
poses imless  certam  of  getting  two  or  three  others  adjoining. 

In  1910  land  values  on  Prairie  Avenue  between  Twenty-sixth  and  Twenty- 
eighth  streets  were  $250  a  front  foot;  and  from  Twenty-ninth  to  Thirtieth 
streets,  $200;  on  Indiana  Avenue  between  Twenty-sixth  and  Twenty-eighth 
streets,  $200,  and  between  Twenty-ninth  and  Thirtieth  streets  $175.  In  1920, 
however,  values  had  dropped  on  Prairie  Avenue  to  $60  a  front  foot  while  on 
Indiana  Avenue,  a  semi-business  street,  they  were  $150  and  $180.'  Negroes 
first  moved  into  the  block  on  Prairie  Avenue  between  Thirtieth  and  Thirty- 
first  streets  about  1917,  though  very  few  lived  there  at  the  time  of  the  inquiry 
in  1920.  In  1919  they  purchased  an  abandoned  church  in  this  block  which 
at  one  time  was  valued  at  $125,000. 

To  smnmarize  the  results  of  this  investigation  of  depreciation:  Negro 
occupancy  depreciates  the  value  of  residence  property  in  Chicago  because  of 
the  prejudice  of  white  people  against  Negroes,  and  because  white  people  will 
not  buy  and  Negroes  are  not  financially  able  to  buy,  at  fair  market  prices 
property  thrown  upon  the  market  when  a  neighborhood  commences  to 
change  from  white  to  Negro  occupancy;  nevertheless  a  large  part  of  the 
depreciation  of  residence  property  often  charged  to  Negro  occupancy  comes 
from  entirely  different  causes. 

D.    FINANCIAL  ASPECTS  OF  NEGRO  HOUSING 

I.      NEGRO  PROPERTY   CONSmERED  A  POOR   RISK 

An  important  factor  in  the  housing  problem  is  the  low  security  rating 
given  by  real  estate  loan  concerns  to  property  tenanted  by  Negroes.  Because 
of  this  Negroes  are  charged  more  than  white  people  for  loans,  find  it  more 
difficult  to  secure  them,  and  thus  are  greatly  handicapped  in  efforts  to  buy  or 
improve  property.  The  general  opinion  that  condemns  such  property  makes 
the  risk  poor,  even  for  Negroes.    A  Chicago  Trust  Company  representative  said : 

A  Negro  called  to  buy  a  mortgage.  Our  first  thought  was  to  submit  to  him  one 
of  the  colored  loans,  which  we  did.  We  showed  him  a  photograph;  he  liked  the 
appearance  of  the  building,  and  then  he  inquired,  "Is  this  anywhere  near  the  colored 
district?"  He  declined  the  loan  on  that  account,  showing  that  this  uneasiness  is 
not  confined  to  the  white  investor. 

When  districts  become  exclusively  Negro  this  reluctance  to  invest  or  to 
lend  invariably  appears.    If  there  are  suflicient  Negroes  with  money  to  create 

'  Olcott's  "Land  Value  Maps,"  1910  and  1920, 


2i6  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

a  market  the  loss  is  somewhat  relieved.  Yet,  deprived  of  the  usual  facilities 
for  purchasing  a  home,  they  cannot  relieve  their  housing  shortage  and  are 
forced  to  seek  houses  in  imfriendly  neighborhoods. 

The  factors  are  similar  to  those  in  depreciation,  often  based  on  prejudices 
and  erroneous  beliefs  concerning  Negroes.  Whatever  depreciates  real  estate 
necessarily  depresses  its  security  value — whether  the  cause  be  fact  or  opinion. 
A  South  Side  bank  had  difficulty  in  selling  Negro  loans  to  white  people  because 
"they  say  they  don't  keep  up  the  property;  they  let  it  deteriorate;  they  don't 
improve  it."    The  representative  of  another  bank  said: 

I  don't  believe  you  could  find  enough  colored  people  who  could  make  a  substantial 
first  payment.  There  are  a  few  that  I  have  talked  with  recently  who  are  on  the 
police  force,  who  wanted  to  know  how  we  could  help  them  out  in  buying  places.  One 
had  in  mind  the  purchase  of  a  three-flat  bialding;  the  price  was  aroimd  eight  or  nine 
thousand  dollars.  There  was  a  first  mortgage  on  it  of  about  five.  He  had  only 
$300  cash  to  buy  it  with. 

A  former  president  of  the  Chicago  Real  Estate  Board  said: 

The  percentage  of  Negro  people  in  Chicago  who  will  buy  homes  is  comparatively 
smaU.  The  best  evidence  we  have  is  that  85  per  cent  of  the  white  people  are  tenants; 
15  per  cent  of  them  are  home  owners.  It  follows,  I  think,  that  a  smaller  percentage  of 
the  colored  race  wiU  buy  homes,  not  more  than  from  3  to  5  per  cent  of  the  colored 
people  at  the  present  time. 

A  representative  of  a  very  large  South  Side  realty  business  said:  "  There  are 
ever  so  many  mortgage  men  not  familiar  with  the  colored  belt.  That's  one 
of  their  greatest  reasons  for  refusing  the  loans — they  are  not  familiar  with  the 
values." 

Real  estate  men,  white  and  Negro,  were  invited  to  present  their  views, 
and  leading  mortgage-loan  houses  and  banks  of  the  city  were  asked  what  they 
knew  about  Negroes  as  borrowers,  investors,  tenants,  and  clients,  and  their 
thrift  and  care  of  property.  Their  testimony,  with  the  Commission's  investi- 
gations, yielded  a  fairly  accurate  picture. 

II.      NEGROES   AS  HOME   OWNERS 

The  first  house  in  Chicago  was  a  rude  cabin  built  by  a  Negro  in  1790. 
There  were  several  Negro  home  owners  when  the  city  was  incorporated  in 
1837.  The  first  Negroes  to  settle  near  Thirtieth  Street — long  before  the  city 
had  extended  its  limits  that  far — owned  their  homes.  Although  prior  to  1916 
most  Negroes  did  not  own  homes,  there  were  many,  especially  business  and 
professional  men,  who  had  gradually  acquired  dwellings.  The  migration 
brought  thousands  of  Negroes  with  ready  cash  who  found  it  easy  to  buy  dwell- 
ings on  the  South  Side.  The  uncomfortable  and  inadequate  dwellings  of  the 
"Black  Belt"  could  be  avoided  only  by  the  purchase  of  property  elsewhere. 
Attention  thus  was  directed,  probably  for  the  first  time,  to  the  question  of  home 


THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM  217 

buying  by  Negroes.  Indeed  home  owning  is  an  essential  feature  of  any  solu- 
tion of  their  housing  difficulties. 

Until  the  migration  Chicago's  Negroes  had  engaged  chiefly  in  personal- 
service  occupations  that  governed  somewhat  the  location  of  their  homes; 
when  these  were  not  in  the  "Black  Belt"  they  were  in  shabby  property  in 
undesirable  streets  near  their  employment.  Men  who  worked  on  dining-  and 
sleeping-cars  lived  near  the  railroad  stations — on  State  and  Dearborn  streets, 
Plymouth  Place,  and  the  surrounding  neighborhood;  they  were  generally 
renters  and  moved  southward  with  the  general  trend. 

Home  buying  stimulated  hy  high  wages  and  the  migration. — The  war  brought 
wages  to  the  Negroes  that  seemed  fabulous  to  many;  and  the  wages  brought 
the  migration.  The  first  migrants  were  mostly  drifters.  Then  came  a  great 
many  who  had  acquired  considerable  substance  in  the  South,  and  having  sold 
out  they  came  to  Chicago  with  ready  money,  in  some  instances  large  amounts. 
This  class  of  Negroes  bought  dwellings.  Several  of  them  bought  apartment 
buildings,  said  a  real  estate  dealer,  and  in  one  instance  the  buyer  paid  $10,000 
in  cash;  and  there  were  very  many  who  were  able  and  ready  to  pay  from  $1,000 
to  $3,000  on  the  purchase  of  a  residence  in  a  respectable  neighborhood. 
Another  dealer  said  that  he  was  not  able  to  supply  the  buying  demand: 
"We  have  put  renters  on  the  side  list;  buyers  are  taking  up  the  time.  We 
used  to  think  $500  a  good-sized  payment  for  them,  but  now  they  often  have 
$3,000,  $4,000,  or  $6,000.  A  Negro  customer  lately  wanted  a  twelve-flat  build- 
ing and  would  pay  cash." 

"The  average  newcomer  is  a  home-owner,"  said  another  realty  dealer; 
"he  has  sold  his  home  in  the  South  to  come  here.  Some  say  the  high  wages 
are  not  attracting  them  so  much  as  better  schools." 

Another  dealer  said  that  the  average  amount  per  family  brought  from  the 
South  was  from  $300  to  $500,  and  he  knew  of  one  family  that  brought  $6,000. 

It  was  the  experience  of  another  firm  that  three  or  four  years  ago  Negro 
purchasers  paid  down  about  $500,  but  that  now  (1920)  they  frequently  make 
first  payments  of  $1,000  or  more. 

This  sudden  wave  of  home  buying  impressed  Carl  Sandburg,  who  wrote 
(1919)  in  the  Chicago  Daily  News: 

Twenty  years  ago  fewer  than  fifty  families  of  the  colored  race  were  home  owners 
in  Chicago.  Today  they  number  thousands,  their  purchases  ranging  from  $200  to 
$20,000,  from  tar  paper  shacks  in  the  still  district  to  brownstone  and  greystone  estab- 
lishments with  wealthy  or  weU-to-do  white  neighbors.  In  most  cases,  where  a  colored 
man  has  investments  of  more  than  ordinary  size,  it  is  in  large  part  in  real  estate. 
Realty  investment  and  management  seems  to  be  an  important  field  of  operation 
among  those  colored  people  who  acquire  substance. 

Several  other  factors  contributed  to  this  house-buying  movement.  One 
was  that  Hyde  Park  had  many  available  houses  in  the  early  years  of  the  war, 
while  the  Negro  was  excluded  from  the  market  west  of  Wentworth  Avenue, 


2i8  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

with  its  smaller  and  less  expensive  houses,  by  the  vigorous  antagonism  of  the 
Irish  and  other  people  living  there.  The  southern  Negroes  were  glad  to  find 
that — at  first,  anyway — access  was  not  denied  them  to  districts  having  good 
schools,  churches,  recreation  and  amusements,  and  convenient  transportation 
facilities.  This  feeling  was  reflected  in  their  purchase  of  churches;  two  of 
these,  one  on  Washington  Boulevard  and  one  on  Prairie  Avenue,  are  in  dis- 
tricts of  extensive  home  buying  by  Negroes. 

The  high  war  wages  contributed  to  home  buying.  Though  in  many 
instances  they  induced  extravagant  expenditures,  a  surplus  remained  for  many, 
and  with  the  frugal  the  savings  were  large. 

High  rents  were  another  primary  contribution.  Many  of  the  ambitious 
newcomers  figured  that  they  could  buy  a  house  for  about  the  same  monthly 
amounts  required  for  rent.  In  many  instances  they  thriftily  contrived  to 
make  the  property  pay  for  itself.  Two-  and  three-flat  buildings  would  furnish 
a  family  with  a  home  while  providing  a  considerable  revenue  from  the  rented 
flats.  When  old-fashioned  houses  too  large  for  one  family  were  bought, 
lodgers  and  boarders  were  often  taken.  Frequently  wife  and  children  added  to 
the  family  income  so  that  they  might  own  a  home. 

A  real  estate  dealer  in  Hyde  Park  said:  "The  Negro  has  purchased 
90  per  cent  of  the  property  where  he  lives,  and  75  per  cent  of  these  are  'high- 
class  colored  men.'"  This  estimate  is  too  high,  but  it  shows  the  impression 
made  by  the  large  number  of  Negro  home  buyers. 

An  inquiry  in  two  blocks  on  Prairie  and  Forest  avenues  disclosed  that 
40  per  cent  of  the  Negroes  living  on  Prairie  Avenue  were  property  owners, 
in  the  intervening  block  on  Thirty-seventh  Street  over  90  per  cent  were  owners, 
while  on  Forest  Avenue  the  Negro  property  owners  were  few. 

In  1920  the  School  of  Civics  canvassed  a  small  area  occupied  by  Negroes  in 
the  district  west  of  State  Street,  a  district  where,  because  of  their  low  economic 
status,  they  would  not  be  expected  to  buy.  Of  331  families,  thirty,  or  10  per 
cent,  were  owners,  and  all  but  one  had  been  owners  for  from  four  to  twenty 
years,  so  that  they  had  not  been  influenced  by  the  migration. 

Of  the  impression  made  by  the  home-buying  migrants  a  very  intelligent 
Negro  real  estate  dealer  said,  referring  to  the  Chicago  Negroes: 

I  will  dare  say  that  90  per  cent  or  even  a  greater  number  did  not  own  their  prop- 
erty. They  rented.  It  seems  there  has  been  a  different  spirit  instilled  into  the 
northern  colored  man.  We  bow  to  the  southern  man  because  he  is  a  home  owner. 
The  northern  man  was  satisfied  to  rent.  I  was  born  in  Chicago  and  felt  the  same  as 
others  do. 

The  present  trend  was  indicated  in  these  statements  of  two  well-informed 
white  real  estate  dealers  on  the  South  Side :  "The  colored  people  are  demanding 
homes  and  the  tendency  is  to  buy";  and  that  Negroes  were  continuing  to 
buy  homes  in  the  district  between  Thirty-ninth  and  Forty-seventh  streets, 
Cottage  Grove  Avenue  and  State  Street,  more  sales  being  made  to  Negroes  in 


THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM  219 

that  particular  location  than  in  any  other.  And  this  has  been  during  a  period 
of  acute  and  general  housing  famine  in  every  large  city. 

Methods  of  purchase. — When  Negroes  first  began  to  buy  dwellings  during 
the  migration  years,  the  average  price  was  $4,000  to  $5,000,  and  the 
initial  payment,  usually  $500,  ranged  from  $300  to  $1,000.  The  time  for 
payment  was  ordinarily  three  years,  though  some  contracts  were  for  five 
years.  Later  on  Negroes  began  to  buy  houses  or  apartment  buildings  running 
as  high  as  $8,000  or  $10,000,  and  the  payments  were  increased  proportionately. 

That  the  Negro  assumed  a  heavy  load,  sometimes  more  than  he  could 
reasonably  be  expected  to  carry,  was  the  opinion  of  several  careful  observers. 
While  the  surplus  from  his  wages  might  be  expected  to  cover  the  monthly 
payments,  money  for  taxes,  repairs,  and  insurance  would  have  to  come  from 
the  wages  of  wife  or  children,  or  from  lodgers. 

In  April,  1920,  when  work  at  high  wages  was  abundant,  a  well-informed 
Negro  real  estate  dealer  said  that  any  Negro  family  head  could  then  assume 
payments  of  from  $40  to  $55  a  month  on  purchased  property.  But  many 
Negroes  made  contracts  calling  for  monthly  payments  of  $65  to  $75. 

The  opinions  of  experienced  persons  in  close  touch  with  the  situation  were 
divided  as  to  whether,  in  making  such  purchases,  Negroes  had  assumed  too 
heavy  obligations.  One  said  his  long  experience  showed  that  Negroes  carry 
out  what  they  undertake  to  do;  that  very  few  default  on  their  payments,  and 
when  Negroes  buy  on  the  instalment  plan  "  they  pay  out  better  than  the  whites 
do,  as  a  rule." 

Another  said,  though  Negroes  buy  only  old  properties — and  generally 
pay  more  than  white  people — they  are  careful  in  assuming  their  obligations 
and  make  their  payments  promptly.  They  pay  down  to  the  mortgage,  in 
from  three  to  five  years,  and  sometimes  within  two  years. 

Another,  who  has  been  dealing  with  Negroes  since  1907,  gave  his  opinion 
that  they  undertake  their  obligations  seriously,  and  as  instalment  buyers  of 
property  they  are  entirely  satisfactory. 

Still  another  South  Side  man  who  sells  real  estate  to  Negroes  declared  that 
he  had  been  getting  better  payments  recently  than  he  did  three  or  four  years 
ago;  in  191 4,  1915,  and  191 6  he  suffered  considerable  loss  because  of  defaults 
in  payments  on  purchases  or  in  rents. 

A  former  president  of  the  Chicago  Real  Estate  Board  remarked  that 
Negroes  buy  but  do  not  build  their  houses,  and  are  not  yet  sufficiently  numer- 
ous to  create  a  market  for  real  estate;  that  white  people  will  not  buy  back 
property  once  occupied  by  Negroes;  that,  as  the  numbers  of  Negroes  increase, 
this  situation  might  be  changed,  but  that  the  Negro  who  tries  to  sell  old  prop- 
erty, on  which  he  has  put  no  improvements,  will  rarely  find  a  buyer,  because 
there  is  so  much  old  property  available. 

Certain  banks  and  loan  firms  thought  there  would  be  a  general  foreclosure 
of  mortgages  on  recently  purchased  property  as  they  fell  due,  that  the  Negroes 


2  20  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

are  carrying  such  heavy  payments  on  their  contracts  that  they  cannot  reduce 
their  mortgages  and  consequently  renewals  will  be  denied;  that  the  Negro  has 
not  yet  acquired  sufficient  stability  to  carry  on  payments  over  a  long  term  of 
years,  and  if  wage  reductions  become  general  they  will  fall  most  heavily  on 
unskilled  workers  and  render  difficult  the  meeting  of  payments  by  such  Negroes, 
who  constitute  the  great  majority. 

Most  of  the  firms  that  had  dealings  with  Negroes,  whether  as  buyers, 
borrowers,  or  renters,  expressed  satisfaction  with  their  transactions  with  them. 
T^-pical  of  their  comments  was  that  of  John  A.  Schmidt,  who  found  Negroes 
to  be  prompter  than  Jews  in  making  payments,  and  of  MUton  Yondorf ,  who 
said  that  Negroes,  like  the  Italians,  finish  paying  for  one  house  before  under- 
taking to  buy  another,  and  are  eager  to  make  the  final  payment. 

While  the  preponderance  of  opinion  was  that  the  Negroes  do  meet  their 
payments,  it  may  be  that  experience  is  still  too  limited  in  Chicago  and  condi- 
tions have  thus  far  been  too  abnormal  to  afford  the  basis  for  final  judgment  and 
future  policy. 

The  first  wave  of  buying  by  Negroes  was  stimulated  by  both  Negro  and 
white  real  estate  agents  because  many  dwellings  had  been  unremunerative  for 
several  years.  With  the  tightening  up  of  the  real  estate  market  that  ensued, 
Negroes  became  home  hunters,  and  they  are  continuing  to  search. 

There  has  been  a  wide  variation  in  the  prices  paid  by  Negroes  for  dwellings. 
For  some  houses  Negroes  have  undoubtedly  paid  more  than  could  have  been 
obtained  from  a  white  purchaser.  One  dealer's  opinion  was  that  the  Negroes 
have  paid  full  value.  Another  said  that  the  Negro  never  pays  higher  for 
property  unless  the  price  is  measured  by  what  has  been  paid  for  it  by  white 
persons  of  the  "fourth  class" — referring  to  property  that  has  descended  from 
the  original  owner  through  three  classes  of  whites  before  coming  into  Negro 
hands.  Many  purchases  during  the  last  two  or  three  years  have  been  made 
direct  from  the  owners.  An  attempt  made  by  white  real  estate  men  to  come 
to  an  agreement  regarding  sales  in  new  districts — whereby  they  would  turn 
over  to  Negro  agents  aU  inquiries  as  to  blocks  where  Negroes  already  lived,  and 
Negro  agents  would  not  place  Negroes  in  exclusively  white  districts — was 
unsuccessful. 

III.      REAL  ESTATE   LOANS   TO   NEGROES 

The  most  formidable  stumbling-block  in  the  way  of  home  owning  by 
Negroes  is  the  unsalability  of  their  mortgages.  Except  in  a  limited  field  these 
loans  have  no  market.  The  Negro  demand  for  home  property  has  become 
so  large  in  recent  years  that  the  search  for  it  has  extended  beyond  the  fringes 
of  the  main  existing  districts  on  the  South,  West,  and  North  sides  into  the  out- 
lying territory  adjoining  Negro  settlements  in  Blue  Island,  Woodlawn,  Morgan 
Park,  and  Robbins.  How  the  Negro  is  to  be  financed  in  his  effort  to  improve 
his  citizenship  and  home  life  through  home  ownership  thus  becomes  a  matter 
of  great  concern. 


THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM  221 

The  Commission  sought  to  learn  from  banks,  trust  companies,  brokerage 
firms,  and  similar  institutions  their  experience  with  Negro  clients  and  property 
and  their  purpose  and  plans  as  to  future  dealings.  To  thirty  such  institutions 
questionnaires  were  sent,  and  twenty-three  gave  careful  replies. 

Only  a  few  real  estate  firms  that  have  a  large  number  of  Negro  clients 
have  funds  available  for  such  loans.  These  meet  but  a  small  part  of  the  de- 
mand. The  three  banks  that  have  large  Negro  deposits,  the  Lincoln  State,  the 
Franklin  State,  and  Jesse  Binga's,  make  such  loans  when  deemed  desirable,  but 
they  seem  not  a  large  factor  in  relieving  the  loan  situation.  Many  of  the 
banks  that  are  depositories  for  Negroes'  funds  do  not  make  loans  to  them, 
giving  as  their  reason  that  they  do  not  lend  on  the  class  of  property  purchased 
by  Negroes.  Some  of  them  have  no  real  estate  department.  Only  three 
of  the  downtown  investment  bankers  make  no  restrictions  regarding  Negro 
borrowers  that  are  not  common  to  all;  they  have  dealt  with  Negro  clients  for 
many  years  and  have  found  them  entirely  satisfactory.  Possibly  one  reason 
for  this  is  that  they  educate  their  buyers  of  mortgages  concerning  the  value  of 
these  loans;  and  thus  have  succeeded,  they  say,  in  overcoming  many  objec- 
tions based  upon  race  prejudice. 

Most  large  real  estate  firms  and  loan  companies  decline  to  make  loans  on 
property  owned  or  occupied  by  Negroes.  With  some  of  them  this  is  a  blanket 
provision  that  covers  generally  property  in  changing  or  depreciated  districts. 
Difficulty  of  disposing  of  such  mortgages  is  one  of  the  commonest  reasons 
given  for  refusing  to  handle  them. 

Even  among  the  agencies  that  handle  such  loans  opinion  is  not  unanimous 
on  fundamental  points  involved.  The  Commission  asked  several  brokers 
representing  large  interests  this  question:  "Does  your  experience  indicate 
that  loans  up  to  50  per  cent  of  the  valuation  on  property  in  the  residence 
districts  from  Twenty-sixth  to  Sixtieth  streets  and  from  State  Street  to  the  lake 
have  a  safe-and-sound  mvestment  value  ?  "  Among  those  favorable  to  Negroes 
the  answer  of  Yondorf  &  Company,  a  downtown  firm,  is  perhaps  typical: 
It  is  necessary  to  consider  each  house  separately,  as  conditions  vary  widely; 
consideration  must  be  given  to  future  uses  of  the  property,  the  present  condi- 
tion of  the  improvements,  and  especially  the  stability  of  the  person  asking  for 
the  loan.  As  a  general  rule,  loans  on  old  residence  property  are  not  as  good 
as  those  on  houses  in  new  districts;  on  an  old  house  about  $1,000  would  be 
loaned  on  a  market  value  of  $5,000,  whereas  in  new  districts  the  contractor  can 
borrow  up  to  two- thirds  of  the  cost  of  the  house;  no  conscious  discrimination 
is  made  in  the  nature  of  higher  rates  because  a  borrower  happens  to  be  a  Negro; 
careful  consideration  is  given  to  the  margin  of  safety,  and  safeguards  are 
arranged  in  the  way  provided  for  payments. 

Lionel  Bell,  another  downtown  loan  broker,  regarded  this  general  type  of 
mortgages  on  old  residence  property  as  fully  secured,  and  does  not  hesitate  to 
recommend  mortgages  in  the  district  mentioned. 


222  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

John  A.  Schmidt,  who  handles  a  large  number  of  loans  on  Negro  property 
in  that  district,  considers  them  of  high  value,  though  the  risks  are  both  physical 
and  moral;  it  is  essential  to  know  both  the  client  and  the  property;  the  amount 
of  the  loan  asked  on  Negro  property  usually  is  not  high  as  compared  with  its 
value.  No  distinction  is  made  as  to  the  color  of  the  borrower,  the  condition 
and  value  of  the  property  being  the  only  basis  for  the  loan;  loans  to  Negroes 
are  less  in  amount  than  to  whites,  though  clients  thus  far  accepted  are  com- 
monly found  satisfactory;  the  period  of  payment  is  about  the  same,  varying 
between  three  and  five  years,  according  to  the  amount  paid  monthly,  the  kind 
of  property  involved,  and  so  on.  The  usual  range  of  amounts  requested  was 
one- third  to  one-half  of  the  value  of  the  property. 

R.  M.  O'Brien  &  Company,  an  active  South  Side  real  estate  firm  which 
also  deals  largely  in  Negro  mortgages,  found  that  the  average  amount  loaned 
to  Negroes  was  smaller,  and  that  it  is  a  smaller  percentage  of  the  value  of  the 
property  than  in  the  case  of  loans  to  whites,  and  that  the  average  period  for 
loans  to  Negroes  was  three  years. 

Mead  &  Coe,  another  real  estate  firm,  found  that  the  Negroes  usually  are 
allowed  $i,ooo  to  the  white  man's  $1,500;  that  only  35  per  cent  of  the  value 
of  the  property  is  loaned  to  the  Negro,  whereas  50  per  cent  is  granted  to  whites. 
Maximum  time  of  loan  was  five  years  for  the  white  and  three  years  for  the  Negro. 

The  Chicago  Trust  Company  answered  that  the  same  requirements  were 
made  of  white  and  Negro;  the  range  was  from  $2,000  to  $6,000,  limited  to  50 
per  cent  of  conservative  valuation,  and  five  years. 

In  general  it  was  found  that  property  values  in  the  districts  where  Negroes 
usually  buy  are  affected  by  more  factors  than  is  the  property  in  districts  where 
whites  usually  buy.  Where  Negroes  are  buying  the  majority  of  white  people 
are  renting. 

It  was  sought  to  find  out  whether  Negroes  ask  for  renewals  more  often  than 
do  white  borrowers;  whether  there  was  any  marked  difference  between  Negroes 
and  other  racial  groups  in  the  promptness  of  making  payments,  in  asking  for 
additional  time,  in  the  difficulty  of  collections,  and  in  compelling  foreclosure. 
Comparison  of  Negroes  and  whites  was  found  to  be  difficult  because  of  differ- 
ences between  various  nationalities  as  to  repaying  loans.  The  Poles  pay 
promptly  when  dealing  through  loan  companies  or  banks  conducted  by 
Poles.  The  Italians  are  eager  to  get  their  property  cleared.  Jews  are  likely 
to  ask  for  renewals  and  to  expect  the  property  to  pay  the  mortgage  out  of 
earnings.  The  Negroes  pay  if  they  can,  but  sometimes  have  difficulty  because 
they  have  arranged  heavy  payments  on  their  contracts;  during  the  period  of 
high  wages  there  has  been  little  trouble,  but  the  feeling  was  that  as  yet  there 
had  been  no  real  test.  Speaking  generally,  a  representative  of  Yondorf  & 
Company  said  it  was  estimated  that  only  about  25  per  cent  of  working  people 
are  thrifty  and  save  anything;  75  per  cent  save  nothing;  and  that  proportion 
holds  true  of  the  Negroes. 


THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM  223 

Firms  that  deal  with  Negroes  ask  for  no  larger  reduction  when  a  Negro 
renews  his  loan,  they  say,  than  when  a  white  person  renews  if  the  character  of 
the  property  is  the  same.  The  facts  as  to  the  reliability,  character,  and  stand- 
ing of  the  borrower  are  established  when  the  loan  is  first  made.  Negroes  buy 
old  properties  where  deterioration  is  rapid,  and  when  the  renewal  is  asked  the 
value  of  the  property  has  fallen  in  proportion.  White  persons  do  not  buy  the 
same  class  of  property.  So  it  is  necessary  to  ask  the  Negro  to  reduce  his 
mortgage  considerably,  except  when  his  property  is  in  a  location  of  newer 
houses,  such  as  Morgan  Park  or  Woodlawn. 

Difficulty  is  experienced  by  mortgage  bankers  and  brokers  in  selling  Negro 
mortgages  to  white  clients.  Yondorf  &  Company  declared  that  while  their 
old  clients  would  buy  regardless  of  the  color  of  the  borrower,  others  had  to  be 
convinced  of  the  value  of  the  property  and  of  the  earning  power  and  stability 
of  the  Negro  borrower.  The  Negro  mortgages  are  usually  for  smaller  amounts 
and  hence  within  the  reach  of  small  investors.  When  white  investors  find 
that  Negroes'  loans  are  promptly  paid  they  continue  to  buy  such  securities. 

Lionel  Bell  reported  some  difficulty  in  selling  Negro  mortgages  to  white 
clients,  though  he  generally  succeeded,  by  showing  their  value  and  by  inspec- 
tion, that  the  Negroes  were  keeping  their  houses  in  good  condition  as  to  both 
sanitation  and  repair. 

E.  A.  Cummings  &  Company  have  difficulty  in  selling  such  mortgages 
because  many  of  their  clients  are  out-of-town  buyers  who  are  suspicious  of 
Negro  property. 

E.  and  S.  Lowenstein  find  no  market  for  such  loans;  non-resident  buyers 
and  even  local  buyers  fight  shy  of  Negro  property  in  particular,  and  property 
in  general  that  is  undesirable  because  of  overcrowding  and  consequent  hard  usage 

In  general,  the  refusals  to  buy  Negro  loans  are  due  to  feeling  against  the 
Negro,  a  disbelief  in  the  Negro's  ability  to  pay  them,  and  distrust  of  the  old 
properties  which  Negroes  commonly  buy.  The  opinion  was  general  that  any- 
thing which  would  tend  to  stabilize  values  on  the  South  Side,  especially  in 
the  lower  part  of  the  district  occupied  by  Negroes,  would  be  desirable;  that 
improvements  such  as  the  widening  of  South  Park  Avenue  would  aid  materially. 

Real  estate  men  who  have  Negroes  for  clients  are  finding  it  advantageous 
to  educate  them  in  the  meaning  of  mortgages,  in  the  method  of  issuing  and 
renewing  them,  and  in  what  is  expected  of  the  mortgagor  and  what  the  mort- 
gagor may  expect.  When  the  Negro  is  carefully  informed  of  the  processes 
involved  in  financing  the  purchase  of  a  home,  and  the  terms  are  thoroughly 
understood,  there  is  much  less  likelihood  of  losing  his  property.  Friendly 
real  estate  men  are  constantly  helping  Negroes  to  carry  their  mortgages  and  to 
find  means  of  renewing  when  that  contingency  arises.  It  is  helpful  also  to 
remind  Negroes  of  the  necessity  of  paying  their  taxes  and  meeting  other  obliga- 
tions promptly,  and  of  keeping  their  property  in  good  condition.  Some  firms 
stated  that  the  "natural  honesty  of  the  Negro  and  his  love  of  home  life"  have 


224  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

been  fostered  by  thoughtful  friends  and  leaders,  as  well  as  by  those  who  have 
busmess  transactions  with  him.    This  pays  dividends  in  better  citizenship. 

Widening  the  market  for  Negro  loans. — The  white  people  need  to  know  the 
obstacles  in  the  path  of  the  Negro  who  wishes  to  estabhsh  a  good  home  for 
his  family  and  thus  improve  his  citizenship  and  serve  as  a  good  example  to 
others  of  his  race.  How  to  finance  Negro  home  buyers  is  a  large  difficulty  in 
solving  the  Negro  housing  problem.  The  Commission  held  a  conference 
devoted  almost  entirely  to  this  topic,  at  which  various  experts  and  authorities 
were  consulted.  It  was  sought  to  ascertain  the  fundamentals  for  meeting  the 
needs  of  the  future,  assuming  that  the  Negro  population  in  Chicago  is  likely 
to  continue  in  normal  growth,  and  that  the  demand  for  adequate  housing  for 
the  Negro  population  is  not  likely  to  lessen  for  several  years.  Particular 
attention  was  given  to  the  question  of  how  a  market  might  be  created  for  the 
Negro's  loans. 

An  appraiser  for  the  Fort  Dearborn  National  Bank  suggested  that  a  system 
involving  partial  payments  represented  by  $25  bonds  paying  semiannual 
interest  might  be  helpful.  Bonds  of  such  low  denominations  might,  he  thought, 
be  purchased  by  Negroes.  By  such  a  system  Negroes  would  learn  to  invest 
their  money  wisely,  and  by  putting  money  into  substantial  securities  would 
encourage  real  estate  investments.  These  securities  could  be  sold  by  Negro 
bankers  and  real  estate  brokers.  But  he  expressed  confidence  that  not  a  few 
white  people  would  buy  bonds  of  that  character.  They  would  be  based  on 
about  60  per  cent  of  the  value  of  the  property. 

One  real  estate  broker  averred  that  success  in  financing  Negro  home  buyers 
would  be  contingent  upon  creating  definite  districts  in  any  portion  of  the  city 
where  the  colored  men  may  find  it  necessary  to  live  in  order  to  be  able  to  reach 
their  business  or  their  place  of  employment,  districts  to  be  known  as  their 
exclusive  territory.  Then  it  would  be  possible  to  go  to  a  mortgage  loan  house 
and  present  a  definite  case  when  a  mortgage  falls  due.  Knowing  that  the 
property  was  that  of  a  Negro,  and  knowing  the  district,  one  would  have  a 
definite  basis  for  estimating  future  increase  or  depreciation  of  value.  It  was 
his  opinion  that  white  people  would  support  a  market  of  that  nature,  because 
it  would  not  only  protect  the  colored  man  and  the  white  man  alike  but  all  of 
the  property  interests  of  the  city.  He  disclaimed  any  desire  to  promote 
segregation.  But  he  maintained  that  so  long  as  the  races  mLxed,  clashes  were 
inevitable,  and  that  the  problem  of  selling  Negro  loans,  erecting  houses,  and 
renewing  mortgages  would  solve  itself  under  this  plan,  "because  white  men 
will  be  very  glad  to  come  to  the  assistance  of  colored." 

It  happens,  however,  that  some  subdivisions  developed  "especially  for 
Negroes"  present  low  standards  as  well  as  exploitation.  One  such  sub- 
division is  called  Lilydale.    An  investigator  reported  on  it  as  follows: 

Lilydale  is  on  a  flat  prairie  and  was  laid  out  as  a  subdivision  for  Negro  residents 
near  the  comer  of  Ninety-fifth  and  State  streets  several  years  ago.    It  is  about  five 


THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM  225 

blocks  square.  The  developer  is  a  prominent  white  real  estate  dealer  active  in  sub- 
division property  generally.  Another  well-known  real  estate  man,  who  is  also  a 
prominent  local  politician,  is  interested  in  establishing  a  Negro  colony  on  this  property. 
The  latter  is  agent  for  a  great  deal  of  property  on  the  South  Side  tenanted  by  Negroes. 

Many  Negroes  purchased  lots  in  Lilydale  at  fairly  high  prices,  considering  that 
virtually  no  improvements  had  been  made  to  the  property.  Water  has  since  been 
laid  in  some  of  the  streets  and  some  of  them  are  supplied  with  sewers,  but  there  is 
no  paving  and  no  lighting.  Sidewalks  are  few,  mud  holes  many.  Yards,  streets, 
and  alleys  are  unkempt. 

Those  who  promoted  the  subdivision  set  up  the  shells  of  a  few  houses,  mainly  of 
the  bungalow  type.  Most  of  these  were  sold  and  the  inside  finish  was  supplied  by 
the  purchasers.  Most  of  these  sale  houses,  though,  remain  unfinished.  The  building 
of  houses  in  Lilydale  has  been  half-hearted,  and  most  of  the  structures  are  so  poorly 
constructed  that  they  are  conspicuously  uncomfortable.  Some  of  these  were  built  by 
piecemeal  with  any  kind  of  waste  building  material  that  could  be  gathered.  The 
people  in  this  isolated  community  apparently  are  making  the  best  of  a  hopeless  situa- 
tion. They  express  a  desire  to  recover  the  money  they  have  invested.  Provisions 
are  obtained  from  two  or  three  small  stores.  There  is  a  church  in  the  vicinity,  but 
at  the  time  of  the  investigation  no  services  were  being  held  in  it.  The  children  attend 
a  branch  of  the  Bumside  School,  which  is  conveniently  located.  The  teacher  is  a 
Negro  woman,  a  graduate  of  a  southern  normal  school.  She  reported  that  there  is 
apparently  no  prejudice  between  the  white  and  Negro  children ;  that  their  only  differ- 
ences are  those  to  which  all  children  fall  heir.  She  regards  the  Negro  colony  of  Lily- 
dale as  a  bad  mistake  and  would  discourage  other  Negroes  from  making  purchases 
there.     She  regards  the  investment  there  as  of  doubtful  value. 

There  is  a  car  line  on  Ninety-fifth  Street  which  connects  with  the  industries  of 
South  Chicago,  where  a  number  of  the  men  of  Lilydale  are  employed. 

Adding  to  the  loneliness  of  the  general  aspect  is  the  fact  that  most  of  the  surround- 
ing area  is  still  what  is  termed  "acreage." 

Pertinent  also  is  the  statement  of  a  man  who  for  years  has  been  interested 
in  the  housing  difficulties  of  Negroes. 

Some  people  have  suggested  taking  a  vacant  piece  of  property  and  building  it  up 
for  colored  occupancy,  but  there  is  the  biggest  hubbub  raised  when  any  such  attempt 
is  made.  People  complain:  "You  wiU  ruin  this  whole  neighborhood!  You  will  ruin 
the  street  car  line!  Everything  out  in  that  neighborhood  will  be  ruined  aU  along  the 
street,  because  if  you  biuld  up  a  colored  neighborhood  in  any  one  particular  location 
nobody  else  will  want  to  go  out  that  way."  So  that  I  have  come  to  the  point  where 
I  say  there  is  no  solution.  I  can't  do  anything.  I'd  have  been  willing  to  put  in  a 
million  dollars  in  property  anywhere  where  there  would  have  been  a  chance  to  get 
5  per  cent  return  on  my  money.  There  isn't  any  use  in  doing  a  thing  .that  isn't  eco- 
nomically sound.  I  wanted  to  bring  this  up  to  show  that  I  had  given  it  some  thought, 
and  that  I  am  very  desirous  of  having  somebody  make  a  suggestion  that  is  feasible 
so  that  something  can  be  done. 

The  difficulty  of  disposing  of  loans  in  a  district  inhabited  by  Negroes  was 
touched  upon  by  a  loan  expert  from  the  Chicago  Trust  Company,  which  handles 


226  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

such  loans.  The  trouble,  he  thought,  centers  on  the  character  of  the 
property  and  of  the  district,  rather  than  on  the  fact  that  the  property  happened 
to  be  owned  or  occupied  by  Negroes.  He  said  that  even  Negro  investors 
object  to  property  in  such  a  district  for  the  reason  that  it  is  old,  little  in  demand, 
and  generally  a  poor  risk.  He  suggested  the  possibility  of  small  mortgage 
bond  issues  with  separate  notes.  This  would  save  the  expense  of  printing  the 
bonds,  which  is  considerable  at  present  prices,  and  the  investor  would  be 
afforded  the  same  security.  He  also  suggested  having  "baby"  bonds  printed 
in  standard  form,  so  that  they  could  be  simply  filled  in,  thus  saving  expense. 

Another  real  estate  broker  who  had  dealt  in  mortgages  of  South  Side 
Negroes  for  a  number  of  years  declared  that  the  average  mortgage  buyer  seems 
to  prefer  those  on  new  bungalows  where  the  margin  of  security  is  less  than 
that  on  property  in  the  Negro  district.  Since  the  bungalow's  cost  of  construc- 
tion was  less,  the  chance  of  revenue  under  adverse  circumstances  would  be 
less.  He  maintained  that  a  ten-  or  twelve-room  apartment  house  in  the 
Second  Ward  (South  Side)  affords  a  better  margin  of  security  than  the  ordinary 
cheap  bungalow,  and  that  it  was  therefore  a  question  of  educating  mortgage 
buyers  on  the  question  of  security.  The  best  evidence  on  this,  he  maintained, 
would  be  the  number  of  foreclosures.  He  had  never  had  to  foreclose  with 
Negroes  in  the  fifteen  years  of  his  experience.  In  that  time  only  two  contracts 
had  been  forfeited,  both  because  of  disputes  between  the  heirs  and  the  buyers. 
His  firm  had,  however,  made  new  contracts  when  illness  or  other  adverse 
circumstances  had  halted  payments,  thus  allowing  the  buyers  to  start  over 
again.  Means  had  also  been  taken  to  see  that  buyers  paid  their  taxes,  in 
which  process  they  had  required  education.  White  people  must  be  depended 
upon  to  buy  the  Negro's  loans.  Very  few  Negroes  buy  loans.  Their  tendency, 
he  said,  is  to  invest  in  a  home  earlier  in  their  career  than  the  white  people,  and 
they  buy  as  soon  as  they  have  accumulated  enough  to  make  the  initial 
payment. 

According  to  a  bank  appraiser's  opinion  Negroes  do  not  understand  values, 
and  they  are  often  led  to  purchase  a  building  at  much  more  than  its  worth. 
In  consequence  the  amount  of  loans  they  need  is  much  greater  than  it  ought 
to  be.  He  had  not  found,  however,  that  the  Negroes  allow  their  property  to 
deteriorate  unduly.  A  different  situation  had  been  found  where  white  people 
lease  to  Negroes. 

According  to  some  real  estate  dealers,  there  are  cases  where  houses  are 
allowed  to  deteriorate,  where  the  payment  has  been  larger  than  the  purchaser 
could  carry  conveniently.  But  "after  he  has  taken  care  of  the  payment  and 
has  his  deed,  he  will  give  attention  to  the  improvement  of  the  house."  Others 
agreed  that  the  Negro  mortgage  debtor  is  quite  as  reliable  as  a  white  debtor 
of  the  same  class. 

The  president  of  the  Cook  County  Real  Estate  Board  suggested  that  one 
means  of  creating  a  market  for  Negro  loans  would  be  the  passage  of  the  "Home 


THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM  227 

Loan  Bank  Bill."  Its  provisions  are  that  no  loan  would  be  made  in  excess  of 
$5,000,  but  loans  would  be  made  up  to  80  per  cent  of  the  fair  value  of  the 
property.  Many  of  the  loan  houses,  he  declared,  do  not  consider  small  loans, 
a  fact  confirmed  by  the  Commission.  He  cited  one  house  that  will  not  consider 
a  loan  of  less  than  $500,000.  For  this  reason  he  suggested  that  this  business 
shoidd  be  handled  by  the  building  and  loan  associations,  since  they  do  business 
on  a  smaller  margin  of  operating  cost  and  he  regarded  them  as  the  proper 
media  for  finding  suitable  markets  for  Negro  mortgages. 

Involved  in  the  plan  for  funding  the  Negro's  loans  was  the  question  of 
segregation.  It  has  been  maintained  that  not  much  financing  could  be  expected 
from  white  people  unless  boundaries  were  allotted  to  the  Negroes,  so  that 
investors  in  loans  would  know  definitely  what  to  expect.  Opinions,  of  course, 
differed  on  segregation.  It  was  admitted  that  a  spreading  out  of  the  Negro 
population  in  Chicago  is  to  be  expected,  that  Negroes  can  hardly  be  expected 
to  remain  in  the  districts  in  which  they  have  hitherto  virtually  segregated 
themselves.  But  the  opinion  was  also  given  that  their  tendency  is  to  remain 
among  and  near  their  own  people. 

IV.      FINANCIAL  RESOURCES   OF   NEGROES 

The  chief  concern  of  investors,  brokers,  and  real  estate  dealers  is  as  to  the 
ability  of  Negroes  to  meet  obligations.  There  is  a  common  belief,  not  shaken 
even  by  the  satisfactory  experiences  of  those  who  have  dealt  with  them,  that 
Negroes  have  no  financial  resources,  and  are  thriftless  and  improvident.  Inas- 
much as  a  large  part  of  the  present  housing  difiiculty  hinges  upon  this  point, 
the  Commission  made  inquiries  as  to  the  thrift  of  Negroes.  A  group  of  large 
banks  in  the  "Loop"  and  in  neighborhoods  of  Negro  residents  were  asked  to 
give  their  experiences  with  Negroes  as  depositors  and  investors.  In  spite  of 
contrary  opinion  it  appears  that  the  resources  of  Negroes  in  Chicago  are 
astonishingly  large.  In  the  summer  of  1920  in  one  of  the  South  Side  banks 
operated  by  white  men  Negroes  had  deposits  of  $750,000.  One  banker  told  of  a 
Negro  banker  who  sold  among  the  Negroes  a  bond  issue  of  $150,000  on  an  old 
building  on  Wabash  Avenue,  paying  solicitors  10  per  cent  commission  to  make 
sales.  The  savings  deposits  in  his  bank  recently  had  grown  very  materially. 
It  was  his  experience  that  only  a  few  Negroes  buy  bonds.  They  only  inquire 
casually  about  them. 

The  sales  manager  for  bonds  at  a  large  savings  bank,  however,  told  of  the 
sale  of  $3,000  worth  of  bonds  to  a  Negro  woman  who  paid  for  them  from  a  roll 
of  bills  of  $10  to  $50.  Another  "downtown"  broker  told  of  a  Negro  porter 
in  a  "Loop"  hotel,  who  recently  loaned  $6,000  through  his  firm. 

The  information  as  to  Negro  deposits,  sought  by  the  Commission,  was 
provided  by  seven  trust  and  savings  banks,  three  state  banks,  two  national 
banks,  and  one  trust  company.  These  were  able  to  isolate  and  check  up  their 
Negro  deposits.     One  of  the  banks  had  $1,500,000  on  deposit  for  Negroes; 


228  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

another  $1,000,000.  Still  another  had  4,000  Negro  depositors.  A  state  bank 
had  $650,000  on  deposit  for  Negroes,  another  $150,000  and  one  of  the  national 
banks  had  $47,000. 

The  average  deposits  of  the  Negroes  are  not  so  large  as  those  of  all  the 
depositors.  The  comparison,  however,  reveals  a  fair  porportion  when  it  is 
considered  that  there  are  many  very  large  individual  depositors  and  business 
houses  among  the  whites.    This  is  how  the  amounts  run,  by  institutions: 

Average  Individual  Savings  Balance  Average  Individual  Balance 

(Whitefand  Negro  Combined)  (Negroes  Only) 

$125.00  $  50.00 

108.88  66.76 

545.00  332.00 

400 . 00  200 . 00 

120.00  60.00 

235.00  100.00 

125.00  10.00 

196.00  105.00 

186.82  300.00 

230.00  186.00 

It  was  the  almost  unanimous  report  that  Negroes  are  more  likely  to  with- 
draw their  accounts  than  are  white  people,  that  their  accounts  are  less  perma- 
nent. In  two  instances  only  was  the  opinion  expressed  that  they  were  about 
the  same  with  both  races. 

Accompanying  the  questionnaire  to  banks  was  a  list  of  questions  concerning 
real  estate  loans.  One  of  these  was:  "Does  your  bank  make  loans  to  Negroes 
on  real  estate,  collateral,  commercial  paper,  or  personal  notes  ?"  All  except  one 
of  the  trust  and  savings  banks  replied  in  the  afl&rmative.  One  of  the  state 
banks  buys  commercial  paper  on  proper  security,  but  not  real  estate  loans 
because  of  the  difficulty  in  selling  them.  One  of  the  national  banks  buys 
commercial  or  collateral  paper  on  its  merits,  without  regard  to  color.  Indeed, 
it  appears  that  no  color  line  is  drawn  in  this  line  of  business  except  by  the 
few  institutions  that  decline  all  loans  to  Negroes. 

In  general  it  was  found  that  the  Negroes  are  showing  strong  tendencies  to 
open  bank  accounts,  that  they  are  steadily  improving  in  the  amount  of  deposits 
made,  in  the  steadiness  of  their  accounts,  and  in  thrift  in  general.  However, 
it  appears  that  in  only  a  few  of  the  banks  are  they  welcomed  and  in  most  of 
them  they  are  only  tolerated.  In  banks  located  in  neighborhoods  in  which 
Negroes  live  there  is  an  amazing  number  of  Negro  depositors,  who  receive, 
as  a  rule,  friendly  advice  and  help  in  their  financial  transactions.  Thus 
Negroes  are  taught  banking  formalities,  while  thrift  is  encouraged,  and  a 
good  spirit  is  developed  among  the  white  employees  toward  Negro  depositors. 
In  some  instances,  however,  Negroes,  like  their  white  brothers,  show  suspicion 
of  banking  institutions  when  they  have  suffered  losses. 


THE  NEGRO  HOUSING  PROBLEM  229 

It  appears  also  that,  in  addition  to  the  growing  desire  to  invest  in  homes 
of  their  own,  Negroes  are  showing  a  strong  tendency  to  engage  in  business 
ventures.  They  are  developing  insurance  companies,  co-operative  stores, 
retail  stores  of  various  kinds,  and  kindred  enterprises. 

Negroes^  lack  of  opportunities  for  banking  experience. — In  order  to  carry 
forward  successfully  their  business  undertakings  Negroes  need  practical 
personal  experience  and  training  in  banking  and  financial  methods.  Yet  there 
is  a  strong  tendency  to  bar  Negroes  from  employment  in  banks,  except  as 
porters  or  in  some  unskilled  capacity,  and  they  are  thus  denied  the  experience 
needed  in  solving  financial  problems  among  their  own  race. 

Bankers  were  asked:  "If  Negroes  competent  to  learn  practical  banking 
were  available,  could  you  employ  them?"  Here  are  some  of  the  condensed 
replies: 

1.  Other  employees  would  refuse  to  co-operate  with  them  and  associate  with 
them. 

2.  They  are  not  reliable  as  a  rule. 

3.  Do  not  think  so. 

4.  Yes. 
5-  No. 

6.  We  have  no  objections  beyond  the  fact  that  95  per  cent  of  our  depositors  are 
white;  consequently  we  would  not  care  to  employ  colored  tellers  or  clerks  in  handling 
their  business. 

7.  We  could  not  have  them  in  clerical  positions. 

8.  In  a  general  way  we  feel  that  the  employment  of  Negroes  by  banking  institu- 
tions would  cause  trouble  with  certain  classes  of  our  depositors. 

9.  Very  difficult  to  work  white  and  colored  in  same  office  or  cages.  White 
customers  prefer  to  have  white  clerks  wait  upon  them. 

10.  Clerks  who  were  antagonistic  to  Negroes  would  bring  about  constant  diffi- 
cvJties  through  the  misplacing  of  papers,  mistakes,  etc.,  which  would  seem  to  be  the 
fault  of  the  Negroes. 

11.  Have  found  that  a  Negro  will  appear  to  be  strictly  honest  for  a  period  of 
years  and  then  turn  aroimd  and  prove  not  to  be. 

12.  Our  section  of  the  city  is  entirely  white,  but  with  a  fear  of  colored  invasion. 
There  is,  therefore,  a  strong  prejudice  against  them.  We  have  only  about  half  a 
dozen  accounts  with  colored  people.  Two  of  these  are  in  the  savings  department 
and  are  maintained  with  large  balances.  These  two  customers  are  thrifty  and  care- 
fvd  with  their  money.     The  others  are  not. 

13.  In  former  years  a  bank  position  was  eagerly  sought  and  considered  excep- 
tionally good.  At  present,  because  of  higher  salaries  which  can  be  offered  by  concerns 
which  make  greater  earnings  than  banks  and  can  therefore  pay  more,  the  banks  are 
not  getting  the  same  high  grade  of  employees.  With  the  former  class  it  would  have 
been  possible  to  appeal  to  their  sense  of  duty  to  help  educate  the  Negroes  and  to 
overcome  prejudice.  With  present  conditions  it  is  not  likely  that  this  appeal  would 
have  the  same  effect,  and  prejudice  against  Negroes  would  make  trouble  in  our  routine. 

14.  Social  factors  enter.  For  instance,  banks  often  have  dinners  or  other  events 
for  or  among  their  employees.    No  "Loop"  hotel  would  put  on  an  affair  for  whites 


230  TEDE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

and  Negroes.    There  is  also  the  difficulty  of  washrooms,  and  lockers,  etc.,  where 
prejudiced  employees  could  make  a  great  deal  of  trouble. 

It  would  seem,  then,  that  there  is  not  much  chance  for  the  hvmdreds  of 
intelligent  Negro  high-school  and  college  graduates  in  Chicago  to  obtain  a 
practical  education  in  banking  methods  through  direct  experience.  Banks 
owned  by  Negroes  are  few  and  small,  and  there  is  scarcely  any  opportunity  to 
obtain  similar  experience  in  Negro  building  and  loan,  insurance,  and  other 
companies,  which  are  also  limited  in  number. 


CHAPTER  VI 

RACIAL  CONTACTS 
INTRODUCTION 

Contacts  of  whites  and  Negroes  in  the  North  and  South  differ  according 
to  the  institutions  and  traditions  of  the  sections  in  which  they  have  been  reared. 
In  the  South  relations  are  fixed  and  generally  understood,  although  Negroes 
consider  the  institutions  on  which  these  relations  are  based  oppressive  and 
consistently  oppose  them.  There  the  "color  line"  is  drawn  rigidly  without 
reference  to  the  desires  or  comfort  of  Negroes  or  the  free  expression  of  their 
citizenship  privileges.  Because  it  is  nearer  than  the  North  to  the  institution 
of  slavery,  the  South  still  maintains  an  almost  patriarchal  relationship  with 
its  Negro  population.  Small  communities,  the  plantation  system,  and  the 
great  numbers  of  Negroes  in  domestic  service  hold  the  two  races  steadily  in 
contacts  so  close  that  class  as  well  as  race  lines  are  maintained  with  deliberate- 
ness  and  persistence.  Even  where  there  are  no  laws  specifically  regulating 
association  of  the  races,  the  sentiment  of  the  community  is  enforced,  frequently 
in  disregard  of  existing  general  laws.  Thus  Negroes  may  not  eat  in  a  restaurant 
with  whites,  sit  in  adjoining  seats  in  a  theater,  live  in  the  same  neighborhoods, 
work  together  on  the  same  jobs,  or  attend  the  same  schools. 

In  northern  communities  the  institutions  are  more  liberal  and  with  few 
exceptions  there  are  no  restrictive  laws  applying  specifically  to  racial  associa- 
tion. In  fact,  the  trend  of  legislation  and  of  court  decisions  is  strongly  toward 
adopting  and  enforcing  general  regulations  without  regard  to  race  or  color. 
Relations  are  less  personal,  contacts  are  wider  and  more  frequent. 

From  a  very  simple  organization  of  relations  in  the  South,  Negroes  are 
transported  to  more  complex  relations  based  on  more  elaborate  urban  distribu- 
tion of  responsibilities.  Thus  it  happens  that  whites  and  Negroes  in  Chicago 
may  be  found  working  together  in  industry,  riding  together  on  street  cars, 
attending  the  same  schools,  sharing  political  activities,  with  an  increasing 
number  of  Negroes  holding  public  office,  transacting  business  in  banks,  stores, 
and  real  estate,  competing  in  athletics  in  public  schools,  colleges,  and  the 
Y.M.C.A.,  and  conferring  on  social  problems  in  civic  and  reform  clubs. 

The  increasing  number  of  these  contacts  cannot  fail  to  influence  the  neces- 
sary adjustments.  The  general  public  seems  to  accept  necessary  contacts 
with  a  minimum  of  outward  friction,  as  is  shown  by  thousands  of  daily  contacts. 
Each  contact,  however,  where  there  is  friction,  is  a  focus  of  comment,  antago- 
nism, resentment,  prejudice,  or  fear.  But  association  in  such  places  as  hotels, 
restaurants,  barber  shops,  dance  halls,  and  theaters  is  often  limited  by  tradition 
and  custom  in  the  North  as  strictly  as  by  regulation  in  the  South. 

231 


232  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

A.    LEGAL  STATUS  OF  NEGROES  EST  ILLINOIS 

The  legal  status  of  Negroes  in  Illinois  dififers  in  no  respect  from  that  of 
white  persons.  The  limitations  which  aflfect  Negroes  are  established  through 
rules  imposed  by  persons  who  oflfer  public  services  and  accommodations. 
When  these  rules  are  unfair,  evasive,  or  even  illegal,  they  can  be  enforced  only 
because  of  non-enforcement  of  existing  laws.  Federal  and  state  courts  are 
in  accord  in  holding  Negro  men  and  women  in  Illinois  to  be  citizens  of  the 
United  States  and  of  the  commonwealth,  protected  by  the  laws  against  dis- 
crimination or  oppression  on  accoimt  of  their  race  or  color. 

There  are  two  lines  of  decisions  in  Illinois  relating  to  discriminations  on 
account  of  color.  One  line  of  cases  prohibits  discrimination  in  certain  public 
places  and  the  other  prohibits  discrimination  against  school  children.  All  but 
two  of  these  cases  were  tried  since  the  passage  of  the  School  Act  and  the  Civil 
Rights  Act,  prohibiting  such  discrimination,  enacted  in  1874  and  1885,  respec- 
tively. The  civil-rights  cases'  are  briefly  reviewed  below  by  a  consideration 
of  the  school  cases. 

I.      CrVIL  RIGHTS   EN  PUBLIC  PLACES 

The  Civil  Rights  Act,  originally  passed  in  1885,  was  amended  in  1903, 
and  again  in  191 1.     Section  i  of  this  act  now  provides: 

That  all  persons  within  the  jurisdiction  of  said  State  of  Illinois  shall  be  entitled 
to  the  fuU  and  equal  enjoyment  of  the  accommodation,  advantages,  facilities  and 
privileges  of  inns,  restaurants,  eating  houses,  hotels,  soda-fountains,  saloons,  barber 
shops,  bathrooms,  theaters,  skating  rinks,  concerts,  cafes,  bicycle  rinks,  elevators, 
ice-cream  parlors  or  rooms,  railroads,  omnibuses,  stages,  street  cars,  boats,  funeral 
hearses,  and  public  conveyances  on  land  and  water,  and  all  other  places  of  public 
accommodation  and  amusement,  subject  only  to  the  conditions  and  limitations 
established  by  law  and  applicable  alike  to  all  citizens;  nor  shall  there  be  any  dis- 
crimination on  account  of  race  or  color  in  the  price  to  be  charged  and  paid  for  lots 
or  graves  in  any  cemetery  or  place  for  burying  the  dead,  but  the  price  to  be  charged 
and  paid  for  lots  in  any  cemetery  or  place  for  burying  the  dead  shall  be  appUcable 
alike  to  all  citizens  of  every  race  and  color. 

Section  2  provides: 

That  any  person  who  shall  violate  any  of  the  provisions  of  the  foregoing  section 
by  denying  to  any  citizen,  except  for  reasons  applicable  alike  to  all  citizens  of  every 
race  and  color  and  regardless  of  color  or  race,  the  full  enjoyment  of  any  accommoda- 
tions, advantages,  facilities  or  privileges  in  said  section  enumerated  or  by  aiding  or 
inciting  such  denial,  shall  for  every  such  offense  forfeit  and  pay  a  sum  not  less  than 
$25  nor  more  than  $500  to  the  person  aggrieved  thereby,  to  be  recovered  in  any  court 

'  Civil-rights  cases  are:  Williams  v.  Chicago  &•  Northwestern  Railroad  Co.,  55  111.  185; 
Baylies  v.  Curry,  128  111.  287;  Cecil  v.  Green,  161  111.  265;  People  v.  Forest  Home  Cemetery 
Co.,  258  111.  36;  Grace  v.  Moseley,  112  111.  App.  100;  Dean  v.  Chicago  6-  N.W.  R.R.  Co.,  183 
111.  App.  317;  Thome  v.  Alcazar  AmusetnetU  Co.,  210  111.  App.  173;  White  v.  Pasfield,  212 
111.  App.  73. 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  233 

of  competent  jurisdiction  in  the  county  where  said  offense  was  committed,  and  shall 
also  for  every  such  offense  be  deemed  guilty  of  a  misdemeanor,  and  upon  conviction 
thereof,  shall  be  fined  not  to  exceed  $500  or  shall  be  imprisoned  not  more  than  one 
year  or  both;  and  provided  further,  that  a  judgment  in  favor  of  the  party  aggrieved, 
or  punishment  upon  an  indictment,  shall  be  a  bar  to  either  prosecution  respectively. 

Anna  William  v.  Chicago  b°  Northwestern  Railway  Company  (55  111.  185) — 
the  first  case  of  color  discrimination  which  reached  the  supreme  court  of 
Illinois — was  heard  in  1870,  before  the  passage  of  the  Civil  Rights  Act.  The 
court  decided  that  a  railroad  company  could  not  exclude  a  Negro  woman  on 
account  of  her  color  from  a  certain  car  reserved  for  the  use  of  ladies.  The 
evidence  showed  that  the  brakeman  had  refused  to  permit  the  Negro  woman 
to  enter  the  "ladies'  car"  and  pushed  her  away.  The  jury  awarded  her 
$200  damages,  which  the  court  upheld  as  reasonable. 

Before  the  Amendment  of  1903,  the  Civil  Rights  Act  of  1885  provided 
that  all  persons  should  be  entitled 

to  the  fuU  and  equal  enjoyment  of  the  accommodation,  advantages,  facilities  and 
privileges  of  inns,  restaurants,  eating  houses,  barber  shops,  public  conveyances  on 
land  or  water,  theaters,  and  all  other  places  of  public  accommodation  and  amusement, 
subject  only  to  the  conditions  and  limitations  established  by  law  and  applicable 
alike  to  all  citizens. 

In  1896,  in  Cecil  v.  Green  (60  111.  App.,  61 ;  afl&rmed,  161  111.  265),  the  court 
decided  that  the  expression  "all  other  places  of  public  accommodation" 
embraced  only  places  of  the  same  general  character  as  those  enumerated, 
and  therefore  that  soda  fountains  were  not  included  within  the  general  term. 

The  amendment  of  1903  included  soda  fountains,  saloons,  bathrooms, 
skating  rinks,  concerts,  bicycle  rinks,  elevators,  and  ice-cream  parlors. 

In  Baylies  v.  Curry  (30  111.  App.  105;  affirmed,  128  111.  36),  decided  in 
1889,  a  Negro  woman,  after  being  refused  tickets  at  the  box-office  of  Curry's 
Theater,  had  a  white  woman  purchase  two  tickets  for  her  in  the  balcony. 
Upon  attempting  to  use  them,  the  Negro  woman  and  her  husband  were  referred 
back  to  the  box-office  and  their  money  returned.  The  proprietor  introduced 
evidence  to  show  that  his  theater  was  in  a  bad  neighborhood,  and  he  had, 
therefore,  adopted  the  rule  of  reserving  certain  rows  for  Negroes  in  each 
section  of  the  house.  The  supreme  court,  in  affirming  judgment  for  $100 
damages,  said:  "Beyond  all  question,  the  Civil  Rights  Act  prohibits  the 
denial  of  access  to  the  theater  and  to  the  several  circles  or  grades  of  seats 
therein,  because  of  race  or  color." 

In  1903,  in  Grace  v.  Moseley  (112  111.  App.  100),  it  was  held  that  the  statute 
imposes  liability  only  where  the  defendant  denies  or  incites  a  denial  of  service, 
not  where  he  merely  fails  to  provide  service. 

The  amendment  of  1911  provided  that  there  should  not  be  any  discrimina- 
tion on  account  of  race  or  color  in  the  price  charged  for  lots  or  graves  in  any 
cemetery. 


234  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Relying  upon  this  provision,  Gaskill,  a  Negro,  applied  for  a  writ  of 
mandamus  to  compel  the  Forest  Home  Cemetery  Company  to  receive  the 
body  of  his  wife  for  burial  {People  ex  rel.  Gaskill  v.  Forest  Home  Cemetery 
Covipany,  258  111.  36,  1913).  The  cemetery  company  had  passed  a  resolution 
in  1907  that  thereafter  the  cemetery  would  be  maintained  for  the  burial  of 
white  persons  only — except  that  colored  persons  owning  lots  in  the  cemetery, 
and  their  direct  heirs,  should  be  admitted  for  burial.  Gaskill  did  not  own 
a  lot  in  the  cemetery,  but  four  of  his  children  had  been  buried  there  fifteen  to 
twenty  years  before  in  single  graves  separated  from  each  other;  and  when  he 
applied  in  191 2  for  space  for  the  burial  of  his  wife,  the  company  refused  per- 
mission solely  on  account  of  her  color. 

The  court  held  that  the  191 1  amendment  did  not  prohibit  a  cemetery 
corporation,  which  did  not  have  the  power  of  eminent  domain  under  its  charter 
and  which  had  no  monopoly  of  the  burial  places  in  its  vicinity,  from  making 
and  enforcing  a  rule  excluding  colored  persons  from  burial  in  its  cemetery. 
The  case  was  taken  on  writ  of  error  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States 
(238  U.S.  606),  but  the  writ  was  dismissed  for  want  of  jurisdiction  without 
further  comment. 

In  Dean  v.  Chicago  b°  Northwestern  Railway  Company  (183  111.  App.  317; 
1913),  Dean,  a  Negro,  recovered  damages  of  $300  from  the  railway  company 
for  its  refusal  to  allow  him  to  ride  in  a  station  elevator  because  of  his  color.^ 

II.      DISCRIMINATION   IN  PUBLIC   SCHOOLS 

The  first  school  case  was  decided  in  1874,  before  there  was  any  statute 
forbidding  discrimination  against  Negro  children  in  the  public  schools.^  In 
Chase  v.  Stephenson  (71  111.  383;  1874)  a  taxpayer  filed  a  bill  to  enjoin  the 
directors  of  a  school  district  from  maintaining  a  separate  school  for  Negro 
children;  and  the  court  held  that  the  directors  had  no  authority  to  discriminate 
on  account  of  color,  and  the  separate  school  was  enjoined. 

»  White  V.  Pasfield,  212  111.  App.  73;  1918.  A  Negro  filed  a  bill  in  equity  to  enjoin  the 
lessees  of  a  public  pavilion  and  swimming-pool  from  excluding  him  therefrom.  It  was  held 
that  a  court  of  equity  had  no  jurisdiction  to  enjoin  such  a  violation  of  the  Civil  Rights  Act, 
but  left  the  party  to  his  statutory  remedies  of  either  an  action  for  damages  or  criminal  prose- 
cution. 

Thome  v.  Alcazar  Amusement  Company,  210  111.  App.  173,  1918,  was  an  action  to  recover 
the  penalty  provided  by  the  Civil  Rights  Act  for  refusing  to  permit  a  Negro  woman  to  occupy 
a  theater  seat  for  which  she  had  purchased  a  ticket.  Judgment  in  favor  of  the  plaintiff  in 
the  municipal  court  was  reversed  in  the  appellate  court  on  the  ground  that  the  municipal 
court  had  no  jurisdiction  to  impose  penalties  for  criminal  acts  occurring  outside  the  city 
limits. 

'  School  cases  in  Illinois  are  as  follows:  Chase  v.  Stephenson,  71  111.  383;  People  v.  Board 
0  Education  of  Quincy,  loi  111.  308;  People  v.  McFall  and  Board  of  Education  ofQuincy, 
26  111.  App.  319,  affirmed,  124  111.  642;  People  v.  Board  of  Education  of  Upper  Alton  School 
District,  127  m.  6is;  Bibb  v.  Mayor  of  Alton,  ijgl]!.  615;  193  111.  309;  209  111.  461;  221  111. 

27s;  233  lU-  542. 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  235 

In  March,  1874,  "An  Act  to  Protect  Colored  Children  in  Their  Rights  to 
Attend  Public  Schools"  was  passed  which  provided: 

That  all  directors  of  schools,  boards  of  education,  or  other  school  officers,  whose 
duty  it  now  is  or  may  be  hereafter  to  provide  in  their  respective  jurisdictions  schools 
for  the  education  of  all  children  between  the  ages  of  six  and  twenty-one  years,  are 
prohibited  from  excluding  directly  or  indirectly  any  such  child  from  such  school  on 
account  of  the  color  of  such  child. 

Two  school  cases  have  since  arisen  at  Quincy,  Illinois.  The  first,  decided 
in  1882  {People  ex  rel.  Longress  v.  Board  of  Education  of  Quincy,  loi  111.  308), 
was  a  quo  warranto  proceeding,  attacking  a  regulation  of  the  school  board, 
requiring  all  Negro  children  to  attend  one  school,  and  excluding  them  from  all 
others.  The  court  held  that  the  laws  of  Illinois  prohibited  such  discrimination 
and  the  board  was  without  authority  to  make  the  regulation. 

In  the  second  Quincy  case,  decided  in  1888  {People  v.  McFall  and  Board 
of  Education  of  Quincy  26  111.  App.  319;  affirmed,  124  111.  642),  the  petition  for 
quo  warranto  charged  that  the  Board  of  Education  had  continued  the  illegal 
discrimination  against  Negro  children  ever  since  the  decision  in  the  first  case. 
The  petition  was  supported  by  a  number  of  affidavits  of  Negroes.  After  a 
full  hearing  on  affidavits  and  counter-affidavits  the  trial  court  denied  the 
petition.  The  appellate  court  affirmed  the  judgment,  characterizing  the 
affidavits  in  support  of  the  petition  as  "vague  and  unsatisfactory";  and  the 
supreme  court  affirmed  the  judgment. 

Quincy  has  fourteen  schools,  and  the  School  Board  has  divided  the  city  into 
four  school  districts.  The  Lincoln  School  is  exclusively  a  Negro  school  and  is 
the  only  school  in  the  district  in  which  most  of  the  Negroes  live.  All  white 
children  in  that  district  are  transferred  to  other  schools,  and  the  few  Negro 
children  outside  the  Lincoln  district  are  urged  to  attend  the  Lincoln  School. 
The  Negro  teachers  and  Negro  principal  of  the  Lincoln  School  are  paid 
higher  salaries  than  other  teachers  in  Quincy,  and  are  told  that  if  they 
wish  to  maintain  themselves  in  the  Quincy  schools,  they  must  persuade  Negro 
children  in  other  districts  to  attend  the  Lincoln  School.  In  this  way  the  board 
has  succeeded  in  confining  Negro  children  with  few  exceptions  to  the  Lincoln 
School.  Yet  some  Negroes  are  attending  five  other  schools,  including  the 
high  school. 

There  have  also  been  two  school  cases  from  Alton,  Illinois.  The  first 
case  was  People  v.  Board  of  Education  of  Upper  Alton  (127  111.  613),  decided 
in  1889.  This  was  a  proceeding  by  mandamus,  begun  in  the  supreme  court 
by  John  Peair,  to  compel  the  Board  of  Education  to  admit  his  two  children  to 
the  high  school  of  Upper  Alton.  Certain  issues  of  fact  were  certified  to  the 
circuit  court  for  trial  by  jury.  The  jury  returned  a  general  verdict  in  favor 
of  the  Board  of  Education,  notwithstanding  the  following  special  findings 
in  answer  to  questions  asked  by  the  relator,  John  Peair: 


236  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Q.:  When  application  was  made  ....  to  the  principal  in  charge  of  the  said 
building  on  behalf  of  relator's  two  children  for  permission  to  attend  school  in  said 
building,  was  such  permission  refused  by  said  principal  because  said  children  were 
colored  ? 

A.:  Yes. 

Q.:  Have  not  the  children  of  relator,  John  Peair,  been  excluded  from  attending 
school  in  said  high  school  building  by  the  defendants  on  account  of  the  color  of  said 
children  ? 

A.:  Yes. 

The  supreme  court  held  that  the  general  verdict  in  favor  of  the  Board  of 
Education  was  "so  manifestly  the  result  of  misdirection  by  the  court  as  to  be 
entitled  to  no  consideration,"  and  a  writ  of  mandamus  was  ordered. 

The  second  school  case  from  Alton,  though  begun  in  1899,  was  not  finally 
decided  until  1908.  This  was  a  petition  for  mandamus  filed  in  the  supreme 
court  by  Scott  Bibb  to  compel  the  mayor  and  city  council  of  Alton  to  admit 
his  children  to  the  Washington  School  which  they  had  been  attending,  and  from 
which  he  alleged  they  were  excluded  on  account  of  color  and  were  transferred 
to  a  school  attended  only  by  Negro  children.  The  supreme  court  certified  the 
case  to  the  circuit  court  of  Madison  County  for  the  trial  of  certain  issues  of 
facts.  Before  the  supreme  court  finally  ordered  the  mandamus  to  issue  in 
1908  the  case  had  been  tried  by  a  jury  seven  times,  had  been  before  the  supreme 
court  five  times,  and  the  Bibb  children  were  grown  up.  It  is  interesting  as  a 
flagrant  example  of  race  prejudice  in  the  trial  judge  and  jury. 

In  this  case  {People  ex  rel.  Scott  Bibb  v.  Mayor  and  Common  Council  of  Alton, 
233  lU.  542)  the  supreme  court  said: 

The  issues  in  this  case  have  been  tried  seven  times  by  juries  in  the  circuit  court, 
and  in  two  of  them  the  jury  disagreed.  Upon  the  first  trial  where  there  was  a  verdict 
it  was  in  favor  of  the  respondents,  and  it  was  certified  to  this  court.  That  verdict 
was  set  aside  for  manifest  error  prejudicial  to  the  relator  in  rulmgs  of  the  court  in 
the  admission  of  evidence.  {People  ex  rel.  v.  Mayor  and  Common  Council  of  Alton, 
179  111.  615.)  There  was  another  trial  resulting  in  a  verdict  in  favor  of  the  respondents, 
which  was  set  aside  on  account  of  a  misdirection  of  the  court  in  submitting  to  the  jury 
a  question  of  law.  {People  ex  rel.  v.  Mayor  and  Common  Council  of  Alton,  193  111. 
309.)  Upon  another  trial  there  was  a  third  verdict  in  favor  of  the  respondents, 
which  this  court  set  aside  because  clearly  contrary  to  the  facts  proved  and  without 
any  support  in  the  evidence.  It  was  proved  at  that  trial,  beyond  dispute  or  contro- 
versy, that  the  respondents  were  guilty  of  the  charge  contained  in  the  petition,  and 
the  evidence  mtroduced  by  them  had  no  tendency  to  prove  that  the  intention  clearly 
manifested  by  their  acts  did  not  exist.  The  verdict  could  only  be  accounted  for  as 
a  product  of  passion,  prejudice  or  hostility  to  the  law.  {People  ex  rel.  v.  Mayor  and 
Common  Council  of  Alton,  209  111.  461.)  The  attorney  for  relator  then  urged  that  a 
peremptory  writ  should  be  awarded  on  the  ground  that  the  evidence  in  the  record 
clearly  showed  the  relator  to  be  entitled  to  it.  The  relator,  however,  had  not  requested 
the  circuit  court  to  direct  a  verdict  in  his  favor,  and  it  was  said  that  if  such  a  motion 
had  been  made  the  court  would  doubtless  have  granted  it.    The  court  said  that  the 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  237 

issues  were  sent  to  the  circuit  court  for  trial  in  conformity  with  the  practice  governing 
the  trial  of  issues  of  fact  in  actions  at  law  before  a  jury,  and  it  was  not  deemed  advis- 
able, in  the  existing  condition  of  the  record,  to  set  aside  that  order.  The  case  was 
sent  back  for  another  trial,  and  upon  the  next  trial  the  attorney  for  relator  moved 
the  court  to  direct  a  verdict  in  his  favor,  and  this  the  court  refused  to  do,  assigning 
as  a  reason  that  this  court  had  directed  that  the  issues  be  submitted  to  another  jury. 
The  excuse  was  so  shallow  and  baseless  as  to  justify  a  conclusion  that  it  was  a  mere 
pretext  to  evade  a  compliance  with  the  law  as  declared  by  this  court,  and  the  verdict 
was  set  aside  and  the  circuit  court  directed,  in  the  trial  of  the  questions  of  fact,  to 
proceed  in  accordance  with  the  opinion  then  filed  and  the  earlier  opinions  in  the  case. 
{People  ex  rel.  v.  Mayor  and  Common  Council  of  Alton,  221  lU.  275.)  The  case  has 
been  again  tried,  and  a  verdict  in  favor  of  the  respondents,  unsupported  by  any 
evidence,  has  been  returned  to  this  court.  The  evidence  was  to  all  intents  and 
purposes  the  same  as  upon  the  former  trials,  and  demonstrated,  beyond  the  possibility 
of  a  doubt,  that  the  children  of  relator  were  excluded  from  the  Washington  School, 
which  was  the  most  convenient  of  the  public  schools  of  the  city  to  which  they  had  the 
right  to  be  admitted,  and  that  the  exclusion  was  solely  on  account  of  their  race  and 
color,  and  for  no  other  reason  whatever.  The  evidence  for  the  respondents  that 
nothing  was  said  about  schools  or  colored  children  by  the  mayor  and  council  in 
changing  the  ordinances  for  the  purpose  of  excluding  colored  children  from  schools 
attended  by  white  children;  that  the  intention  to  exclude  them  was  not  declared, 
or  that  orders  were  never  issued  to  the  police,  or  that  the  mayor  never  intended  the 
poHce  force  under  his  control  to  do  what  they  did  and  what  he  knew  they  were  doing, 
had  no  tendency  whatever  to  prove  that  the  children  of  the  relator  were  not  excluded 
by  the  respondents  on  account  of  their  race  or  color.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  evidence 
the  attorney  for  the  relator  moved  the  court  to  direct  a  verdict  finding  the  issues  in 
favor  of  the  relator  and  presented  to  the  court  a  written  instruction  for  that  purpose, 
but  the  court  denied  the  motion  and  refused  to  give  the  instruction.  In  so  doing  the 
court  erred,  and  the  error  was  in  a  matter  of  law,  and  contrary  to  the  law  in  this  case 
as  declared  by  this  court  in  previous  opinions  filed  in  the  case. 

The  attorney  for  respondents  says  that  we  ought  to  approve  this  verdict  for  the 
reason  that  the  questions  of  fact  have  been  tried  seven  times  in  the  circuit  court; 
that  the  juries  have  twice  disagreed  and  five  juries  have  decided  in  favor  of  the 
respondents,  and  aU  the  trials  have  been  presided  over  by  learned  judges.  Great 
weight  is  justly  given  to  the  conclusion  of  a  jury  upon  controverted  questions  of  fact 
where  the  verdict  appears  to  be  the  result  of  an  honest  exercise  of  judgment  and  the 
weighing,  with  fair  deliberation,  of  the  credibility  of  witnesses,  but  it  is  beyond 
dispute  that  this  verdict,  when  viewed  in  the  most  favorable  Hght  for  the  respondents, 
does  not  represent  any  conclusion  of  the  jury  from  the  evidence,  and  that  all  of  the 
verdicts  represent  nothing  but  a  refusal  by  juries  to  enforce  a  law  which  they  do  not 
personally  approve  or  which  is  distasteful  to  them.  In  the  first  opinion  filed  in  this 
case  it  was  said  that  it  might  be  that  the  wisest  of  both  races  believe  that  the  best 
interests  of  each  would  be  promoted  by  voluntary  separation  in  the  public  schools, 
but  that  it  is  no  less  the  duty  of  courts  to  enforce  the  law  as  it  stands,  without  respect 
to  race  or  persons.  We  woidd  be  remiss  in  our  duty  to  enforce  the  law  and  would 
forfeit  the  respect  of  all  law-abiding  citizens  if  we  should  approve  this  verdict  for  no 
other  reason  than  because  it  is  one  of  a  series  which  represent,  not  the  enforcement 


238  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

of  law  or  the  discharge  of  duty,  but  a  deplorable  disregard  for  the  law  and  for  the  rights 
of  citizens.  The  verdicts  have  all  been  more  offensive  and  dangerous  assaults  upon 
the  law,  the  government,  and  organized  societies,  than  utterances  of  individ- 
uals or  societies  who  are  opposed  to  all  law,  and  which  are  regarded  only  as  the 
sentiments  of  the  ignorant,  depraved  and  vicious  who  are  the  enemies  of  a  gov- 
ernment of  laws.  These  verdicts  were  pronounced,  not  by  those  who  were  avowed 
enemies  of  law  and  government,  but  by  those  who  constituted  a  part  of  the  gov- 
ernmental machinery  for  the  enforcement  of  the  law  and  who  had  been  sworn 
to  discharge  their  duty  in  that  regard.  Such  verdicts  not  only  denote  opposition 
to  the  enforcement  of  the  law,  but  they  also  jeopardize  the  highest  interests  of 
society  and  individuals.  When  the  law,  through  the  refusal  of  jurors  to  regard  their 
oaths,  becomes  impotent  to  protect  the  rights  of  the  humblest,  the  rights  of  no  person 
are  secure;  and  jurors  may  take  heed  that  they  obey  and  enforce  the  law,  lest  their 
refusal  to  enforce  the  law  for  the  protection  of  others  becomes  effective  to  deprive 
them  of  their  legal  rights  and  substitute  the  beliefs  of  jurors  and  courts  as  to  the 
the  wisdom  of  laws  enacted  for  their  protection.  The  error  of  the  court  in  refusing 
to  direct  a  verdict  is  not  obviated  by  the  fact  that  there  have  been  so  many  verdicts 
contrary  to  the  law  and  the  evidence.  The  verdict  must  be  set  aside,  and  the  next 
question  is  whether  the  issues  shall  be  again  sent  to  the  circuit  court  for  trial. 

In  this  case  the  effort  to  obtain  a  fair  trial  of  the  issues  of  fact  before  a  jury  has 
proved  utterly  futile,  and  upon  the  trial  now  under  review  the  court  refused  to  direct 
a  verdict  in  passing  upon  a  question  of  law  raised  by  the  motion  of  the  relator  for  such 
a  direction.  It  is  clear  that  after  so  many  tnals  there  can  be  no  further  evidence 
produced  by  either  party  but  that  all  the  evidence  relating  to  the  issues  is  before  us. 
We  are  of  the  opinion  that  it  would  be  a  wrong  to  the  relator  to  further  delay  him  in 
establishing  his  rights  and  to  compel  him  to  add  to  the  trouble  and  expense  already 
incurred  in  an  effort  to  compel  obedience  to  the  law.  The  verdict  of  the  jury  is  set 
aside  and  the  issues  wiU  not  be  again  certified  to  the  circuit  court  for  trial  but  will 
now  be  finally  disposed  of.  The  averments  of  the  petition  have  been  fully  proved 
upon  repeated  trials  and  the  evidence  is  preserved  in  the  record.  The  evidence 
produced  by  the  respondents  affords  no  support  to  their  answer. 

We  therefore  find  that  all  the  material  facts  alleged  in  the  petition  are  true  as 
therein  stated  and  that  the  relator  is  entitled  to  a  writ  of  mandamus  as  therein  prayed, 
and  it  is  therefore  ordered  that  a  peremptory  writ  of  mandamus  issue  according  to 
the  prayer  of  the  petition,  that  the  respondents  pay  the  costs,  and  that  execution 
issue  therefor. 

B.     CONTACTS  IN  CHICAGO  PUBLIC  SCHOOLS 

The  public  schools  furnish  one  of  the  most  important  points  of  contact 
between  the  white  and  Negro  races,  because  of  the  actual  number  of  contacts 
in  the  daily  school  life  of  thousands  of  Negro  and  white  children,  and  also 
because  the  reactions  of  young  children  should  indicate  whether  or  not  there 
is  instinctive  race  prejudice. 

The  Chicago  Board  of  Education  makes  no  distinction  between  Negro 
and  white  children.  There  are  no  separate  schools  for  Negroes.  None  of  the 
records  of  any  teacher  or  principal  shows  which  children  are  Negroes  and  which 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  239 

white.  The  board  does  not  know  how  many  Negro  children  there  are  in  any 
school  or  in  the  city  at  large,  nor  how  many  of  the  teachers  are  Negroes. 
It  was  impossible  to  obtain  from  the  board,  for  example,  a  list  of  the  schools 
having  a  large  Negro  enrolment  with  which  to  begin  the  investigation.  An 
unfortunate  but  unavoidable  incidental  effect  of  the  investigation  was  the 
focusing  of  attention  of  principals  and  teachers  on  the  Negroes  in  their 
schools. 

Frequently  white  teachers  in  charge  of  classes  with  Negro  pupils  are  race 
conscious  and  accept  the  conduct  of  white  children  as  normal  and  pay  dis- 
proportionate attention  to  the  conduct  of  Negro  children  as  exceptional  and 
distinctive.  As  a  result  of  the  focusing  of  attention  on  Negro  children,  the 
inquiry,  which  was  intended  to  get  balanced  information,  developed  a  dis- 
proportionate amount  of  information  concerning  their  conduct  as  compared 
with  that  of  whites.  Teachers  who  considered  both  races  were  inclined  to 
believe  that  Negro  children  as  a  group  had  no  special  weaknesses  that  white 
children  as  a  group  did  not  also  exhibit;  that  some  Negro  children,  like  any 
other  children,  were  good,  some  were  bad,  and  some  indifferent,  and  that  no 
generalizations  about  the  race  could  be  made  from  the  characteristics  or 
attitude  of  a  few. 

It  became  evident  as  soon  as  the  investigation  started  that  it  was  necessary 
to  distinguish  between  the  northern  and  the  southern  Negro.  The  southern 
Negro  is  conspicuous  the  moment  one  enters  the  elementary  schools.  Over-age 
or  retarded  children  are  found  in  all  the  lower  grades,  special  classes,  and 
ungraded  rooms,  and  are  noticeable  all  the  way  to  the  eighth  grade,  where 
seventeen-  and  nineteen-year-old  children  are  sometimes  found.  In  some 
schools  these  children  are  found  in  the  regular  classes;  in  others  there  are 
special  rooms  for  retarded  children,  and  as  these  groups  are  often  composed 
almost  entirely  of  Negro  children,  there  is  an  appearance  of  segregation  which 
made  necessary  a  study  of  these  retarded  children  from  the  South. 

The  southern  child  is  hampered  first  of  all  by  lack  of  educational  oppor- 
tunity in  the  South.  He  is  usually  retarded  by  two  or  more  years  when  he 
enters  the  northern  school  because  he  has  never  been  able  to  attend  school 
regularly,  due  to  the  short  term  in  southern  rural  schools,  distance  from  school, 
and  inadequacy  of  teaching  force  and  school  equipment.  According  to  a 
report  by  the  United  States  Bureau  of  Education  on  Negro  Education}  90  per 
cent  of  the  Negro  children  between  fifteen  and  twenty  years  of  age  attending 
school  in  the  South  are  over-age.     Says  this  report: 

The  inadequacy  of  the  elementary  school  system  for  colored  children  is  indicated 
both  by  the  comparisons  of  public  appropriations  and  by  the  fact  that  the  attendance 
in  both  pubUc  and  private  schools  is  only  58.1  per  cent  of  the  children  six  to  fourteen 
years  of  age.     The  average  length  of  the  pubUc  school  term  is  less  than  five  months 

'  Negro  Education,  I,  ^z.  Bulletin  No.  38,  1916.  Department  of  the  Interior,  Bureau 
of  Education.     2  vols. 


240 


THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 


in  practically  aU  of  the  states.  Most  of  the  school  buildings,  especially  those  in  the 
rural  districts,  are  in  wretched  condition.  There  is  little  supervision  and  little  effort 
to  improve  the  schools  or  adapt  their  efforts  to  the  needs  of  the  community.  The 
reports  of  the  state  departments  of  Georgia  and  Alabama  indicate  that  70  per  cent 
of  the  colored  teachers  have  third  grade  or  temporary  certificates,  representing  a 
preparation  less  than  that  usually  given  in  the  first  eight  elementary  grades.  Investi- 
gations made  by  supervisors  of  colored  schools  in  other  states  indicate  that  the 
percentage  of  poorly  prepared  colored  teachers  is  almost  as  high  in  the  other  southern 
states.^ 

The  inadequacy  of  Negro  teachers'  salaries  is  shown  by  the  per  capita 
expenditure  in  six  southern  states  for  each  white  and  Negro  child  between 
six  and  fourteen  years  of  age.  The  salary  of  the  teacher,  expressed  in  per 
capita  for  each  child,  ranges  from  $5.27  to  $13.79  for  white  pupils  and  from 
$1.44  to  $8.53  for  Negro  pupils.  South  Carolina  pays  its  white  teachers  ten 
times  as  much  as  its  Negro  teachers.  Alabama  pays  its  white  teachers 
about  nine  times  as  much.  In  Kentucky  the  per  capita  for  white  and  colored 
is  about  the  same.^ 

Distribution  of  school  funds  by  counties  indicated  a  decreasing  per  capita 
expenditure  for  the  Negro  as  the  proportion  of  Negroes  in  the  county  increased. 
A  table  from  the  Bulletin  shows:* 


County  Groups,  Percentage  of  Negroes 
in  the  Population 

White  School 
Population 

Negro 

School 

Population 

Per  Capita 

Expenditure, 

White 

Per  Capita 

Expenditure, 

Negro 

Counties  under  10  per  cent 

974,289 
1,008,372 

1,132,999 

364,990 

40,003 

45,039 
215,774 
709,259 
661,329 
207,900 

$   7-96 

9-55 

II. II 

12.53 
22.22 

$7-23 
5-55 
319 
1.77 
1.78 

Counties  10  to  25  per  cent 

Counties  25  to  50  per  cent 

Counties  50  to  75  per  cent 

Counties  75  to  100  per  cent 

A  southern  state  superintendent  of  education  is  quoted  in  the  report,  as 
follows: 

There  has  never  been  any  serious  attempt  in  this  state  to  offer  adequate  educa- 
tional facilities  for  the  colored  race.  The  average  length  of  the  term  for  the  state 
is  only  four  months;  practically  all  of  the  schools  are  taught  in  dilapidated  churches, 
which,  of  course,  are  not  equipped  with  suitable  desks,  blackboards,  and  the  other 
essentials  of  a  school;  practically  all  of  the  teachers  are  incompetent,  possessing 
little  or  no  education  and  having  had  no  professional  training  whatever,  except  a 
few  weeks  obtained  in  the  summer  schools;  the  schools  are  generally  overcrowded, 
some  of  them  having  as  many  as  100  students  to  the  teacher;  no  attempt  is  made  to 
do  more  than  teach  the  children  to  read,  write,  and  figure,  and  these  subjects  are 
learned  very  imperfectly.-* 


'  Negro  Education,  II,  14. 
■  Ihid.,  I,  23. 


3  Ibid.,  I,  28. 
*Ibid.  II,  15. 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  241 

Another  difficulty  was  suggested  by  the  principal  of  a  Chicago  school 
(Webster)  where  30  per  cent  of  the  children  are  Negroes,  who  said:  "We 
base  our  educational  ideas  on  certain  backgrounds.  The  curriculum  in  Chicago 
was  planned  for  children  who  come  from  families  who  are  educated.  It 
doesn't  take  children  coming  from  uneducated  families  into  consideration. 
That  isn't  fair  either  to  the  white  or  colored  children." 

The  problem  of  readjustment  to  life  in  a  northern  city  also  affects  the 
child's  school  life,  and  he  is  self-conscious  and  inclined  to  be  either  too  timid 
or  too  self-assertive.  A  Negro  teacher  in  speaking  of  the  difficulties  confronting 
the  southern  Negro,  as  well  as  the  whole  Negro  group,  said: 

The  southern  Negro  has  pushed  the  Chicago  Negro  out  of  his  home,  and  the 
Chicago  Negro  in  seeking  a  new  home  is  opposed  by  the  whites.  What  is  to  happen  ? 
The  whites  are  prejudiced  against  the  whole  Negro  group.  The  Chicago  Negro  is 
prejudiced  against  the  southern  Negro.  Surely  it  makes  a  difficult  situation  for  the 
southern  Negro.  No  wonder  he  meets  a  word  with  a  blow.  And  all  this  comes  into 
the  school  more  or  less. 

Another  Negro  teacher  thus  analyzes  further  the  adjustment  problems 
which  tend  to  make  the  Negro  newly  come  from  the  South  unpopular  with 
the  Chicago  Negro,  as  well  as  with  the  whites: 

These  families  from  the  South  usually  come  from  the  country  where  there  are 

no  close  neighbors Then  the  family  is  transplanted  to  Chicago  to  an  apartment 

house,  and  even  in  with  another  family.  The  whole  environment  is  changed  and  the 
trouble  begins.  No  sense  of  property  rights,  no  idea  of  how  to  use  conveniences, 
no  idea  of  how  to  Uve  in  the  new  home,  to  keep  it  up,  to  live  uith  everybody  else  so 
near.  On  top  of  that,  the  father  does  not  fit  into  his  work,  and  therefore  cannot 
support  the  family;  the  mother  goes  out  to  work,  and  what  is  the  result?    Poorly 

kept  houses  and  poorly  kept  children A  normal  home  shows  itself  in  the  school, 

and  poor  home  conditions  show  up  still  more. 

The  Negro  child  bom  in  the  North  is  not  found  to  an  unusual  extent 
among  the  retarded  children.  He  has  been  able  to  enter  school  on  time  and 
to  attend  the  full  term  of  nine  months;  his  teachers  compare  favorably  with 
those  in  white  American  and  foreign  neighborhoods,  and  his  parents  as  a  rule 
have  a  better  background.  Many  teachers  say  that  the  progress  of  northern- 
born  Negroes  compares  very  favorably  with  that  of  whites. 

I.      PHYSICAL  EQUIPMENT  OF  SCHOOLS 

Since  the  Board  of  Education  keeps  no  record  of  Negro  children  as  such, 
it  could  not  furnish  a  list  of  the  schools  having  a  percentage  of  Negro  children. 
Therefore  a  list  was  made  up  of  all  the  schools  in  the  Negro  residential  areas, 
the  boundaries  of  these  schools  were  obtained  from  the  Board  of  Education, 
and  the  percentage  of  Negroes  in  each  school  district  was  worked  out  from  the 
1920  census  figures.    The  schools  listed  in  Table  X  were  foimd  to  be  situated 


242 


THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 


in  districts  where  the  Negro  population  was  lo  per  cent  or  more.  The  figures 
at  the  right  show  the  approximate  percentage  of  Negro  children  in  the  school, 
as  given  by  the  principal  of  the  school. 

FuUer  School  is  a  branch  of  Felsenthal  and  has  the  same  principal;  it  is 
in  a  neighborhood  where  the  percentage  of  Negroes  is  practically  the  same  as 
in  the  neighborhoods  around  Felsenthal,  but  there  is  a  very  great  difference 

TABLE  X 

Schools  in  Districts  Having  an  Average  Negro  Population 
OF  lo  Per  Cent  or  More 


School 


Colman 

Copernicus 

Doolittle 

Douglas 

Drake 

Emerson  (branch  of  Hayes) . 

Farren 

Felsenthal 

Forrestville 

Fuller  (branch  of  Felsenthal) 

Haven 

Hayes 

Keith 

McCosh 

Mann  (branch  of  Raymond) 

Moseley 

Oakland 

Raymond 

Sherwood 

Tennyson 

Webster 

Willard 


Percentage  of 

Percentage  of 

Negroes  in 

Negro  Children 

District 

in  School 

8i 

92 

l8 

23 

6S 

8S 

72 

93 

28 

24 

70 

75 

69 

92 

38 

20 

20 

38 

42 

90 

24 

20 

70 

80 

89 

90 

13 

IS 

39 

2S 

46 

70 

17 

26 

85 

93 

20 

25 

14 

28 

50 

30 

IS 

13 

in  the  percentage  of  Negro  children  in  the  two  schools,  according  to  figures 
given  by  the  principal.  It  appears  from  this  that  the  principal,  who  is  a 
believer  in  separate  schools,  places  the  large  majority  of  the  Negro  children 
in  Fuller  School.  Negroes  in  the  vicinity  say  that  Fuller  School  is  run  down 
and  neglected,  that  the  staff  of  teachers  is  below  the  average,  that  the  school 
has  no  playground  of  its  own  but  must  use  the  one  at  Felsenthal,  and  that  all 
the  unmanageable  children  are  sent  there  from  Felsenthal.  It  is  also  believed 
by  these  Negroes  that  Fuller  is  used  as  a  feeder  for  the  other  schools  in  the 
neighborhoods  where  there  are  fewer  Negro  children. 

The  points  in  regard  to  physical  equipment  stressed  by  a  district  super- 
intendent in  the  area  containing  the  largest  number  of  schools  attended 
mainly  by  Negroes  were:  date  of  erection,  an  assembly  hall  located  on  the 
main  floor,  gymnasium,  and,  in  the  congested  districts,  bathroom  and  lunch- 
room.   Table  XI  shows  such  facts  concerning  these  schools. 


RACIAL  CONTACTS 


243 


It  will  be  noted  that  only  five  of  these  schools,  or  23  per  cent,  were  built 
since  1900,  and  four  of  these  five  are  in  sections  where  the  Negro  population 
is  less  than  25  per  cent.  The  ten  schools  serving  the  largest  percentage  of 
Negroes  were  built,  one  in  1856,  one  in  1867,  seven  between  1880  and  1889, 
and  one  between  1890  and  1899.  Of  the  235  white  schools  133,  or  56  per  cent, 
were  built  after  1899. 

TABLE  XI 

Physical  Equipment  of  Twenty-two  Schools  Attended  Largely  by  Negroes* 


School 


Colman .  .  . 
Copernicus 
Doolittle .  . 
Douglas. .  . 
Drake.  .  .  . 
Emerson.  . 
Farren .... 
FelsenthaL 
Forrestville 

Fuller 

Haven .... 
Hayes.  . .  . 

Keith 

McCosh. . . 

Mann 

Moseley. . . 
Oakland.  .  . 
Raymond.  , 
Sherwood.  . 
Tennyson. . 
Webster. . . 
Willard.  .  . 


Date  of 
Erection 


1907 
1885 
1889 
1900 


1901 
1896 
1890 
1885 
1867 
1883 

1895 
1890 
1856 

1903 
1886 
1892 

189s 
1883 

191S 


Location  of 
Assembly  Hall 


None 
First  floor 
Third  floor 
Third  floor 
None 
None 

Third  floor 
Third  floor 
First  floor 
None 

Fourth  floor 
Fourth  floor 
None 
None 

Third  floor 
None 
First  floor 
Third  floor 
Third  floor 
First  floor 
None 
Basement 


Separate 
Gymnasium 

Bathroom 

None 

Yes 

Yes 

None 

Combined 

None 

Combined 

None 

None 

None 

None 

None 

Combined 

Yes 

Combined 

None 

Yes 

None 

None 

None 

Combined 

Yes 

Combined 

Yes 

None 

Yes 

None 

None 

Combined 

None 

None 

Yes 

Combined 

None 

Combined 

Yes 

Combined 

None 

Combined 

None 

None 

None 

Yes 

None 

Lunchroom 


Yes 

None 

None 

None 

None 

None 

Yes 

None 

None 

None 

None 

Yes 

Yes 

None 

None 

None 

None 

None 

None 

None 

None 

None 


*  Data  obtained  from  Directory  of  the  Public  Schools  of  the  City  of  Chicago,  igig-20,  published  by  the  Board  of 
Education. 


Assembly  halls  and  gymnasiums  were  totally  lacking  in  seven  of  the 
twenty-two  schools,  and  in  the  remaining  fifteen  the  assembly  hall  was  on  the 
third  or  fourth  floor,  where,  according  to  the  district  superintendent,  it 
cannot  have  maximum  use  for  community  purposes.  A  really  useful  assembly 
hall,  he  stated,  should  be  on  the  ground  floor,  opening  directly  on  the  school 
yard,  and  capable  of  being  shut  off  entirely  from  the  rest  of  the  building  so 
that  it  could  be  lighted  and  heated  separately  for  evening  gatherings.  Only 
three  of  these  fifteen  schools  had  separate  g>'mnasiums.  In  the  others  the 
gymnasium  was  combined  with  the  assembly  hall.  There  was  little  in  the 
way  of  apparatus;  what  there  was  consisted  mainly  of  hand  apparatus,  includ- 
ing clubs,  dumbbells  and  basket-balls,  that  could  be  used  in  the  assembly  hall 
or  the  corridors.  The  district  superintendent  emphasized  the  need  for  gym- 
nasiums in  Negro  residential  areas  because  the  children  were  weak  physically 
and  needed  special  exercises. 


244  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Playground  space  for  schools  attended  largely  by  Negroes  compares 
favorably  with  that  for  schools  attended  largely  by  whites,  though  Douglas 
School  (92  per  cent  Negro),  with  1,513  pupils,  has  only  one  playground  96 X 125 
feet.  Most  schools  have  two  playgrounds,  one  for  boys  and  one  for  girls. 
The  only  other  school  having  such  limited  play  space  as  Douglas  is  a  foreign 
school,  Von  Humboldt,  where  there  are  2,500  pupils  and  the  playground  is 
50X100  feet.  Like  Douglas,  this  is  a  double  school  with  inadequate  space 
for  the  children  inside  the  school  and  outside.  Sometimes  there  is  a  public 
playground  near  by  which  relieves  the  congestion  on  the  school  playground 
except  in  the  case  of  Keith  School  (90  per  cent  Negro),  the  principal  of  which 
emphasized  the  need  for  a  playground  near  her  school. 

In  a  group  of  twenty-four  schools,  six  of  which  are  attended  mainly  by 
Negroes,  six  mainly  by  white  Americans,  and  twelve  mainly  by  children  of 
immigrants,  it  was  found  that  there  was  no  unusual  crowding  of  classrooms 
in  those  attended  mainly  by  Negroes  except  in  the  case  of  Douglas  School. 
Conditions  were  practically  the  same  in  the  three  groups  of  schools. 

Indications  of  overcrowding  are  the  average  number  of  seats  in  a  class- 
room, the  average  number  of  pupils  per  teacher,  and  the  double-school  or  shift 
system.  There  is  little  variation  among  the  three  groups  of  schools  in  the 
number  of  seats  in  the  classroom  and  the  nmnber  of  pupils  to  each  teacher, 
except  that  the  school  having  the  largest  number  of  pupils  to  each  teacher 
(57)  is  Colman,  92  per  cent  Negro.  Although  there  are  no  double  schools 
in  the  group  attended  mainly  by  white  Americans,  one  of  the  six  schools 
attended  mainly  by  Negroes  and  five  of  the  schools  attended  mainly  by  children 
of  immigrants  are  double  schools.  Under  this  system,  which  is  a  makeshift 
in  a  neighborhood  where  another  school  is  needed  to  take  care  of  the  children, 
the  children  go  to  school  in  two  shifts,  one  shift  an  hour  later  than  the 
other,  and  leave  correspondingly  later  in  the  afternoon.  Under  this  arrange- 
ment more  children  are  at  the  school  during  the  major  part  of  the  day  than 
can  be  seated  in  the  classroom  and  the  full  school  curriculum  can  be  carried  on 
only  under  pressure,  as  one  group  of  children  must  always  be  hurried  on  be- 
fore the  next  group  appears. 

II.   SCHOOL  CONTACT  PROBLEMS 

Information  as  to  problems  of  contact  in  the  schools  was  gathered  from 
conferences  to  which  the  principals  of  high  and  elementary  schools  were  invited, 
and  by  personal  visits  to  the  schools.  Thirteen  elementary  schools  were  visited, 
seven  of  which  had  an  enrolment  of  less  than  50  per  cent  Negro,  and  six  of 
which  had  an  enrolment  of  more  than  50  per  cent  Negro.  The  schools  with 
the  smaller  percentage  were:  Drake  (30),'  Felsenthal  (20),  Forrestville  (38), 

'  The  figures  after  the  name  of  the  school  throughout  this  section  refer  to  the  percentage 
of  Negro  children  in  the  school  in  1919-20. 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  245 

Haven  (20),  Oakland  (26),  Webster)  (30),  and  Kenwood  (a  very  small 
number  of  Negroes).  The  schools  having  a  majority  Negro  were  Colman 
(92),  Doolittle  (85),  Douglas  (93),  Farren  (92),  Keith  (90),  and  Moseley  (70). 

The  high  schools  visited  were  Englewood,  Hyde  Park,  and  Wendell  Phillips. 
In  Englewood  and  Hyde  Park  the  percentage  of  Negroes  was  very  small, 
while  in  Wendell  Phillips  the  Negro  children  were  about  56  per  cent  of  the  enrol- 
ment. 

The  opinions  of  principals  and  teachers  about  Negro  children  are  a  cross- 
section  of  public  opinion  on  the  race  question  with  all  its  contradictions  and 
irritations.  It  must  therefore  be  borne  in  mind  in  reading  this  section  on  school 
contacts  that  whether  Negro  children  are  reported  good  or  bad,  bright  or  dull, 
quarrelsome  or  amiable,  whether  antagonism  and  voluntary  grouping  or  their 
lack  are  reported,  there  is  an  inevitable  tendency  for  the  teacher  to  see  the 
facts  in  the  light  of  any  prejudice  or  general  views  she  may  have  on  race 
relations. 

It  was  thought,  for  example,  that  for  the  purposes  of  this  discussion  the 
schools  could  be  put  in  two  general  groups:  those  with  less  than  50  per  cent 
Negroes  and  those  with  more  than  50  per  cent  Negroes.  But  it  was  immedi- 
ately apparent  that  no  generalizations  could  be  made  on  the  basis  of  the  percent- 
age of  Negro  children  in  the  schools,  because  sometimes  two  principals  of 
schools  having  the  same  proportion  of  Negro  pupils  reported  widely  different 
experience  with  reference  to  friction;  and  in  some  cases  principals  of  schools 
with  a  small  percentage  of  Negroes  reported  friction,  while  other  principals 
of  schools  with  a  larger  percentage  reported  harmonious  relations.  The  most 
important  factor  determining  the  attitude  of  the  teachers  in  a  school  was 
invariably  the  attitude  of  the  principal.  Though  there  were  many  cases  where 
individual  teachers  held  views  entirely  different  from  those  of  the  principal, 
yet  the  attitude  of  the  principal  was  usually  reflected  in  the  expressed  opinion 
of  the  teachers  and  in  the  atmosphere  of  the  school. 

But  there  is  no  explanation  for  total  disagreement  between  two  teachers  in 
the  same  school  as  to  whether  or  not  there  is  race  friction  in  the  school 
except  difference  in  points  of  view  on  the  race  problem.  This  factor  is  to  be 
taken  into  consideration  in  weighing  the  testimony  of  teachers  regarding 
school  contacts  of  the  races. 

The  attitude  of  some  of  the  principals  and  teachers  was  revealed  in  their 
fear  that  their  schools,  with  20  per  cent  or  30  per  cent  Negro  children,  would 
be  regarded  as  largely  Negro  schools.  The  principal  of  a  school  with  30  per 
cent  Negro  children  considered  it  an  insult  to  be  asked  to  have  his  school 
take  part  in  a  song  festival  with  schools  largely  attended  by  Negroes.  A 
teacher  in  a  school  26  per  cent  Negro  was  much  incensed  because  the  Board 
of  Education  had  sent  Negroes  to  the  school  to  talk  to  the  children  on  cleaning 
up  the  neighborhood.  She  said  that  the  white  children  did  not  seem  to  mind 
and  listened  interestedly;   it  was  the  teachers  who  considered  it  an  outrage 


246  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

that  Negroes  should  come  to  "  tell  a  community  seven-eighths  white  to  clean 

up." 

Since  the  elementary  schools  and  high  schools  present  rather  different 
problems,  due  to  the  greater  nimiber  of  social  activities  in  the  latter,  it  was 
decided  to  consider  the  two  groups  separately. 

I.      ELEMENTARY  SCHOOLS 

The  contacts  in  the  elementary  schools  fall  naturally  under  three  heads: 
classroom  contacts,  building  and  playground  contacts,  and  social  contacts. 

Classroom  contacts. — There  was  much  less  variety  of  opinion  in  regard  to 
classroom  contacts  than  the  other  two.  Most  teachers  agreed  that  there  was 
little  friction  so  far  as  school  work  was  concerned,  even  when  it  meant  sitting 
next  to  one  another  or  in  the  same  seats.  Most  kindergarten  teachers  found 
the  most  natural  relationship  existing  between  the  young  Negro  and  white 
children,  "  Neither  colored  nor  whites  have  any  feeling  in  our  kindergarten, " 
said  one  principal  in  a  school  30  per  cent  Negro  (Webster);  "they  don't 
understand  the  difference  between  colored  and  white  children."  In  visiting 
one  school  the  investigator  noticed  that  the  white  children  who  objected  to 
holding  hands  with  the  Negro  children  in  the  kindergarten  and  first  and 
second  grades  were  the  better-dressed  children  who  undoubtedly  reflected  the 
economic  class  and  race  consciousness  of  their  parents.  The  Armour  Mission 
near  the  school  had  excluded  Negroes  from  its  kindergarten,  thereby  fostering 
this  spirit  among  the  whites.  A  teacher  in  Doolittle  (85  per  cent)  told  of  a 
little  white  girl  in  another  school  who  cried  because  she  was  afraid  the  color 
from  the  Negro  children's  hands  would  rub  off  on  hers;  in  her  present  school 
she  has  known  no  such  instances  in  the  kindergarten.  This  conduct  is  paral- 
leled in  instances  in  which  Negro  children  who  have  never  had  any  contact 
with  white  children  in  the  South  are  afraid  of  them  when  they  first  come 
North. 

Most  of  the  teachers  in  the  higher  grades  reported  that  there  were  no  signs 
of  race  prejudice  in  the  room.  A  teacher  at  Oakland  (26  per  cent)  said  that 
white  girls  sometimes  asked  to  be  moved  to  another  seat  when  near  a  very 
dirty  Negro  child,  but  that  this  often  happened  when  the  dirty  child  was  white. 
This  teacher  said  it  was  the  white  mothers  from  the  South,  not  the  children, 
who  wanted  their  children  to  be  kept  away  from  the  Negroes.  "The  white 
children  don't  seem  to  mind  the  colored,"  she  said.  "I  have  had  three  or 
four  mothers  come  in  and  ask  that  their  children  be  kept  away  from  the  colored, 
but  they  were  women  from  the  South  and  felt  race  prejudice  strongly.  But 
they  are  the  only  ones  who  have  complained." 

A  teacher  in  a  school  90  per  cent  Negro  said  that  when  doubling  up  in 
the  seats  was  necessary  whites  and  Negroes  frequently  chose  each  other. 
A  teacher  at  Moseley  (70  per  cent),  when  the  investigator  was  present,  called 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  247 

upon  a  white  girl  to  act  as  hostess  to  a  Negro  girl  who  had  just  come  from  the 
South,  and  the  request  was  met  with  pride  and  pleasure  by  the  white  girl. 
On  the  same  occasion  a  white  boy  was  asked  to  help  a  Negro  boy  with  his 
arithmetic,  and  the  two  doubled  up  and  worked  together  quite  naturally. 

"Race  makes  no  difference,"  declared  the  principal  of  a  school  92  per  cent 
Negro  (Colman).  "The  other  day  I  had  them  all  digging  in  the  garden,  and 
when  they  were  all  ready  to  go  in  I  kept  out  one  colored  boy  to  help  me  plant 
seeds.  We  could  use  another  boy,  so  I  told  Henry  to  choose  anyone  out  of 
two  rooms  and  he  returned  with  an  Italian.  The  color  makes  no  differ- 
ence." 

A  few  instances  of  jealousy  are  cited.  In  one  of  them  resentment  ran 
high  because  when  a  loving  cup  was  presented  in  McKinley  (70  per  cent)  for 
the  best  composition,  it  was  awarded  by  a  neutral  outside  jury  to  a  white  girl. 
The  principal  of  this  70  per  cent  Negro  school,  in  addition  to  finding  the 
Negro  children  jealous,  considered  their  parents  insolent  and  resentful.  On 
the  investigator's  first  visit  she  said  that  military  discipline  was  the  only  kind 
for  children,  and  that  absolute  segregation  was  necessary.  At  the  next  inter- 
view she  said  she  preferred  her  school  to  any  other;  that  there  was  never  any 
disciplinary  difficulty,  and  that  white  children  who  had  moved  from  the  district 
were  paying  car  fare  to  finish  their  course  at  her  school. 

Discipline. — There  was  considerable  variety  of  opinion  among  the  teachers 
as  to  whether  Negro  children  presented  any  special  problems  of  discipline. 
The  principal  of  a  school  20  per  cent  Negro  (Felsenthal),  for  example,  said  that 
discipline  was  more  difficult  in  this  school  than  in  the  branch  where  90  per 
cent  were  Negroes  (Fuller).  This  principal  is  an  advocate  of  separate  schools. 
She  was  contradicted  by  a  teacher  in  her  school  who  said  she  had  never  used 
different  discipline  for  the  Negroes.  In  schools  where  the  principals  were 
sympathetic  and  the  interracial  spirit  good  the  teachers  reported  that  Negro 
children  were  much  like  other  children  and  could  be  disciplined  in  the  same 
way.  One  or  two  teachers  reported  that  Negro  children  could  not  be  scolded 
but  must  be  "  jollied  along  "  and  the  work  presented  as  play.  This  is  interesting 
in  view  of  the  frequent  complaint  of  the  children  from  the  South  that  the 
teachers  in  Chicago  played  with  them  all  the  time  and  did  not  teach  them 
anything. 

Attittide  toward  Negro  teachers. — Few  Negro  teachers  were  found  in  the 
schools  investigated. 

At  Doolittle  (85  per  cent)  there  were  thirty-three  teachers,  of  whom  two 
were  Negroes.  There  was  also  a  Negro  cadet.  At  Raymond  (93  per  cent) 
there  were  six  Negro  teachers  and  a  Negro  cadet  in  a  staff  of  forty.  At  Keith 
(90  per  cent)  there  were  six  Negro  teachers  in  a  staff  of  twelve.  Two  of  these 
principals  said  that  their  Negro  teachers  compared  favorably  with  their  white 
teachers  and  that  some  of  them  were  excellent.    Asked  whether  there  was 


248  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

much  antagonism  if  a  Negro  teacher  was  assigned  where  all  the  children  were 
white,  the  principal  of  a  93  per  cent  school  (Raymond)  said  there  had  been  one 
or  two  such  cases.  "They  are  most  successful  in  the  foreign  districts  on  the 
West  Side.  The  European  people  do  not  seem  to  resent  the  presence  of  a 
colored  teacher." 

Another  principal  said  that  this  was  especially  true  where  the  foreign 
element  was  Jewish.  A  Negro  teacher  in  a  West  Side  school,  largely  Italian, 
is  considered  one  of  the  ablest  teachers  in  the  school  and  proved  herself  highly 
competent  during  the  war,  when  she  assisted  with  the  work  of  the  draft  board 
in  the  district. 

One  or  two  principals  said  that  they  would  not  have  Negro  teachers  in 
their  schools  because  the  white  teachers  "could  not  be  intimate  with  colored 
teachers,"  or  because  Negro  teachers  were  "cocky,"  or  because  "the  Defender 
preaches  propaganda  for  colored  teachers  to  seek  positions  in  white  schools." 
Sometimes  an  effort  was  made  to  explain  the  principal's  objection  to  Negro 
teachers  by  saying  that  Negro  children  had  no  respect  for  Negro  teachers. 
One  principal  whose  white  teachers  were  rather  below  the  accepted  standard 
said  that  the  one  colored  teacher  who  had  been  there  was  obliged  to  leave 
because  of  the  children's  protest  against  her.  A  Negro  teacher  in  a  20  per 
cent  school  (Haven)  was  valued  highly  by  the  principal,  who  advised  with  her 
as  to  what  measures  could  be  taken  to  prevent  the  appearance  of  race  feeling. 
This  teacher  formerly  taught  in  a  school  where  there  were  no  Negro  children 
and  had  experienced  no  difficulty  in  either  type  of  school.  "The  children 
just  seem  to  forget  I  am  colored, "  she  said. 

In  Farren  School  (92  per  cent)  a  teacher  of  a  special  room  for  children 
recently  arrived  from  the  South  expressed  the  belief  that  these  children  "have 
a  distinct  and  decided  fear  of  the  white  teacher  and  it's  up  to  the  teacher  to 
change  this  fear  into  respect."  They  were  very  timid  at  first,  she  said,  due  to 
the  new  enviromnent  and  the  contact  with  so  many  more  people,  especially 
white.  This  timidity  lasted  for  about  a  year  and  then  these  children  became 
more  like  Chicago  children. 

Building  and  playground  contacts. — At  six  out  of  the  thirteen  elementary 
schools  some  friction  about  the  buildings  and  on  the  playgrounds  was  reported, 
and  none  at  the  other  seven  schools.  On  further  analysis  it  appeared  that  the 
friction  reported  was  general  at  only  two  of  the  six  schools.  At  the  other 
four  the  instances  cited  seemed  either  to  involve  a  few  troublesome  individuals 
or  to  be  quarrels  among  Negro  children  rather  than  between  Negroes  and 
whites.  The  two  schools  reporting  general  antagonism  between  Negro  and 
white  children  had  about  30  per  cent  Negro  children.  The  principals  of  these 
schools  said  that  the  white  children  were  dominated  by  the  Negroes  and  did 
not  dare  stand  up  for  their  rights.  The  testimony  of  the  principal  of  one  of 
these  schools  showed  a  disposition  to  regard  many  acts  as  characteristically 
racial.    For  example,  she  needed  no  further  evidence  that  a  Negro  boy  had 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  249 

cut  up  a  white  boy's  cap  than  the  fact  that  it  was  cut  with  a  safety-razor 
blade.  Although  both  white  and  Negro  boys  commonly  carry  safety-razor 
blades  to  sharpen  their  pencils,  she  thought  of  razors  only  in  connection  with 
Negroes.  She  also  believed  that  "Negro  children  of  kindergarten  age  are 
unusually  cruel,"  and  that  "Negroes  need  a  curriculum  especially  adapted 
to  their  emotional  natures."  Again  she  said  that  a  Negro  boy  who  asked  to 
be  put  back  from  the  third  to  the  first  grade,  because  the  third-grade  work 
was  too  hard  for  him,  was  typical  of  Negro  children,  who  "  shut  down  on  their 
intellectual  processes  when  they  are  about  twelve  or  fourteen  years  of  age." 
In  view  of  the  nvunbers  of  Negro  children  in  the  higher  grades  who  are  advanc- 
ing normally,  this  is  obviously  an  unwarranted  generalization. 

There  were  some  signs  of  friction  at  a  school  20  per  cent  Negro  (Haven) 
when  a  school  largely  Italian  was  combined  with  it,  but  the  situation 
was  handled  tactfully  by  the  principal  and  there  had  been  no  trouble.  At 
a  school  85  per  cent  Negro  (Doolittle),  where  the  white  element  was 
Jewish,  all  the  teachers  reported  that  there  was  no  antagonism  between  the 
races. 

Voluntary  grouping. — The  only  school  where  the  investigator  noticed  Negro 
and  white  children  playing  in  separate  groups  was  Webster  (30  per  cent), 
whose  principal  reported  antagonism  between  Negroes  and  whites.  At  the 
other  schools  natural  mingling  was  reported  by  some  teachers  or  observed 
by  the  investigator.  At  a  school  26  per  cent  Negro  (Oakland)  three  teachers 
said  that  Negro  and  white  children  did  not  mingle  on  the  playgrounds,  while 
another  teacher  said  they  all  played  together  regardless  of  color.  The  principal 
and  twelve  teachers  at  a  school  85  per  cent  Negro  (Doolittle)  agreed,  with  the 
exception  of  one  teacher  who  was  a  southerner,  that  there  was  never  anything 
but  the  most  natural  mingling  in  the  classrooms,  about  the  building  and  on 
the  playground.  At  a  school  30  per  cent  Negro  (Drake),  the  principal  of  which 
stated  that  the  relations  between  the  races  were  not  harmonious,  the  investigator 
observed  a  free  and  natural  grouping  of  Negroes  and  whites  of  all  ages  on  the 
playground.  The  principal  explained  that  this  was  "a  forced  rather  than  a 
natural  grouping  because  of  lack  of  apparatus  for  all."  The  white  children 
at  a  school  20  per  cent  Negro  (Haven)  were  Italians,  Jews,  and  Greeks,  and  all 
the  races  played  so  naturally  together  that  passersby  frequently  stopped  to 
watch  them. 

Social  contacts. — There  are  few  social  organizations  and  gatherings  in  the 
elementary  schools.  The  principal  of  a  school  93  per  cent  Negro  (Raymond) 
said  that  there  were  clubs  through  all  the  grammar  grades  and  that  the  friendli- 
ness between  the  two  races  was  marked,  but  added : 

We  have  not  more  than  fifty  or  sixty  white  children  in  this  particular  building. 
One  white  child  was  elected  vice-president,  the  first  white  child  elected  in  eight  years. 
It  shows  the  friendly  relationship  when  a  white  child  could  be  elected  to  ofiice  with 
a  large  preponderance  of  colored  children.     A  Jewish  boy  was  elected  to  a  smaller 


250  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

office  of  clerk.  The  white  children  are  not  foreign.  In  their  meetings  the  question 
of  color  never  arises  at  all. 

In  a  few  instances  principals  had  found  that  graduation  presented  some 
diflSculties,  as  white  mothers  would  appear  at  the  school  a  few  days  before 
and  request  that  their  children  do  not  march  with  Negro  children.  "About 
the  only  time  I  see  a  white  mother  is  near  graduation,"  said  the  principal  of 
a  school  38  per  cent  Negro  (Forrestville).  "They  always  say  they  wouldn't 
care  for  themselves,  but  a  friend  might  see  and  they  would  feel  ashamed." 
"  White  children  prefer  not  to  march  with  colored  at  graduation, "  said  a  teacher 
at  Oakland  School  (26  per  cent),  "and  mothers  sometimes  come  to  ask  that  it 
be  so  arranged  that  their  girls  can  march  with  white  girls.  They  usually  say 
that  for  themselves  they  don't  mind,  but  friends  might  see  and  wonder  why  that 
should  be." 

A  number  of  the  schools  have  orchestras  or  occasional  musical  programs. 
The  investigator  heard  one  orchestra  of  eleven  pieces  in  Doolittle  School 
(85  per  cent),  which  played  remarkably  well.  All  but  one  of  the  children 
were  Negroes.  A  teacher  in  Webster  School  (30  per  cent),  where  there  was 
reported  to  be  constant  friction  between  Negro  and  white  children,  gave  an 
incident  of  a  Negro  boy  in  the  school  playing  the  violin  with  a  white  accompa- 
nist and  being  enthusiastically  applauded  by  the  children. 

The  principal  of  a  92  per  cent  Negro  school  (Colman)  reported  an  unpleas- 
ant experience  when  pupils  from  her  school  were  invited  to  take  part  in  a 
musical  program  at  a  West  Side  Park. 

A  group  of  sixty  went  with  two  white  teachers  in  charge.  On  the  way  over  a 
group  of  foreign  women  called  out  insulting  remarks  to  the  teachers,  but  no  one  paid 
any  attention.  After  the  program  the  group  started  marching  out  of  the  park  and 
were  met  at  the  gate  with  a  shower  of  stones.  The  teacher  told  the  children  to  run 
for  their  Uves,  and  they  all  had  to  scatter  and  hide  in  the  bushes  in  the  park  or  run 
toward  home  if  they  could.  A  rough  set  of  boys  had  got  together  and  were  waiting 
for  those  children,  stones  all  ready  to  throw.  Since  that  time  we  have  never  accepted  an 
invitation  to  sing  outside  our  own  neighborhood.  Invitations  have  come  from  time  to 
time,  but  the  children  all  come  with  excuses.  All  of  them,  children  and  parents  through- 
out the  neighborhood,  are  afraid  but  you  can't  get  anyone  to  come  out  and  say  it. 

Attitude  of  parents. — Principals  and  teachers  were  questioned  about  their 
relations  with  the  parents  of  both  Negro  and  white  children — whether  they 
received  co-operation  from  the  parents  in  matters  of  discipline;  what  was  the 
attitude  of  the  parents  toward  Negro  teachers;  and  whether  many  requests 
were  received  from  Negro  or  white  parents  for  transfers  to  schools  where 
there  were  fewer  Negroes. 

In  general  it  may  be  said  that  the  principals  who  found  Negro  parents 
unco-operative,  unambitious,  and  antagonistic  were  those  who  believed  in 
separate  schools,  found  Negro  children  difl&cult  to  discipline,  and  would  have 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  251 

no  Negro  teachers  in  their  schools.  Such  principals  declared  that  Negro 
parents  were  "10  to  i  in  the  complaints  brought  into  the  ofl5ce,"'  and  that 
"  they  fuss  over  everything  and  tell  their  children  not  to  take  anything  from  a 
white  child."  They  also  cited  cases  of  insolence  and  threats  which  appeared 
to  be  exceptional  rather  than  typical. 

Some  teachers  said  the  reason  they  did  not  receive  any  co-operation  from 
Negro  mothers  was  because  a  large  proportion  of  them  were  working.  Tardi- 
ness and  absence  were  due  mainly  to  this  cause,  according  to  one  principal, 
though  a  teacher  of  a  room  for  retarded  children  in  another  school  said  there 
was  little  tardiness  and  practically  no  absence  in  her  group.  This  teacher 
expressed  the  conviction,  as  did  many  others,  that  Negro  parents  were 
appreciative  of  school  advantages  and  eager  to  have  their  children  learn. 
Principals  who  came  in  contact  with  both  Negro  and  foreign  parents  found 
the  Negro  parents  much  more  interested  and  ambitious  than  the  foreigners. 
Even  the  principal  of  a  school  30  per  cent  Negro  (Webster),  who  was  somewhat 
prejudiced  in  her  attitude  toward  Negroes  in  the  school,  said  she  had  more 
Negro  than  white  boys  able  to  go  to  work  whose  parents  wished  them  to  remain 
in  school. 

Negro  teachers  were  apparently  acceptable  to  Negro  parents,  only  one 
of  the  principals  or  teachers  interviewed  reporting  objections  by  Negro  parents. 
One  teacher  in  a  school  30  per  cent  Negro  (Webster)  said  that  Negro  parents 
had  their  children  transferred  there  from  schools  with  more  Negroes,  so  that 
they  would  have  white  teachers.  The  district  superintendent  said  he  had  had 
some  difficulty  in  placing  Negro  teachers  in  Negro  schools,  which  he  attributed 
to  the  fact  that  Negro  parents  felt  that  Negro  teachers  had  not  had  the  same 
opportunity  for  thorough  training  as  white  teachers.  Some  Negro  parents, 
however,  had  indicated  that  their  attitude  was  not  due  to  belief  that  Negro 
teachers  were  inadequately  trained,  but  to  fear  that  too  general  placing  of 
Negro  teachers  over  Negro  pupils  was  a  step  toward  segregation. 

The  principal  of  a  school  90  per  cent  Negro  (Keith)  thought  Negro  mothers 
preferred  Negro  teachers  because  several  had  said  to  her  that  the  "  colored 
teachers  understand  our  children  better." 

The  district  superintendent  in  the  area  including  most  of  the  schools 
largely  attended  by  Negroes  said  that  few  requests  for  transfers  were  made 
during  the  year,  but  he  believed  more  were  made  at  the  request  of  Negro 
than  of  white  parents.  A  number  of  these  Negro  children  transferred  not  to 
go  to  a  school  largely  white  but  to  a  school  70  per  cent  Negro,  because  they 
said  they  were  afraid  to  go  to  the  school  in  their  own  district  which  was  across 
Wentworth  Avenue.  The  race  feeling  between  certain  groups  in  this  district 
was  very  intense,  according  to  the  superintendent.     It  was  especially  violent 

'  A  preponderance  of  complaints  from  Negro  parents  could  easily  be  accounted  for  by  a 
high  proportion  of  Negro  pupils. 


252  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

between  the  Negro  children  and  the  Italians  and  between  the  Jews  and  the 
Bohemians.  The  principal  of  a  school  93  per  cent  Negro  (Raymond)  also 
testified  to  the  spirit  of  antagonism  along  Wentworth  Avenue: 

Wentworth  Avenue  is  the  gang  line.  They  seem  to  feel  that  trespass  on  either 
side  of  that  line  is  ground  for  trouble.  While  they  will  admit  colored  members  to 
the  school  without  any  trouble  for  manual  training,  they  have  to  be  escorted  over  the 
line,  because  of  trouble,  not  from  members  of  the  school,  but  groups  of  boys  outside 
the  school.  To  illustrate:  We  took  a  kindergarten  group  over  to  the  park.  One 
Uttle  six-year-old  girl  was  struck  in  the  face  by  a  man.  The  condition  is  a  tradition. 
There  does  not  seem  to  be  any  maUce  in  it.  "He  is  from  the  east  side, "  or  "Hit  him, 
he  is  from  the  West  Side, "  are  remarks  frequently  heard. 

Transfers  from  schools  with  a  predominant  Negro  membership  were 
reported  by  one  or  two  principals  and  teachers  in  schools  with  a  Negro  minority, 
who  said  that  the  Negro  mothers  objected  to  having  their  children  in  schools 
"where  there  are  so  many  common  niggers."  One  of  the  principals  said  she 
had  many  requests  from  Negro  mothers  for  transfers  from  the  branch  of  the 
school  with  90  per  cent  Negroes  to  the  main  school  with  20  per  cent.  The 
Commission  did  not  find  in  its  inquiry  among  Negro  mothers  that  such  an 
objection  was  prevalent,  but  that  most  of  the  transfers  requested  were  due  to 
the  reputation  of  the  school  for  being  overcrowded,  poorly  taught,  and  generally 
run  down. 

2.   HIGH  SCHOOLS 

Classroom  and  building  contacts. — In  the  high  schools  the  ordinary  contacts 
in  classes  and  about  the  building  become  subordinate  to  the  more  difficult 
problems  created  by  the  increased  number  of  social  activities — athletics, 
gymnasium  exhibitions,  clubs,  and  parties. 

The  dean  of  Englewood  High  School,  which  has  only  about  6  per  cent 
Negro  children,  said  that  the  white  and  Negro  children  mingled  freely  with 
no  sign  of  trouble  or  prejudice  but  thought  that  if  more  Negro  children  came 
to  the  school  the  spirit  would  change.  A  teacher  in  this  same  school  who  had 
formerly  been  at  Wendell  Phillips,  where  the  majority  are  Negro,  said  that 
a  spirit  of  friendliness  had  grown  up  there  between  the  two  races,  and  race 
distinction  had  disappeared. 

There  was  only  one  Negro  teacher  in  the  high  schools  of  Chicago  at  the 
time  of  this  investigation,  the  teacher  of  manual  training  at  Wendell  Phillips. 
He  is  a  graduate  of  the  University  of  Illinois  and  had  substituted  around 
Chicago  for  several  years.  Although  they  spoke  very  highly  of  him,  none  of  the 
principals  of  three  high  schools  with  small  Negro  percentages  and  in  which 
there  were  vacancies  could  use  him.  The  principal  of  Wendell  Phillips,  with 
a  large  proportion  of  Negroes,  told,  however,  of  a  different  experience  when 
this  teacher  was  at  that  school.     "In  answer  to  complaints  by  pupils  I  told 


o   ^ 


C     = 


y.     c 


4 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  253 

them  that  this  man  was  a  graduate  of  the  University  of  Illinois,  a  high-school 
graduate  in  the  city,  and  a  cultured  man.  '  Go  in  there  and  forget  the  color, 
and  see  if  you  can  get  the  subject  matter.'    In  the  majority  of  cases  it  worked." 

Racial  friction  about  the  buildings  and  grounds  was  not  reported  by  any 
of  the  high-school  principals.  "I  have  not  known  of  a  fight  between  a  colored 
and  a  white  boy  in  fifteen  years,"  said  the  principal  of  Hyde  Park. 

Two  principals  said  that  the  Negro  children  voluntarily  grouped  them- 
selves at  noon,  either  eating  at  tables  by  themselves  in  the  lunchroom  or  bring- 
ing their  own  lunches  and  eating  in  the  back  part  of  the  assembly  hall.  The 
gymnasium  instructor  at  Wendell  Phillips  said  that  she  had  no  difficulty  in 
her  work  if  she  let  the  children  arrange  themselves.  The  gymnasium  instructor 
at  a  school  with  a  small  proportion  of  Negroes  said  that  the  white  girls  had 
objected  to  going  into  the  swimming-pool  with  Negro  girls,  but  that  she  had 
gone  in  with  the  Negro  girls,  which  had  helped  to  remove  the  prejudice. 

Athletic  teams. — In  the  field  of  athletics  there  seems  to  be  no  feehng  between 
the  white  and  Negro  members  of  a  school  team,  but  the  Negro  members  are 
sometimes  roughly  handled  when  the  team  plays  other  schools.  "The  basket- 
ball team  is  half  and  half, "  said  the  principal  of  Wendell  Phillips.  He  reported 
some  friction  in  previous  years  but  said  that  "this  year  it  is  not  shown  at  all." 
"They  played  a  strenuous  game  with  Englewood  last  week.  A  colored  boy 
was  roughly  treated  by  the  other  team.  Our  white  boys  were  ready  to  fight 
the  whole  Englewood  team." 

The  principal  of  Hyde  Park  High  School  also  said  that  there  was  no 
feeling  in  his  school  against  Negro  members  of  athletic  teams,  and  that  he  did 
not  know  of  a  single  instance  in  which  a  Negro  boy  was  kept  oflf  an  athletic  team 
if  he  was  the  best  for  the  place. 

Two  Seniors  in  a  high  school  mainly  white  (Tilden)  thus  described  the  way 
they  handled  the  Negro  members  of  a  visiting  basket-ball  team: 

On  the  way  over  here  fellows  on  the  outside  bawled  them  out,  but  our  fellows 
sure  got  them  on  the  way  home.  There  were  three  black  fellows  on  the  team  and  those 
three  got  just  about  laid  out.  Our  team  wouldn't  play  them,  so  there  was  a  great 
old  row.  Then,  when  they  went  home  some  of  our  boys  were  waiting  for  them  to 
come  out  of  the  building  to  give  them  a  chase.  The  coons  were  afraid  to  come  out, 
so  poHcemen  had  to  be  called  to  take  them  to  the  car  Una.  The  white  fellows  weren't 
hurt  any,  but  the  coons  got  some  bricks. 

Transfers  between  high  schools. — Requests  for  transfers  from  Wendell 
Phillips  to  Englewood  and  Hyde  Park  schools  had  been  made  by  both  white 
and  Negro  children,  according  to  the  principals  of  the  latter  schools.  The 
permits  of  the  Negro  children  had  frequently  been  revoked  after  they  had 
been  admitted  to  classes,  and  the  children  returned  to  Wendell  Phillips. 
A  teacher  at  Wendell  Phillips  pointed  out  the  injustice  of  transferring  a  child 
in  the  middle  of  a  term.    After  a  child  has  been  admitted  to  classes  he  should 


254  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

be  permitted  to  remain  through  the  semester,  she  believed,  for  otherwise  a 
full  term's  work  was  lost  because  the  courses  in  the  schools  were  different. 
"All  this  transferring  is  nonsense,  anyway,"  she  said.  "Children  should  be 
made  to  go  to  school  in  the  district  where  they  live  and  that  would  end  the 
trouble." 

This  teacher  told  of  an  incident  at  Tilden  School  when  a  group  of  Negro 
boys  registered  for  entrance: 

About  sixty  colored  boys  entered  Tilden  High  School  either  for  the  regular 
high-school  course  or  prevocational  work  and  were  thrown  out  by  the  Tilden  boys. 
They  made  it  so  hot  for  the  colored  boys  that  the  skty  had  to  withdraw.  Some 
came  back  here;  others  dropped  out  of  school  entirely.  It's  pretty  bad  when  one 
set  of  boys  can  put  out  another  set  and  nothing  is  done  to  punish  one  and  call  back 
the  other  group. 

Two  boys  at  Tilden  who  took  part  in  this  affair  gave  this  version  of  the 
incident: 

About  thirty  colored  boys  registered  at  Tilden  last  fall,  but  we  cleaned  up  on  them 
the  first  couple  of  days  and  they  never  showed  up  again.  We  didn't  give  them  any 
peace  in  the  locker  room,  basement,  at  noon  hours,  or  between  classes — told  them  to 
keep  out  of  our  way  or  we'd  see  they  got  out.  The  fellows  who  were  in  school  before 
we  didn't  tackle — they  know  where  they  belong.  There's  one  colored  fellow  in  our 
class  everybody  likes.  He's  a  smart  nice  fellow  to  talk  to,  and  he  doesn't  stick  around 
when  you  don't  want  him.  He  didn't  say  anything  when  we  made  the  new  coons 
step  around,  but  I  guess  he  didn't  like  it  very  Well. 

It  was  this  same  group  of  boys  who  objected  to  playing  a  visiting  basket- 
ball team  with  three  Negroes  on  it  and  "just  about  laid  them  out." 

Social  activities  in  high  schools. — In  high  schools,  with  their  older  pupils, 
there  is  an  increased  race  consciousness,  and  in  the  purely  social  activities 
such  as  clubs  and  dances,  which  are  part  of  high-school  life,  there  is  none  of 
the  general  mingling  often  found  in  semi-social  activities  such  as  singing  and 
literary  societies.  Although  Negro  pupils  do  not  share  in  the  purely  social 
activities,  they  do  not  organize  such  activities  among  themselves. 

"The  colored  never  come  to  social  affairs,"  said  the  dean  of  one  school. 
"They  are  so  much  in  the  minority  here  that  they  leave  all  organizations  to 
the  whites."  The  principal  of  this  school  told  of  having  seen  two  colored  girls 
at  a  class  party  who  danced  together  for  a  while  and  left.  "It  is  the  only 
time  I've  seen  the  two  races  at  the  same  social  gathering." 

The  dean  of  Englewood  said:  "We  have  colored  children  in  singing  clubs, 
in  the  orchestra,  in  hterary  societies,  in  class  organizations,  and  on  athletic 
teams.  Always  when  there  is  a  class  party  there  will  be  five  or  six  colored 
children.  They  will  always  dance  together,  but  they  are  present  and  welcomed 
by  the  white.  Between  dances  it  is  not  uncommon  to  see  white  and  colored 
talking." 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  255 

An  incident  showing  lack  of  feeling  against  individuals  of  special  achieve- 
ment was  given  by  the  principal  of  this  last  school: 

Several  years  ago  we  organized  a  voliintary  orchestra  which  met  after  school.  The 
director  accepted  all  appUcations,  among  them  a  mimber  of  colored  boys.  The  white 
boys  balked;  it  should  be  white  membership  or  they  would  leave.  As  it  was  near 
the  end  of  the  year  the  orchestra  was  dissolved.  The  next  year  I  suggested  to  the 
teacher  that  he  fill  the  orchestra  places  by  a  general  tryout,  so  understood,  but  really 
with  the  poUcy  of  excluding  the  colored.  This  was  done  and  a  white  orchestra 
organized.  Shortly,  the  father  of  H.  F.,  a  colored  boy  who  had  been  excluded,  pro- 
tested in  my  office,  saying  that  his  boy  had  been  excluded  because  of  race  preju- 
dice and  that  he  was  going  to  carry  his  protest  to  the  Board  of  Education,  for  he 
knew  his  boy  played  better  than  any  boy  in  school.  I  admitted  that  it  was  a 
choice  in  the  school  of  white  orchestra  or  no  orchestra,  but  that  if  his  boy  was  the 
fine  musician  he  said  he  was  I  woidd  gladly  see  what  could  be  done.  Soon  after  that 
H.  appeared  on  a  school  program  and  played  with  remarkable  skill  and  technique. 
He  was  applauded  enthusiastically  and  recalled  three  times.  Straightway  the 
orchestra  members  asked  him  to  play  with  them.  He  became  unusually  popular 
throughout  the  school.  His  standing  was  the  highest  and  he  was  awarded  a  scholar- 
ship of  $100  allowed  by  the  Board  of  Education  for  the  best  student.  He  was  also 
chosen  to  represent  the  school  on  the  Northwestern  University  scholarship,  and  in 
his  Freshman  year  he  won  another  scholarship  for  the  next  year.  The  death  of  his 
parents  made  it  necessary  for  him  to  leave  college  to  support  his  brothers  and  sisters. 
At  this  time  he  was  stricken  with  infantile  paralysis.  The  interest  on  Liberty  bonds 
taken  out  by  the  high  school  is  paid  in  to  H.,  and  when  the  colored  people  gave  a 
benefit  for  him  the  pupils  sold  500  tickets.  He  is  improving  and  teaching  vioUn  to 
thirty  pupils  at  present.  His  sister  is  in  the  school  now  on  a  scholarship  and  is 
doing  remarkably  well  also. 

At  Wendell  Phillips  the  situation  was  quite  different,  for  there  were  no  school 
or  class  social  affairs  which  were  general.  There  were  invitational  affairs 
to  which  the  Negroes  were  not  invited.  All  the  clubs  in  the  school  were  white, 
Negroes  being  excluded.  The  principal  said  he  would  not  insist  on  mixed 
clubs  until  he  saw  the  parents  of  the  children  mixing  socially.  The  glee  club 
was  an  especially  difficult  problem  because  of  its  semi-public  as  well  as  social 
character.  The  Negro  children  maintained  that  a  glee  club  composed  entirely 
of  whites  was  not  representative  of  a  school  in  which  the  majority  were  Negroes. 
The  Negroes  had  not  responded  to  the  suggestion  of  the  principal  that  they 
form  a  glee  club  of  their  own,  and  as  the  white  children  would  not  be  in  a  glee 
club  with  Negro  children,  there  was  constant  friction  over  this  club. 

Other  principals  expressed  the  conviction  that  the  racial  problem  of  school 
social  affairs  could  not  be  solved  until  the  prejudice  and  antagonism  of  adults 
had  disappeared.  One  principal  said  he  had  had  to  call  off  an  arrangement 
for  a  class  affair  because  the  hotel  would  not  accommodate  the  Negroes. 
Another  principal  thought  that  the  schools  would  not  wait  to  follow  the  lead 
of  the  parents  in  forgetting  the  race  prejudice  but  would  themselves  be  the 
greatest  factor  in  destroying  it. 


256  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Relations  with  parents.- — In  most  cases  the  high  schools  were  receiving 
splendid  support  from  Negro  parents  in  matters  of  discipline.  "I  have  never 
had  a  case  where  the  parent  did  not  back  up  the  teacher  in  the  treatment 
given  to  a  colored  child,"  said  one  principal,  speaking  of  cases  where  children 
had  got  into  difficulty  when  they  complained  that  the  teacher  had  "picked  on 
them"  because  they  were  Negroes.  The  parents  always  made  the  child  with- 
draw the  statement  and  admit  that  the  trouble  was  not  due  to  color  at  all. 

3.   TECHNICAL  HIGH  SCHOOLS 

Reports  were  received  from  three  technical  high  schools,  Lane,  Tilden, 
and  Lucy  H.  Flower.  Lane  and  Tilden  had  few  Negro  students,  whUe  in 
Lucy  H.  Flower  the  Negroes  were  about  20  per  cent.  The  principals  of  Lane 
and  Tilden  said  they  were  not  conscious  of  any  racial  difference  in  their  pupils, 
that  no  special  methods  of  instruction  were  necessary  for  the  Negro  children, 
that  there  were  no  quarrels  with  a  racial  background  in  the  schools,  and  no 
voluntary  or  compulsory  groupings  of  white  and  Negro.  The  principal  of 
Lucy  H.  Flower  found  racial  differences  between  the  Negroes  and  whites 
which  she  believed  created  special  problems  of  education  and  discipline. 
The  children  got  along  together  very  weU  in  school,  and  whatever  quarrels 
there  were,  the  principal  thought  were  due  to  personal  dislikes  rather  than  to 
race  prejudice.  The  colored  girls  grouped  themselves  voluntarily  at  noon  and 
at  dismissal  time,  and  the  white  girls  did  the  same. 

III.      RETARDATION 
I.      RETARDATION  IN  ELEMENTARY  SCHOOLS 

With  the  assistance  of  the  Board  of  Education  a  selection  was  made  of 
three  groups  of  schools  to  be  studied  for  comparative  retardation.  The  group 
comprised  six  schools  having  the  largest  percentage  of  Negro  children,  six  at- 
tended mainly  by  whites  in  neighborhoods  where  the  family  income  might  be 
comparable,  and  twelve  attended  mainly  by  children  of  immigrants.  Table  XII 
gives  the  number  and  percentage  of  accelerated,  normal,  and  retarded  children 
for  each  school,  for  each  group,  and  for  the  whole  group  of  twenty-four  schools. 

This  table  shows  the  much  greater  amount  of  retardation  among  schools 
attended  by  Negroes  than  in  schools  attended  by  white  Americans  or  by 
children  of  immigrants.  The  percentage  for  the  group  attended  by  Negroes 
is  74,  while  for  the  different  schools  in  the  group  it  varies  from  67  to  81.  For 
the  two  groups  of  schools  attended  by  white  Americans  the  percentage  of 
retardation  is  the  same,  49,  though  there  is  greater  variation  among  these 
schools  than  among  the  schools  attended  by  Negroes.  In  the  group  attended 
by  children  of  immigrants,  for  instance,  only  32  per  cent  are  retarded  in  the 
Jungman  (Bohemian)  School,  while  71  per  cent  are  retarded  in  the  Holden 
(Polish)  School.    A  similar  discrepancy  appears  in  the  group  attended  by 


RACIAL  CONTACTS 


257 


white  Americans,  where  the  figure  is  40  per  cent  for  the  Armstrong  School 
and  62  per  cent  for  the  Byford  School. 

TABLE  XII 

Number  and  Percentage  of  Children  in  Accelerated,  Normal,  and  Retarded  Groups 

IN  Schools  Attended  Mainly  by  White  Americans,  by  Negroes,  and 

BY  Children  of  Immigrants 


School 


Attended  mainly  by  white  Ameri- 
cans: 

Armstrong 

Byford 

Harper 

Howe 

Key 

Morse 


202 
118 
291 
220 

173 
169 


9 
17 
17 
25 
14 


365 
361 
609 
421 
205 
450 


39 
29 

35 
35 
29 

37 


355 
783 
829 

577 
314 
581 


19 


Total. 


Attended  mainly  by  Negroes: 

Coleman 

Doolittle 

Douglas 

Keith 

Moseley 

Raymond 


1,173 

54 
267 
136 

77 

62 

112 


17 


16 

9-3 
II 

7-5 
13 


2,411 


124 
261 
197 
93 
95 
179 


34 

17 
16 

13-7 
14 
"•5 
20 


3,439 

S6i 
1,099 
1,126 
497 
551 
578 


19 


24 


Total. 


Attended  mainly  by  children  of 
immigrants : 
Bohemian : 

Bryant 

Hammond 

Jungman 

Polish: 

Chopin 

Hibbard 

Holden 

Italian : 

Goodrich 

Jackson 

Jenner 

Jewish: 

Herzel 

Lawson 

Von  Humboldt 


708 


385 
161 

375 


392 
122 

157 
360 
176 

609 
466 
528 


II 


35 

17 
29 
II 

14 
15 
II 

25 
16 
22 


949 


735 
503 
350 

631 

445 
208 

240 
731 
524 

731 
944 


15 


37 
34 
33 

36 
32 
18 

22 
32 
33 

30 
32 

34 


4,412 


795 
357 

818 
535 
759 

693 

1,174 

875 

1,085 
1,407 
1,072 


148 


15 


Totals 

Totals  for  three  groups  , 


4,029 
5,910 


19 
17 


6,890 
10,250 


32 
30 


10,379 
18,230 


36 
203 


40 
62 
48 
48 
46 
49 


49 

75 
68 

77 
75 
81 
67 


74 


42 
54 
32 

47 
39 
71 

64 
53 
56 

45 
52 
44 


49 
53 


941 
1,262 
1,729 
1,218 

692 
1,200 


7,042 

743 
1,651 
1,463 
667 
830 
869 


6,217 


1,944 
1,459 
1,082 

1,748 
1,372 
1,089 

1,090 
2,265 
1,575 

2,425 
2,837 
2,448 


21,334 
34,593 


♦The  figures  in  this  column  represent  children  who  were  listed  as  being  in  "ungraded  classes"  in  the  Board 
of  Education  records.  They  are  not  included  with  the  column  of  "Retarded"  children  because  the  grades  of  the 
"Retarded"  children  were  given  in  the  board  of  Education  records  and  were  used  in  determiaing  the  amount  these 
children  were  retarded  (see  Table  XIV).  The  "Retarded  Ungraded"  children  are  included  with  the  "Retarded" 
children  in  determining  the  percentage  of  retarded  children. 

The  retardation  figures  for  the  group  of  twenty-four  schools  studied  are 
close  to  those  for  the  city  at  large,  53  per  cent  retarded  in  the  special  group 


258  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

and  51  per  cent  for  the  city  at  large.  In  the  accelerated  group  the  percentage 
of  accelerated  Negro  children,  11,  is  smaller  than  the  percentage  of  accelerated 
white  children,  17,  or  the  percentage  of  accelerated  foreign  children,  19.  This 
variation  is  not  so  striking  as  that  in  the  normal  group  where  only  15  per  cent 
of  the  Negro  children  appear  to  make  normal  progress  as  compared  with  34 
per  cent  of  the  white  children  and  32  per  cent  of  the  foreign  children.  From 
this  it  would  appear  that  there  are  factors  in  the  lives  of  many  Negro  children 
which  prevent  them  from  making  normal  progress. 

The  degree  of  retardation,  as  shown  in  Table  XIII  is  again  quite  different 
for  the  white  and  Negro  groups. 

The  largest  single  groups  of  backward  white  American  and  foreign  children 
are  retarded  less  than  one  year  (42  per  cent  of  the  white  American  and  39 
per  cent  of  the  foreign  group),  and  the  numbers  decrease  rapidly  as  the  degree 
of  retardation  increases.  In  the  case  of  the  Negroes  19  per  cent  are  retarded 
less  than  one  year.  The  decrease  as  the  degree  of  retardation  increases  is 
slower  than  in  the  white  groups,  and  many  more  children  are  retarded  two, 
three,  four,  five  years  and  more.  In  the  white  American  group  only  one  child 
out  of  3,439  retarded  children  is  retarded  five  and  one-half  to  six  years,  while 
there  are  forty-one  in  the  corresponding  Negro  group  out  of  a  total  of  4,412. 
One  white  child  is  retarded  six  and  one-half  to  seven  years,  while  seventeen 
Negro  children  are  retarded  this  amount;  twelve  foreign  children  out  of 
10,379  retarded  children  are  retarded  six  to  ten  years,  and  thirty-seven 
Negro  children  are  found  in  these  groups. 

Though  the  main  reasons  for  the  high  degree  of  retardation  among  Negro 
children  are  set  forth  in  the  next  section  under  "Causes  of  Retardation," 
a  partial  explanation  is  to  be  found  in  the  fact  that  Negro  parents  are  frequently 
more  interested  in  keeping  their  over-age  children  in  school  than  white  parents, 
especially  foreign  parents,  whose  anxiety  to  have  their  children  leave  school 
as  soon  as  they  are  old  enough  to  get  work-permits  is  well  known. 

Causes  of  retardation. — It  is  generally  understood  of  course  that  comparisons 
of  Negro  with  white  children  are  hardly  fair,  since  Negro  children  have  not 
had  the  same  opportunities  as  whites  to  make  normal  progress. 

A  study  was  made  of  the  reasons  why  children  were  retarded  in  the  groups 
of  schools  attended  mainly  by  Negroes,  by  white  Americans,  and  by  children 
of  immigrants.  Records  were  obtained  at  the  schools  for  1,469  Negro  children 
and  1,560  white  children  who  were  listed  according  to  the  Board  of  Education's 
classification  for  retarded  children. 

Table  XIV  shows  clearly  that  the  predominating  cause  of  retardation  among 
Negroes  is  late  entrance,  which,  according  to  the  board's  classification,  means 
that  they  did  not  enter  school  until  more  than  six  years  of  age.  This  is 
generally  explained  by  the  fact  that  the  family  came  from  the  South,  where 
there  was  no  school  near  enough  for  the  child  to  attend,  or  the  school  was 
overcrowded,  or  the  family  was  uneducated  and  indifferent.     In  some  cases 


RACIAL  CONTACTS 


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THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 


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cravAiHOVa 


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NOISIA 

aAixoaaaQ 


saixTfloiaaiQ 


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RACIAL  CONTACTS  261 

the  parents  have  come  North,  leaving  the  child  with  grandparents  who  made 
no  effort  to  see  that  it  went  to  school. 

The  next  most  important  cause  of  retardation  among  the  Negroes  is  family 
difficulties.  The  fathers  are  often  kept  away  from  home  weeks  at  a  time  by 
their  work.  A  large  number  of  the  mothers  are  working,  and  the  parents' 
lack  of  education  is  frequently  the  cause  of  a  home  life  that  is  below  standard, 
physically  and  morally. 

Among  the  whites,  late  entrance,  inability  to  speak  the  language,  ill 
health,  backwardness,  and  low  mentality  are  the  main  causes  of  retardation. 
While  it  is  often  maintamed  that  the  Negro  is  the  mental  inferior  of  the  white, 
these  figures  do  not  bear  out  that  contention.  Also  the  retardation  figures 
do  not  show  the  home  life  of  the  Negroes  to  be  productive  of  as  much  ill  health 
as  is  the  case  with  the  whites. 

Approximately  the  same  number  of  Negro  and  white  children  were  retarded 
because  of  irregular  attendance. 

In  addition  there  were  forty- two  Negro  children  and  155  white  children 
who  were  classified  under  two,  three,  or  four  different  causes  for  retardation. 
Children  who  were  late  entering  also  had  some  physical  difl&culty,  or  children 
who  were  retarded  because  of  family  difficulties  were  also  of  poor  mental 
endowment.  In  some  cases  such  double  classification  represented  a  realization 
by  the  teacher  that  retardation  is  a  complicated  and  delicate  thing  which  can- 
not be  explained  by  one  hard-and-fast  reason.  Others,  finding  it  difficult  to 
decide  whether  children  were  backward,  of  low  mentality,  or  feeble-minded, 
classified  them  under  all  three  causes.  In  two  instances  Negroes  were  found 
to  be  retarded  because  they  were  late  entering  and  "foreign" — that  is,  they 
were  handicapped  by  an  "initial  lack  of  the  English  language." 

Intensive  study  of  116  retarded  Negro  children. — The  presence  of  retarded 
Negro  children  in  the  Chicago  public  schools  within  recent  years  has  been 
regarded  by  many  teachers  and  principals  as  a  problem  of  Negro  education. 
Some  assume  that  this  retardation  is  due  to  an  inherent  incapacity  for  normal 
grade  work.  Inquiries  of  the  Commission  early  disclosed  the  fact  that  although 
the  retardation  rate  of  Negro  children  was  higher  than  that  of  white,  the  great 
majority  of  the  retarded  Negroes  were  from  southern  states,  and  that  Negro 
children  bom  in  the  North  had,  as  a  rule,  no  higher  rate  of  retardation  than 
the  whites.  In  the  belief  that  the  causes  of  retardation  among  Negro  children 
could  be  found  in  the  same  factors  of  social  background  and  environment 
which  operates  to  retard  white  children,  an  intensive  study  was  made  of  116 
Negro  children  taken  at  random  from  among  all  the  retarded  Negro  children 
in  several  schools  to  learn  what  elements  in  their  former  life  and  present 
home  environment  might  explain  their  retardation. 

Out  of  the  116  children  loi  had  been  in  school  before  coming  to  Chicago. 
Of  these  eighty-six  had  lived  in  the  South  and  attended  southern  schools. 
Since  this  group  was  chosen  at  random,  the  large  proportion  from  the  South 


262  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

tends  to  bear  out  the  statements  of  school  principals  and  teachers  that  Negro 
children  from  the  South  constitute  the  bulk  of  retarded  children.  Previous 
school  records  were  obtained  for  eighty-four  of  these  eighty-six  southern 
children,  and  in  sixty-four  cases  the  children  were  retarded  when  they  came 
to  Chicago.  Many  of  them  were  retarded  two  and  three  years,  and  some 
three,  four,  five,  and  even  six  years.  Forty-seven  of  the  sixty-four  were 
retarded  more  than  one  year.  In  a  number  of  cases  children  who  were  in  the 
normal  grade  for  their  age  in  the  South  were  put  back  one  or  two  grades  when 
they  entered  Chicago  schools  because  they  were  not  equipped  to  do  the  work 
of  this  grade  in  the  North. 

The  states  from  which  these  children  came  are  Alabama,  Arkansas,  Florida, 
Georgia,  Kentucky,  Louisiana,  Mississippi,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina, 
Teimessee,  Texas,  and  Virginia.  Twenty-three  of  the  eighty-six  children  who 
had  lived  in  the  South  were  from  Mississippi — the  largest  group  from  any  one 
state — and  of  these  three  were  up  with  their  normal  grade,  eleven  were  retarded 
three  or  four  years,  one  was  retarded  six  years,  and  one  who  was  in  the  normal 
grade  in  the  South  was  demoted  two  years.  One  reason  for  the  poor  record 
of  these  Mississippi  children  is  undoubtedly  to  be  found  in  that  state's 
inadequate  compulsory-education  law  which  provides  a  school  term  of  eighty 
days  in  districts  which  do  not  reject  the  law.  Eight  of  the  Mississippi  children 
lived  on  plantations  which  were  so  far  from  school  that  regular  attendance 
was  impossible. 

Information  gathered  concerning  the  parents  of  these  ii6  retarded  children 
showed  that  in  eighty-six  cases  the  father  was  living  with  his  family.  In 
six  cases  the  father  was  dead,  in  one  case  he  was  insane,  in  fifteen  cases  he  had 
separated  from  or  deserted  the  mother,  and  in  eight  cases  there  was  no  report 
on  the  father. 

The  mother  was  found  to  be  living  with  her  family  in  112  cases.  In  two 
cases  the  mother  was  dead,  and  in  two  cases  she  had  deserted  father  and  child. 

All  of  the  eighty-six  fathers  who  lived  at  home  were  working,  though  one 
was  reported  as  working  irregularly,  and  two  as  having  deserted  their  wives 
occasionally  for  periods  of  several  weeks.  In  two  of  the  cases  where  the  father 
had  separated  from  the  mother  he  was  reported  as  contributing  to  the  support 
of  the  child. 

In  forty  out  of  the  eighty-six  cases  where  the  father  was  living  at  home  and 
working,  the  mother  was  also  working,  and  in  the  fifteen  separation  cases 
where  the  mother  was  supporting  the  child,  she  was  working.  The  fact  that 
a  total  of  fifty -five  out  of  1 1 2  mothers,  or  49  per  cent,  were  working  is  undoubt- 
edly a  large  factor  in  the  retardation  of  the  children.  The  statement  was 
frequently  made  by  teachers  that  40  or  50  per  cent  of  the  Negro  mothers 
worked,  and  that  the  child  was  therefore  neglected,  and  the  teacher  could 
get  no  co-operation  from  the  mother,  as  she  was  never  free  to  come  to  school 
to  talk  over  matters  afifecting  the  child. 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  263 

Some  teachers  felt  that  many  mothers  worked  where  there  was  no  economic 
necessity,  as  the  father  was  earning  enough  to  support  the  family.  It  should 
be  noted  in  this  connection  that  at  the  time  this  material  was  gathered  there 
were  more  opportunities  for  work  than  there  were  men  to  fill  them.  Under 
ordinary  conditions  there  would  doubtless  be  a  certain  amount  of  unemploy- 
ment in  these  Negro  families  which  would  cause  more  mothers  to  work  from 
economic  necessity.  Many  of  the  families  investigated,  where  both  parents 
were  working,  were  reported  as  getting  on  very  well,  though  there  were  some 
cases  of  real  poverty.  In  a  number  of  instances  the  families  could  not  seem 
to  make  ends  meet  on  a  good  income  because  they  were  ignorant  and  did  not 
know  how  to  spend  their  money,  or  because  they  had  not  been  able  to  adjust 
themselves  to  city  life. 

Of  the  eighty-six  fathers  who  were  working,  few  were  in  skilled  occupations 
which  would  command  a  substantial  wage.  Most  of  the  mothers  were  engaged 
in  work  that  took  them  away  from  home.  A  few  did  sewing,  hairdressing, 
and  laundry  work  in  their  homes,  but  the  large  majority  went  out  to  work. 
Work  carried  on  in  the  home  frequently  has  as  bad  an  effect  on  the  child's 
school  attendance  as  the  mother's  absence,  for  the  child  is  sometimes  kept  at 
home  to  help  and  often  finds  the  work  more  interesting  than  school. 

The  following  occupations  of  mothers  of  retarded  children  were  noted : 

Day  work 22      Car  cleaner 

Stock  Yards 12      Cleaning  (hospital) 

Hairdresser 4      Dishwasher 

Laundry 4      Elevator 

Maid 4      Foundry 

Barrel  factory 3      Housekeeper 

Seamstress 3      Lamp-shade  factory 

Domestic  service 2      Waist  factory 

Box  factory i 

Education  of  parents. — Of  the  eighty-six  fathers,  thirty-one  were  illiterate, 
and  forty-eight  had  gone  to  elementary  school  but  had  completed  only  the 
second,  fourth,  or  sixth  grade.  Five  of  the  fathers  had  gone  to  high  school, 
and  two  were  college  graduates. 

The  figures  are  slightly  better  for  the  mothers.  Out  of  112,  twenty-one 
were  totally  illiterate,  seventy-six  had  gone  to  elementary  school,  ten  had  been 
in  high  school  or  college,  and  five  were  not  reported  on.  Eighty-eight  per  cent 
of  the  mothers,  therefore,  and  91  per  cent  of  the  fathers  had  less  than  a  high- 
school  education.  Though  there  were  many  iUiterate  or  poorly  educated 
parents  who  were  eager  for  their  children  to  have  advantages  which  they 
never  had  themselves,  others,  as  in  any  illiterate  group,  no  matter  what  the 
color,  failed  to  appreciate  the  importance  of  school. 

Home  discipline. — A  number  of  teachers  reported  that  they  were  unable 
to  discipline  the  children  in  school  because  they  were  undisciplined  at  home. 


264  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

In  seventy-three  of  the  ii6  homes  there  was  found  to  be  disciplme,  in  twenty- 
two  a  lack  of  discipline,  and  twenty  were  not  reported  on.  Discipline  seemed 
to  be  the  responsibility  of  the  mother  in  the  large  majority  of  cases,  and  many 
of  the  twenty-two  undisciplined  children  were  boys  who  were  beyond  the 
control  of  the  mother.  In  every  case  but  four  where  there  was  no  discipline 
the  mother  was  working,  so  that  the  child  did  not  receive  much  care  during 
the  daytime  and  the  mother  was  too  tired  to  bother  about  discipline  at  night. 
Lack  of  discipline  can  also  be  traced  to  the  fact  that  the  child  has  not  always 
lived  with  the  parents  but  with  relatives  who  have  been  lax  in  the  matter  of 
discipline. 

Home  care. — The  physical  condition  of  the  home,  the  preparation  and 
substance  of  the  meals,  may  be  expected  to  affect  a  child's  health  and  therefore 
his  attendance  at  school.  The  homes  of  eighty-four  children  were  reported 
to  be  clean  and  twenty-five  not  clean,  while  seven  were  not  reported  on.  In 
twenty-one  cases  out  of  the  twenty-five  reported  not  clean,  the  mother  was 
working.  In  forty-seven  cases  out  of  the  eighty-four  reported  clean  the  mother 
was  working.  In  many  of  the  forty-seven  cases  there  was  an  aimt  or  grand- 
mother who  took  care  of  the  house. 

In  many  homes  the  ignorance  of  the  parents  was  obviously  responsible 
for  failure  to  provide  the  kind  of  food  adapted  to  the  needs  of  the  children. 
A  great  deal  of  fresh  meat,  usually  pork  and  bacon,  potatoes,  rice,  and  coffee 
were  the  staples,  while  green  vegetable,  fruits,  cereals,  and  milk  were  noticeably 
lacking.  Also,  when  the  mother  is  away  all  day  the  food  is  hastily  prepared, 
which  usually  means  that  it  is  fried.  The  girl  who  gets  home  from  school  before 
her  mother  has  finished  her  day's  work  usually  starts  the  dinner,  or  brings  some- 
thing from  the  delicatessen.  Many  children  are  given  twenty-five  cents  with 
which  to  buy  lunch,  and  in  three  extreme  cases  the  children  were  given  money 
to  buy  all  their  meals,  with  no  supervision  over  what  they  ate. 

Difficulty  of  adjustment. — When  all  the  causes  contributing  to  retardation 
were  taken  into  consideration  in  the  histories  of  the  ii6  retarded  children 
studied,  it  was  still  obvious  that  the  greatest  stumbling-block  to  normal  prog- 
ress was  previous  residence  in  the  South.  The  retardation  of  children  from 
the  South  is  explained  in  a  variety  of  ways. 

Some  of  the  children  from  the  South  did  not  get  along  well  because  they 
had  not  been  able  to  adjust  themselves  to  city  life.  They  had  been  ac- 
customed to  the  freedom  and  outdoor  life  of  the  farm  and  did  not  like  the 
confined  life  of  the  city.  They  felt  timid  and  shy  in  the  midst  of  so  many 
people,  as  they  did  not  come  much  in  contact  with  people  when  they  lived 
on  southern  farms  four  or  five  miles  from  the  nearest  town.  Most  of  these 
children  had  never  gone  to  school  for  more  than  a  few  months  at  a  time,  either 
because  the  school  term  was  short  or  they  lived  too  far  from  the  school  to 
attend  regularly.  Consequently  some  of  them  found  the  nine  months'  term 
irksome. 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  265 

Demotion. — A  number  of  children  were  found  to  be  over-aged  for  their 
grades  because  they  had  been  demoted  one  or  two  years  when  they  came  to 
Chicago.  Some  of  these  had  gone  to  school  regularly  in  the  South  and 
were  of  normal  age  for  their  grades,  but  the  school  term  was  so  short  that 
it  was  impossible  for  them  to  complete  the  same  amount  of  work  in  the 
same  mmiber  of  years  as  children  in  northern  schools.  Children  who  were 
in  the  fifth  or  fourth  grade  in  the  South  had  been  put  back  to  the  third  or  second 
grade  on  entering  Chicago  schools.  This  sometimes  discouraged  them  so 
much  that  they  dropped  out  of  school  on  reaching  fourteen,  the  age  limit  of  the 
compulsory-education  law. 

Inadequate  schools. — Overcrowded  and  poorly  taught  schools  also  are 
responsible  for  the  retardation  of  southern  Negro  children.  One  girl  attended 
a  school  which  was  in  session  only  three  months  a  year  and  where  there  were 
100  to  125  children  under  one  teacher.  Consequently  this  girl  was  retarded 
four  years.  A  boy  who,  when  he  came  to  Chicago,  was  fifteen  years  old  and 
six  years  behind  his  grade  had  always  lived  in  small  country  towns  in  the  South. 
In  one  of  these  his  teacher  was  the  iceman.  "He  didn't  come  to  school  imtil 
he  was  through  totin'  ice  around,"  said  the  boy.  "Then  if  anyone  wanted 
ice  they  comed  after  him.  He  wasn't  learning  me  anything  so  I  quit."  This 
boy  was  found  to  be  ambitious  and  was  attending  school  regularly  in  Chicago 
in  spite  of  the  fact  that  he  was  conspicuously  over-age  for  his  grade. 

Other  causes  of  retardation. — Some  over-age  children  are  extremely  sensitive 
about  their  size  and  are  irregular  at  school  on  this  account.  A  fifteen-year-old 
boy  who  was  5  feet  8  inches  tall  was  in  the  fifth  grade.  He  refused  to  go  to 
school  because  he  was  larger  than  anyone  in  his  class.  At  one  time  he  was  so 
ashamed  of  being  seen  in  the  room  with  smaller  children  that  he  would  go  out 
of  the  classroom  every  time  a  girl  passed  the  door. 

As  in  many  white  families  where  the  importance  of  regular  school  attend- 
ance is  not  fully  understood,  work  at  home  or  work  after  school  hours  is  some- 
times permitted  to  interfere  materially  with  school  attendance.  Older  children 
are  kept  at  home  to  look  after  young  children  while  the  parents  are  away  at 
work  and  sometimes  when  the  mother  is  home.  A  fourteen-year-old  girl  who 
was  three  years  retarded  had  always  been  kept  out  of  school  to  do  housework. 
The  five  younger  children  were  all  in  the  normal  grades  for  their  ages  but  the 
fourteen-year-old  girl  had  been  out  of  school  so  much  she  had  lost  interest. 
Other  children  were  working  after  school  hours  selling  papers  and  delivering 
packages  and  wanted  to  leave  school  as  soon  as  possible  so  that  they  could 
work  all  the  time. 

The  attitude  of  the  teacher  seemed  in  a  few  instances  to  be  responsible 
for  the  child's  lack  of  interest.  In  one  case  the  teacher  threw  a  paper  at  a 
boy  instead  of  handing  it  to  him,  and  the  boy  had  refused  to  recite  to  her 
ever  since.  He  went  to  school  but  recited  to  his  mother  at  home.  Another 
boy  had  been  kept  back  in  school  by  a  misunderstanding  between  his  mother 


266  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

and  the  principal.  The  principal  took  the  boy  home  with  her  to  do  some  work 
around  her  house  and  kept  him  until  nine  o'clock.  The  mother  became  so 
worried  she  had  the  police  out  looking  for  him.  When  she  found  out  the  cause 
of  his  lateness  coming  home,  she  went  to  the  school  and  threatened  the  principal. 
The  principal  afterward  refused  either  to  promote  the  boy  or  transfer  him  to 
another  school. 

Recreation. — ^A  study  of  the  favorite  forms  of  recreation  among  ii6  children, 
aside  from  the  few  who  reported  that  they  had  no  time  to  play,  showed  the 
movies  to  be  in  the  lead.  Children  economized  on  lunch,  buying  potato  salad 
and  pickles,  in  order  to  have  enough  left  from  their  lunch  money  to  go  to  the 
movies.  One  boy  who  worked  outside  of  school  hours  made  $3  to  $5  a  week 
and  spent  most  of  it  on  the  movies;  he  went  three  or  four  times  a  day  if  he  had 
the  money.    A  few  children  played  truant  in  order  to  go  to  the  movies. 

TABLE  XV 
Favorite  Recreation  of  116  Retarded  Negro  Children 

Movies 85 

Baseball 32 

Reading 31 

Marbles 29 

Skating 20 

Jumping  rope 11 

Music 6 

Jacks 6 

Vaudeville 5 

Running  games 4 

Singing  games 4 

Sewing 3 

Basket-ball 2 

Target  practice 

Pool 

Mechanical  toys 

Drawing 

DoUs 

Bicycle 

Typewriting 

Swinging 

Rolling  hoop 

Card  games,  checkers,  etc 

Total 248 

Most  of  these  children  had  two  and  even  three  forms  of  recreation,  and  the 
second  was  usually  some  form  of  outdoor  recreation — baseball,  marbles,  or 
jumping  rope.  Most  of  the  younger  ones  went  to  the  playgrounds,  except 
those  who  had  housework  to  do  or  the  few  who  did  not  care  to  associate  with 
other  children. 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  267 

A  reference  to  the  section  on  "Recreation"  will  show  that  Negro  children 
are  limited  in  their  recreational  activities  by  lack  of  recreation  centers  where 
they  are  welcome.  There  are  playgrounds  for  the  younger  children  in  the 
areas  of  Negro  residence,  but  no  recreation  centers  with  their  varied  indoor 
facilities  for  the  older  children. 

2.   OPINIONS  ON  SCHOLARSHIP  OF  NEGRO  CHILDREN 

Progress  of  the  southern  Negro. — The  retarded  Negro  child,  usually  from 
the  South,  who  is  conspicuous  in  the  elementary  schools,  has  been  referred  to 
in  the  section  on  "Retardation  in  Elementary  Schools."  In  some  schools 
such  children  are  put  in  the  regular  grades,  where  they  receive  no  special 
attention  and  can  progress  only  one  year  at  a  time,  though  most  teachers  agree 
that  retardation  is  due  to  lack  of  educational  opportunity  rather  than  to 
inabiUty  to  learn.  In  other  schools  there  are  special  rooms  for  these  children 
where  they  are  advanced  through  several  grades  as  rapidly  as  possible. 

Doolittle  School  (85  per  cent)  had  six  first-grade  rooms  for  such  children. 
In  one  of  these  rooms  there  were  about  twenty-five  children  from  twelve  to 
seventeen  years  of  age  doing  all  the  lower-grade  work  up  to  the  sixth.  The 
teacher  said  that  many  of  these  children  who  were  unable  to  read  or  write 
when  they  came  from  the  South  showed  remarkable  progress  in  a  few  months, 
and  in  less  than  a  year  were  able  to  do  fourth-,  fifth-,  and  sixth-grade  work. 

"One  big  girl  of  thirteen,  when  she  arrived  from  the  South,"  this  teacher 
said,  "pretended  to  read  with  her  book  upside  down,  but  in  a  little  more  than 
a  year  she  was  doing  sixth-grade  work.  One  twelve-year-old  boy  from  the 
South,  unable  to  read  the  primer  or  write  his  name,  after  about  nine  months 
of  applied  work  just  ate  up  everything  I  gave  him  and  during  the  following 
year  read  sixty  Hbrary  books." 

A  thirteen-year-old  girl,  just  five  days  in  the  school,  had  come  from 
Alabama,  where  she  had  never  attended  school.  "  There  wasn't  room  for  me, " 
she  explained.  She  read  for  the  investigator  on  the  tenth  page  of  the  primer, 
haltingly  but  with  understanding.  The  teacher  was  confident  that  she 
could  put  her  through  several  grades  next  year.     She  said  further: 

These  children  who  have  been  deprived  in  the  South  of  their  rights  educationally 
are  very  eager.  At  first  they  are  timid,  but  they  learn  very  quickly.  They're  as 
smart  as  whips  if  they'd  just  get  down  to  business.  Without  question  this  is  the  kind 
of  attention  all  the  colored  children  from  the  South  need  when  they  enter  school  in 
the  North.  The  plan  has  been  successful  and  should  be  adopted  throughout  the  school 
system.  One  appreciates  by  comparison  the  injustice  of  putting  the  fifteen-year-old 
newcomer  from  the  South  into  second  grade,  requiring  of  him  only  second-grade 
work  over  the  nine  months'  period. 

Another  school,  92  per  cent  Negro  (Farren),  has  a  special  room  for  children 
from  the  South.  "Our  dull  children  are  almost  without  exception  those 
from  the  South  who  have  never  been  to  school,"  said  the  teacher,    "Those 


268  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

children  should  not  be  classed  as  dull,  either,  for  they  learn  remarkably  fast 
and  often  catch  up  to  grade." 

A  teacher  of  the  ungraded  room  in  a  school  38  per  cent  Negro  (Forrestville) 
said: 

Practically  all  of  the  colored  children  are  from  the  South,  where  they  have  not 
been  in  school.  Once  they  get  started  they  learn  very  rapidly  and  often  catch  up 
to  the  proper  grade  if  they  are  not  too  old  when  they  start  school.  The  older  children 
in  this  room  have  good  power  of  concentration  and  consequently  learn  much  in  a  short 
time.  Take,  for  example,  a  boy  twelve  years  old  who  came  here  not  two  months  ago 
from  the  South.  When  he  came  he  had  no  idea  how  to  write  his  name.  A  few  days 
ago  he  wrote  for  me  a  fourth-grade  eight-hne  memory  passage  with  but  three  mistakes 
in  spelling.  Now  I  call  that  remarkable.  I  have  taught  in  this  school  all  my  teaching 
years,  and  they  have  been  many,  and  have  never  seen  any  child  equal  this,  either 
white  or  black. 

Capacity  for  advanced  work. — Teachers  in  the  seventh  and  eighth  grades 
usually  found  Negro  children  equal  to  the  work,  though  in  some  cases  they 
felt  that  these  children  had  been  pushed  out  of  the  lower  grade  because  of 
crowded  conditions  before  they  were  ready  for  the  more  advanced  work. 
An  eighth-grade  teacher  gave  the  following  statement: 

When  children  get  this  far  they  have  a  good  foundation  and  do  their  work  very 
well.  One  of  my  colored  girls  is  the  brightest  child  in  school — arithmetic  is  hard  for 
her  but  she  works  at  it.  One  of  my  colored  boys  is  seventeen  years  old.  He  came 
here  from  the  South  last  fall  to  live  with  an  uncle  and  to  get  to  a  better  school.  His 
father  wants  him  to  be  a  doctor  and  thought  he  wasn't  getting  along  as  well  in  the 
South  as  he  would  in  the  North.  When  the  boy  came  to  me  he  said  he  had  been  going 
to  a  college'  in  the  South.  I  took  him  into  the  eighth  grade  but  saw  he  didn't  have 
the  fundamentals.  On  close  questioning  he  told  me  he  had  been  in  the  seventh 
grade  in  that  college.  Now  he  is  doing  excellent  work  for  me.  He  has  much  broader 
interests  than  the  other  children.  He  reads,  reads,  reads,  all  the  time  and  is  well 
informed. 

Other  teachers  believed  that  there  was  nothing  to  keep  the  Negro  children 
from  making  equal  progress  with  the  white,  given  similar  opportunities. 
"The  progress  of  the  colored  children  in  Drake  school  (30  per  cent)  cannot 
be  compared  with  that  of  the  white,"  said  an  upper-grade  teacher,  "because 
the  colored  are  all  from  the  South  and  have  had  the  poorest  opportunities. 
But  comparing  a  Negro  child  and  a  white  child  who  have  had  the  same  advan- 
tages in  school  and  equal  opportunities  for  observation  and  example  in  the 
home,  the  Negro  makes  the  same  progress." 

"  I  say  that  under  the  same  conditions  a  Negro  child  will  do  as  well  every 
time  as  a  white,"  said  the  teacher  of  an  ungraded  room  in  a  school  38  per  cent 
Negro  (Forrestville).     Many  do  as  well  as  the  white  and  live  in  very  poor 

'Many  so-called  southern  "colleges"  include  elementary  and  high  school,  as  well  as 
college  work.  The  term  is  general  and  does  not  mean  necessarily  an  institution  of  the  same 
academic  standing  as  a  northern  college. 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  269 

neglected  homes.  I  think  every  person  who  is  not  prejudiced  must  admit  that 
the  colored  do  fully  as  well  in  school  as  the  white." 

An  upper-grade  teacher  in  the  Felsenthal  School  (20  per  cent)  held  a 
similar  point  of  view:  "The  colored  are  making  wonderful  strides.  They 
advance  just  as  rapidly  as  the  white,  given  equal  opportunities.  But  their 
background  is  so  slight  and  so  short  in  years  that  one  cannot  fairly  compare 
them.  The  southern  colored  child  must  be  studied  individually  to  get  his  point 
of  view  in  the  school  or  he  gets  nowhere  in  his  work." 

High-school  work. — The  principal  of  Wendell  Phillips  High  School  prepared 
tables  showing  the  numbers  of  white  and  Negro  children  dropping  out  at  the 
end  of  each  school  year.  They  show  that  the  largest  number  of  Negro  children 
dropped  out  during  the  first  year,  and  the  largest  number  of  white  children 
during  the  first  and  second  years,  the  number  of  drop-outs  being  the  same 
for  both  years.  Some  children  repeat  the  work  so  that  all  of  them  do  not 
leave  school. 

One  or  two  teachers  in  other  schools  stated  concerning  Negro  children 
that  a  "very  limited  number  go  beyond  the  first  year."  "They  cannot  grasp 
the  subject,"  said  an  English  teacher;  "they  do  not  understand  as  the  white 
child  does.    They  lack  the  mentality." 

In  the  same  school  the  Latin  teacher  held  quite  the  opposite  opinion. 
"The  colored  children  are  in  every  way  equal  to  the  white  children.  They  are 
just  as  well  equipped  mentally  and  make  similar  progress.  My  best  student 
at  present  is  a  colored  girl.  Her  choice  of  English  and  her  vocabulary  and 
construction  are  far  ahead  of  that  of  any  white  student." 

Several  teachers  and  principals  testified  to  the  brilliancy  of  individual 
Negro  students  who  not  infrequently  had  the  highest  standing  in  the  school. 
The  principal  of  an  elementary  school  (Crerar)  who  had  formerly  had  experience 
in  a  school  largely  Negro  felt  that  the  junior  high  school  would  meet  the  needs 
of  the  Negro  children  to  a  large  degree: 

More  of  them  than  the  immigrant  enter  high  school  but  do  not  stay  to  finish. 
I  suppose  the  parents  insist  upon  some  high-school  training,  but  it  is  necessary 
for  the  child  to  go  to  work  before  he  finishes.  Another  reason  for  the  dropping  out 
might  be  the  teachers'  lack  of  interest  in  the  chUd.  In  the  high  school  you  don't 
find  the  teachers  taking  a  keen  interest  in  every  individual  child  as  you  do  in  the  grades, 
and  just  what  colored  children  need  is  a  keen  interest  in  them.    They  do  better  work. 

Academic  v.  other  courses. — A  preference  of  Negro  children  for  academic 
work  was  reported  by  principals  and  teachers  at  two  high  schools.  This  may 
be  due  in  part  to  the  fact,  testified  to  by  many  teachers,  that  Negro  children 
excel  in  languages  and  music  and  find  mathematics  and  sciences  difl5cult. 
The  usual  implication  was,  however,  that  Negro  children  took  academic  work 
because  they  thought  it  gave  them  better  social  standing.  A  principal  who 
said  that  "Negroes  want  to  know  nothing  about  industrial  training"  and 
that  "the  girls  don't  care  for  sewing  and  cooking,"  said  on  another  occasion 


270  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

that  the  majority  of  children  in  auto-mechanics,  prmting,  and  household  arts 
were  Negroes.  He  also  reported  more  Negro  than  white  children  in  the  normal 
course  preparing  themselves  to  be  teachers,  though  this  was  the  first  year 
that  this  had  been  the  case. 

Comparative  scholarship  in  elementary  schools. — Negro  children  are  reported 
to  be  slower  than  the  Jews,  less  responsive  than  the  Bohemians,  and  more 
ambitious  than  the  Italians.  A  manual-training  and  domestic-arts  teacher 
thought  Negroes  did  as  good  work  as  the  Jews,  Bohemians,  and  white  Americans 
whom  he  taught.  A  Latin  teacher  said  that  the  Negroes  were  studious  and 
ambitious,  and  that  in  every  way  she  preferred  them  to  the  Jews. 

Several  teachers  thought  the  Negroes  were  slow  and  lacked  logic  and 
"sticking  qualities."  An  upper-grade  teacher  explained  the  slowness  as 
partly  due  to  the  fact  that  they  had  been  pushed  out  of  the  crowded  lower 
grades  before  they  were  ready  for  more  advanced  work.  A  physics  teacher 
who  was  convinced  that  Negro  children  had  no  ambition  said  it  was  his 
policy  to  promote  a  Negro  child  if  the  child  had  made  the  effort,  because  he 
appreciated  that  the  child  had  come  "to  the  limit  of  his  mental  ability." 

The  principal  who  said  that  Negroes  had  no  "sticking  qualities"  gave 
a  single  instance  of  a  boy  who  wanted  to  become  a  mechanical  engineer  but 
gave  up  the  course  after  five  months,  because  he  said  he  did  not  care  enough 
about  the  course  to  work  at  it  for  several  years.  In  endeavoring  to  prove 
that  Negro  children  are  not  successful  in  completing  high-school  work,  this 
principal  emphasized  the  fact  that  in  the  3-B  class  20  per  cent  of  the  Negroes 
dropped  out  as  compared  with  6  per  cent  of  the  whites.  In  actual  numbers 
three  Negroes  and  two  whites  dropped  out.  He  did  not  mention  that  in  the 
2-A  class  12  per  cent  of  the  whites  (sixteen  children)  as  compared  with  3  per 
cent  of  the  Negroes  (three  children)  dropped  out.  In  the  4-B  grade  21  per 
cent  of  the  whites  (three  children)  and  none  of  the  Negroes  dropped  out. 
The  fact  that  21  per  cent  of  the  whites  dropped  out  was  explained  by  the 
principal  to  be  due  to  the  fact  that  the  white  children  wished  to  graduate 
from  a  high  school  wholly  white.    However,  only  three  children  were  involved. 

Attendance  and  failures. — Table  XVI  shows  the  record  for  attendance  and 
failures  in  three  groups  of  schools  attended  mainly  by  Negroes,  by  children 
of  immigrants  and  by  white  Americans.  It  will  be  noticed  that  the  best 
attendance  records  are  found  in  Douglas  and  Farren  schools,  both  mainly 
attended  by  Negroes.  The  other  schools,  attended  mainly  by  Negroes, 
compare  favorably  with  those  attended  by  whites. 

The  smallest  percentage  of  failures  is  at  Colman  (92  per  cent),  while  the 
next  to  the  largest  percentage  is  also  at  a  school  attended  mainly  by  Negroes 
(Raymond,  93  per  cent).  This  may  be  explained  to  a  certain  extent  by  the 
fact  that  there  is  a  higher  economic  class  of  Negroes  in  the  neighborhood  of 
the  Colman  School.  In  the  other  schools  the  percentage  of  failures  compares 
very  favorably  with  that  of  whites. 


RACIAL  CONTACTS 


271 


TABLE  XVI 

Enrolment,  Average  Attendance,  and  Number  of  Failures  in  Twenty  Schools 


School 


Enrolment 


Average 
Attendance 


Percentage 

of 
Attendance 


Number 

of 
Failures 


Percentage 

of 

Failure? 


Attended  mainly  by  Negroes : 

Colman,  92  per  cent 

Doolittle,  85  per  cent 

Douglas,  93  per  cent 

Farren,  92  per  cent 

Forrestville,  38  per  cent 

Haven,  20  per  cent 

McCosh,  15  per  cent 

Moseley,  70  per  cent 

Raymond,  93  per  cent 

Webster,  30  per  cent 

Attended  mainly  by  children  of  immigrants : 

Farragut 

Goodrich 

Kosciusko 

Lawson 

McCormick 

Seward 

Smyth 

Swing 

Attended  mainly  by  white  Americans : 

Fiske 

Rowland 


964 
1,784 

1,443 
986 

1.493 
1,165 
1,280 

923 
1,532 

805 

1,729 
1,30s 
1,134 
3,069 
1,432 
1,058 
1,106 
810 

1,535 

2,l6l 


709 
1,282 

1,341 

924 
1,085 

700 
1,017 

605 
1,299 

654 

1,502 

1,039 

775 

2,545 

1,266 

708 

860 

629 

1,272 
1,809 


73 
72 

93 
93 
73 
60 

79 
66 

85 


86 
78 
68 

83 

88 
67 
77 
77 

83 


13 

1.8 

77 

6.0 

83 

8.9 

130 

12.0 

24 

3-4 

81 

13-3 

200 

15-4 

107 

121 

33 
292 
204 
43 
69 
99 

45 
100 


7.0 

II. 6 

4-2 

"•5 
16. 1 

5-9 

8.0 

15-8 

3-5 
50 


C.    CONTACTS  IN  RECREATION 

In  studying  contacts  between  the  races  at  places  of  recreation  a  survey 
was  made  of  the  various  recreational  facilities  maintained  by  the  Municipal 
Bureau  of  Parks,  Playgrounds,  and  Bathing  Beaches,  the  South  Park  Commis- 
sion, the  West  Chicago  Park  Commission,  and  the  Lincoln  Park  Commission. 
Recreational  facilities  maintained  by  twelve  park  boards  which  control  smaller 
areas  in  outlying  parts  of  the  city  were  not  included  in  the  survey  unless  they 
were  in  or  near  Negro  areas.  Visits  were  made  by  the  Commission's  investi- 
gator to  places  in  or  bordering  on  the  Negro  areas  at  a  time  of  day  when  the 
use  of  the  park  would  be  greatest;  the  director  or  one  of  his  assistants  was 
interviewed  and  observations  were  made  as  to  the  relations  between  Negroes 
and  whites. 

The  information  thus  gathered  was  supplemented  by  a  conference  held 
by  the  Commission,  at  which  representatives  of  the  various  park  boards 
discussed  policies  and  experiences  with  reference  to  race  relations  in  the  various 
recreation  places  under  their  charge. 

I.      CLASSIFICATION   OF  FACILITIES 

Although  there  is  no  definite  city-wide  classification,  the  publicly  mam- 
tained  recreation  facilities  of  the  city  may,  for  the  purpose  of  this  study,  be 
grouped  by  types  and  defined  as  follows: 


272 


THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 


1.  Playground. — A  small  tract  of  land,  usually  adjacent  to  public  schools, 
pro\dding  space  for  ball  games,  gymnastic  and  play  apparatus,  and  in  most 
cases  a  small  building  used  as  an  ofl&ce  and  storage  place  for  apparatus. 

2.  Recreation  center. — Including  outdoor  and  indoor  gymnasiums  for  men, 
women,  and  children,  a  swimming-pool,  and  a  little  children's  playground 
out  doors,  and  a  field  house  providing  an  assembly  room  and  dance  hall,  club- 
rooms,  shower  baths,  and  often  an  infant-welfare  station  and  branch  library. 

3.  Large  park. — ^A  large  area  with  lawns,  shrubbery,  and  general  recreation 
facilities,  such  as  tennis,  golf,  baseball,  and  boating. 

4.  Bathing-beach. — Intended  primarily  for  swimmers  and  usually  including 
no  other  recreation  equipment.  A  dressing-house,  showers,  and  towel  supply 
are  provided  with  life  guard  and  attendants  on  duty. 

5.  Swimming-pool. — In  some  instances  a  swimming-pool  or  natatorium 
is  maintained  separately  from  a  recreation  center. 

n.      DISTRIBUTION   OF   FACILITIES   IN  RELATION   TO   NEGRO   AREAS 

Of  a  total  of  127  public  places  of  recreation  excluding  the  large  parks, 
thirty-seven  are  in  or  near  Negro  areas.  Of  the  eighty-two  playgrounds, 
fourteen  are  in  the  Negro  areas  and  nine  are  adjacent.  Of  the  twenty-nine 
recreation  centers,  none  is  located  within  the  Negro  areas,  but  seven  are 
adjacent. 

Though  these  figures  seem  to  indicate  that  the  Negro  areas  are  fairly 
well  supplied  with  recreation  facilities,  it  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  their 
use  by  the  Negroes  in  their  vicinity  is  by  no  means  free  and  undisputed.  The 
reasons  for  this  are  shown  in  the  next  section  on  "Use  of  Facilities,"  but  the 
following  summary  of  use  will  aid  in  considering  the  distribution  of  recreation 
facilities  in  relation  to  the  Negro  areas: 


Total  for 
City 


In  Negro 
Areas 


Near  Negro 
Areas 


Number  Used 

10  Per  Cent 

or  More  by 

Negroes 


Playgrounds 

Recreation  centers 
Bathing-beaches.  . 


82 
29 


14 
None 

3 


13 
I 

I 


The  tj'pe  of  recreation  facility  most  commonly  found  in  the  Negro  areas 
is  the  playground.  The  lack  of  recreation  centers  within  the  Negro  areas  is 
conspicuous,  as  is  also  the  fact  that  six  of  the  seven  recreation  centers  accessible 
to  Negroes  are  not  used  as  much  as  10  per  cent  by  them.  The  playground  is 
intended  for  the  use  of  young  children  and  has  practically  nothing  to  attract 
older  children  and  adults,  except  sometimes  a  baseball  or  athletic  field.  Indoor 
facilities  are  not  a  part  of  the  equipment  of  a  playground,  so  that  the  average 
maintenance  cost  of  a  playground  is  not  more  than  $2,000  to  $5,000  a  year.' 

» See  illustration  facing  this  page. 


RECREATION 
FACILITIES 


• ■    Plavcuolwds 

g Recreation  Cemtcrs 

Q. Swimming  Pools 

y Bathing  Bcacmcs 

"fViC   NAMC3  or    TMC    RtCREATlOH 

TACiuTica  DiacuaatD  in  thc 

REPORT  ARC  3rtOWN  ON  THt  MAP 


M  n 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  273 

The  recreation  center  is  the  most  unusual  and  notable  feature  of  Chicago's 
recreation  system  but  one  from  which  the  Negro  gets  little  benefit.  It  is  a 
complete  community  center,  with  both  indoor  and  outdoor  facilities.  It 
represents  an  investment  of  from  $200,000  to  $800,000,  according  to  the 
amount  of  ground,  the  location,  and  the  extent  of  its  facilities.  The  yearly 
expenditure  necessary  to  maintain  such  a  recreation  center  where  older  children 
and  adults  can  hold  meetings,  dances,  and  entertainments,  and  where  there 
are  concerts,  indoor  games,  swimming-pools,  showers,  etc.,  is  shown  by  the 
reports  of  the  park  boards  to  be  from  $30,000  to  $50,000.  Though  the  argu- 
ment that  wholesome  recreation  makes  for  better  citizenship  applies  to  Negroes 
as  well  as  to  whites,  no  recreation  center  has  been  located  within  the  Negro 
areas  and  only  seven  near  them.^ 

The  director  of  Armour  Square,  a  recreation  center  which  is  just  beyond 
the  edge  of  the  main  Negro  area,  but  which  the  Negroes  do  not  feel  free  to 
use  for  reasons  discussed  later,  was  asked  what  places  of  recreation  for  adult 
Negroes  existed  in  that  neighborhood.  She  instanced  a  social  settlement 
that  had  been  out  of  existence  for  more  than  six  years,  an  infant-welfare  station 
and  a  commercial  amusement  park  known  to  be  in  bad  repute. 

Although  in  recent  years  the  Negro  population  has  been  increasing  in 
density  in  the  neighborhood  directly  east  of  Wentworth  Avenue  along  which 
Hardin,  Armour,  and  Fuller  recreation  centers  are  located,  this  has  not  increased 
the  use  of  these  centers  by  Negroes.  It  has  tended,  rather,  to  increase  the 
antagonism  of  the  whites  in  the  vicinity  to  the  use  of  the  centers  by  Negroes. 
In  this  neighborhood  the  hostility  toward  Negroes  of  whites,  especially  gangs 
of  hoodlums,  is  shown  by  the  many  attacks  upon  Negroes  in  this  area  as  dis- 
cussed in  the  sections  on  the  "Riot  of  1919"  and  "Antecedent  Clashes." 

Several  representatives  of  the  park  boards  strongly  deprecated  the  lack 
of  recreation  centers  within  the  Negro  area  and  said  that  such  facilities  should 
be  provided.  The  South  Park  representative  recommended  the  area  east  of 
Wentworth  Avenue  between  Thirtieth  and  Forty-seventh  streets  as  one 
needing  additional  facilities.  The  West  Park  representative  said :  "  A  complete 
all-year-round  recreation  center  for  the  colored  people  should  be  established 
at  Ashland  and  Lake  streets.  We  need  greater  facilities,  or  equal  facilities, 
for  the  colored  people.  There  isn't  any  place  on  the  West  Side  that  I  know  of, 
but  yet  we  have  many  of  these  complete  recreation  centers  there  for  the  whites." 
Although  the  Negroes  on  the  West  Side  had  never  asked  for  additional  facilities, 
the  white  people  in  that  neighborhood  had  frequently  asked  the  West  Park 
Commission  to  provide  greater  facilities  for  the  Negroes.  The  Negroes  in 
the  district  were  not  organized,  according  to  the  West  Park  official,  but  the 
white  people  realized  that  something  ought  to  be  done  for  the  Negroes  and 
made  the  request. 

The  director  of  Seward  Park  said  the  maintenance  cost  was  the  chief 
obstacle  to  additional  recreational  facilities.     "The  law  permits  acquisition 


274  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

of  property  for  small  parks  by  request  of  citizens  and  bond  issues  for  the 
purchase  of  the  property  and  its  development,"  he  said.  "When  it  comes  to 
maintenance  the  question  of  taxes  comes  in,  and  unless  people  are  willing  to  be 
taxed  in  excess  of  what  they  are  taxed  now,  there  won't  be  any  possibility 
of  maintaining  more  parks." 

Though  there  are  three  public  bathing-beaches  near  the  main  Negro  area, 
the  whites  seem  to  expect  Negroes  to  confine  themselves  to  the  Twenty-sixth 
Street  Beach.  It  is  quite  limited  and  unattractive  in  approach  and  surround- 
ings. The  approach  is  over  a  rough  road  through  a  much-neglected  neighbor- 
hood, and  then  up  a  long  flight  of  stairs  to  a  four-foot  viaduct  over  the  raUroad 
tracks,  and  a  roundhouse  and  switch  yards  are  near  by.  The  beach  is  a  strip 
of  sand  about  fifty  feet  wide  and  a  short  block  in  length;  it  narrows  at  one 
end  to  the  tracks  and  at  the  other  end  is  walled  by  a  high  embankment. 
While  it  offers  a  chance  to  get  into  the  lake,  the  atmosphere  of  wholesome, 
recreative  outdoor  life  is  entirely  lacking. 

In  the  Morgan  Park  region  there  is  a  large  Negro  population  but  no  park 
or  playground  within  its  Negro  area.  Barnard  Playground  and  Ridge  Park 
are  the  nearest  facilities,  a  mUe  or  more  distant.  Negro  children  said  they 
did  not  go  there  because  "  those  are  in  Beverley  Hills  and  only  rich  folks  go 
there — no  colored  people."  The  directors  of  these  parks  said  there  was  no 
discrimination  against  Negroes  but  that  they  did  not  come  because  they  felt 
that  these  parks  were  "for  white  folks  only." 

III.      USE   OF  FACILITIES 

Table  XVII  gives  estimates  by  the  officers  in  charge  of  the  Negro  attendance 
at  the  places  of  recreation  in  or  near  the  Negro  areas. 

Factors  influencing  attendance. — Out  of  the  thirty-five  playgrounds,  recrea- 
tion centers,  and  bathing-beaches  in  or  near  the  Negro  areas  for  which  attend- 
ance figures  were  secured,  at  fifteen  Negro  attendance  never  amounted  to 
more  than  lo  per  cent,  and  usually  was  less.  In  several  cases  distance  or  such 
barriers  as  railroad  tracks  seemed  to  explain  the  small  percentage  of  Negro 
patrons.  In  other  cases  it  seemed  due  to  the  existence  of  other  facilities  nearer 
the  center  of  the  Negro  area  which  were  more  largely  patronized  by  the  Negroes ; 
an  example  is  Stanton,  which  though  not  far  from  the  Negro  area  is  farther 
than  Seward  Park.  The  small  number  of  Negroes  at  other  places  often  could 
not  be  explained  by  the  director.  At  Gladstone  Playground,  for  example,  in  a 
neighborhood  where  the  Negro  population  was  increasing  rapidly,  practically 
no  Negro  children  were  found,  though  the  white  children  said  there  were 
plenty  of  Negro  children  in  the  school.  "They  don't  stick  around  after 
school  hours  or  in  the  summer,"  said  the  children,  but  no  one  appeared  to 
know  why  this  was  the  case,  as  there  had  never  been  any  difficulty  at  this 
playground.    Negro  children  used  Drake  and  Sherwood  playgrounds  much 


RACIAL  CONTACTS 


275 


TABLE  XVII 

Number  of  Negroes  Attending  Parks  and  Playgrounds  in  or  near  Negro  Areas 
AND  Their  Percentage  of  the  Total  Attendance 


Nake 


South  Side  District: 

Twenty-sixth  St.  Beach. 
Thirty-eighth  St.  Beach. 
Fifty- first  St.  Beach.... 


Moseley  Playground,  Twenty-fourth  St. 

and  Wabash  Ave 

Cobnan    Playground,    Forty-sixth    and 

Dearborn  Sts 

Doolittle    Playground,    Thirty-fifth    St 

near  Rhodes  Ave 

Oakland  Playground,   Fortieth  St.   and 

Langley  Ave 

Beutner  Playground,  Thirty-third  St.  and 

LaSaUe  St 

Sherwood  Playground,  Fifty-seventh  St. 

and  Princeton  Ave 

Drake  Playground,  Twenty-seventh  St 

and  Calumet  Ave 

McCosh  Playground,  Sixty-sixth  St.  and 

Champlain  Ave 

Carter  Playground,  Fifty-eighth  St.  and 

Michigan  Ave 

Fiske  Playground,  Sixty-second  St.  and 

Ingleside  Ave 


Fuller  Park  Recreation  Center,  Forty- 
fifth  St.  and  Princeton  Ave 

Armour  Square  Recreation  Center 
Thirty-third  St.  and  Shields  Ave 

Hardin  Square  Recreation  Center, 
Twenty-sixth  St.  and  Wentworth  Ave 


Washington  Park . 
Jackson  Park 


Ogden  Park  District: 

Copernicus    Playground,     Sixtieth    and 

Throop  Sts 

Ogden   Park   Recreation   Center,   Sixty 

fourth  St.  and  Racine  Ave 


South  Chicago  District: 
Thorp  Playground,  Eighty-ninth  St.  and 
Buffalo  Ave 


West  Side  District: 

Robey  Playground,  Birch  and  Robey  Sts. 
Mitchell  Playground,  Oakley  Ave.  and 

Ohio  St 

Washington  Playground,  Grand  Ave.  and 

Carpenter  St 


Average  Daily 
Attendance 


School 
Time 


900 

350 

800 

600 

1,400 

1,500 

1,100 

1,200 

1,200 

1,500 


1,400 


500 

500 
1,200 


Through 
Year 


200 
500 
500 


1,500 

1,500 

800 

27,000 
47,000 


3,000 


Vaca- 
tion 
Time 


150 
700 

500 
400 

1 ,000 
900 
600 
450 
500 

1,000 


800 


350 

800 
200 


Percentage  of  Total 
Daily  Attendance 


School 
Time 


50 


25 


Through 
Year 


95 

Less  than  i 
Less  than  i 


80 
90 
90 
75 
67 


Vaca- 
tion 
Time 


25 


25 
2 

3 

I 

I 

10 


Less  than  i 


None 


IS 


16 


276 


THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

TABLE  XVII— Contitiued 


Average  Daily 
Attendance 

Percentage  of  Total 
Daily  Attendance 

Naue 

School 
Time 

Through 
Year 

Vaca- 
tion 
Time 

School 
Time 

Through 
Year 

Vaca- 
tion 
Time 

West  Side  District— Cow/. : 
Otis  Playground,  Grand  Ave.  and  Armour 
St 

200 

I 

McLaren  Playground,  Polk  and  Laflin 
Sts 

300 
1,300 

400 

400 

Closed 

Gladstone   Playground,   Robey   St.   and 
Washbume  Ave 

I 

Hayes  Playground,   Levitt   and   Fulton 
Sts 

Union  Park  Playground,  Washington  St. 
and  Ashland  Blvd 

1,500 
300 

1,500 

2,000 
60,000 

40 

None 

5 

North  Side  District: 
Northwestern  Playground,  Larrabee  and 
Alaska  Sts 

Orleans    Playground,    Orleans    St.    and 
Institute  PI 

150 
1,500 

400 

300 

5 

Franklin  Playground,  Sigel  St.  near  Wells 
St 

25 

Seward  Park  Recreation  Center,  Ehn  and 
Sedgwick  Sts 

IS 

I 
IS 

Stanton  Park  Recreation  Center,  Vine 
and  Rees  Sts 

Lincoln  Park 

Maximiun  attendance,  100,400.    Negroes  approximately,  19,000.* 

*0f  these  19,000  about  200  use  the  beaches,  4,100  the  playgrounds,  700  the  recreation  centers,  and  14,000 
the  large  parks. 

less,  or  not  at  all,  after  school  hours  and  in  summer.  At  Drake,  though  the 
two  races  mingled  in  games  in  the  daytime  and  no  disorders  had  occurred, 
the  Negro  boys  took  no  part  in  the  games  in  the  evening  when  the  older  white 
boys  were  home.  This,  the  director  said,  was  due  not  to  timidity  or  fear  of 
aggression,  but  rather  to  "lack  of  ambition."  At  Sherwood  Playground, 
west  of  Wentworth  Avenue,  where  50  per  cent  of  the  children  using  the  play- 
ground during  school  hours  were  Negroes,  there  were  no  Negroes  on  the 
playground  in  the  afternoon  and  evening  and  all  simimer.  This  was  said 
to  be  due  to  the  fact  that  the  Negro  children  in  the  school,  especially  the  girls, 
were  larger  than  the  white  children  and  during  the  school  session  were  the 
dominating  group.  After  school,  however,  the  older  white  children  got  home 
from  other  schools  or  from  work  and  assumed  control,  allowing  no  Negroes  in 
the  playground.  The  Negroes  then  went  to  Carter  Playground,  which  is 
east  of  Wentworth  Avenue,  in  the  main  Negro  settlement.  This  separation, 
the  attendant  stated,  was  due  entirely  to  action  on  the  part  of  the  children,  as 
the  ofl&cials  did  not  discriminate  in  any  way.  This  neighborhood  has  been 
much  disturbed  and  is  discussed  in  more  detail  under  *'  Contacts." 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  277 

Representatives  of  each  park  commission  said  that  they  had  no  rules 
or  regulations  of  any  kind  discriminating  against  Negroes,  and  that  all  races 
were  treated  in  exactly  the  same  way.  The  only  case  in  which  this  rule 
appeared  to  be  violated  was  in  connection  with  Negro  golf  players  at  Jackson 
Park.  Two  Negroes  participated  in  the  Amateur  Golf  Tournament  at  Jackson 
Park  in  the  simimer  of  1918  and  made  good  records.  The  only  requirement 
for  entrance  into  the  tournament  at  that  time  was  residence  in  the  city  for  one 
year.  In  1919  the  requirements  were  increased,  entries  being  limited  to  the 
lowest  sixty-four  scores,  and  membership  in  a  "regularly  organized  golf  club" 
being  required.  Since  Negroes  are  not  accepted  in  established  golf  clubs,  the 
Negro  golf  players  met  this  qualification  by  organizing  a  new  club,  "The 
Windy  City  Golf  Association."  In  1920  the  restriction  was  added  that  contest- 
ants must  belong  to  a  regularly  organized  golf  club  affiliated  with  the  Western 
Golf  Association.  As  it  was  impossible  for  Negro  clubs  to  secure  such  affilia- 
tion, it  is  impossible  for  Negroes  to  compete  in  the  tournament. 

Unofficial  discrimination,  however,  frequently  creeps  in.  According  to  the 
representative  of  the  Municipal  Bureau,  "the  person  in  charge  of  the  park  is 
largely  influenced  by  the  attitude  of  the  people  outside  the  park.  We  had 
trouble  at  Beutner  Playground  because  of  the  tendency  on  the  part  of  the 
director,  who  was  a  white  man,  to  be  influenced  by  the  attitude  of  the  white 
people  in  the  neighborhood,  and  either  consciously  or  unconsciously  showed  by 
his  actions  to  the  colored  people  that  they  were  not  fully  accepted."  Beutner 
Playground  later  became  an  example  of  unofficial  discrimination  in  favor  of 
the  Negroes,  for  the  Municipal  Bureau  decided  to  "  turn  over  the  playground 
particularly  to  Negroes"  and  instructed  the  director  "  to  give  them  more  use  of 
the  facilities  than  the  whites."  But  this  was  found  to  be  impossible  as  long  as 
a  white  director  was  employed,  because  he  was  influenced  by  the  feeling  of 
the  whites  in  the  neighborhood  who  did  not  want  the  playground  turned  over 
to  the  Negroes.  The  desired  result  was  finally  obtained  by  employing  a 
Negro  director.  "Then  the  switch  suddenly  came,"  said  the  park  represent- 
ative, "and  the  playground  was  turned  over  to  the  Negroes  almost  exclu- 
sively." 

A  similar  method  was  employed  with  reference  to  the  Twenty-sixth  Street 
Beach,  according  to  the  head  of  the  Municipal  Bureau,  who  said:  "As  the 
colored  population  gradually  got  heavier  and  more  demand  came  for  the  use 
of  that  beach  it  gradually  developed  into  a  beach  that  was  used  almost  exclu- 
sively by  Negroes.  And  we  did  as  we  did  in  the  Beutner  case:  we  employed 
a  Negro  director  when  the  preponderance  was  Negro." 

This  beach  has  since  been  transferred  to  the  South  Park  Commission, 
and  there  is  no  longer  a  Negro  director  there,  though  most  of  the  attendants 
are  Negroes. 

Park  policemen  will  not  let  Negroes  go  in  swimming  at  the  Thirty-eighth 
Street  Beach,  according  to  a  Negro  playground  director.     "  The  park  policemen 


278  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

tell  you,  'You  can't  go  in,  you  better  not  go  in,  I'd  advise  you  not  to  go  in,'" 
said  the  director.     "If  you  try  to  go  in  he  keeps  you  out." 

The  Negro  director  of  Beutner  Playground  reported  an  unpleasant  personal 
encounter  with  the  policeman  of  Armour  Square.  "  Last  summer  I  had  occasion 
to  go  over  there  with  my  assistant  who  is  colored.  We  went  to  the  library 
and  the  park  police  officer  we  met  said,  'niggers  ought  to  stay  in  Beutner 
Park.'"  Policemen  in  Armour  Square  also  had  helped  to  drive  out  Negro 
boys  who  had  gone  over  there  to  use  the  showers,  according  to  this  director. 
In  addition  he  said  that  Negro  boys  had  been  refused  permits  to  play  baseball 
at  Armour  Square.  The  director  of  the  park  said,  in  answer  to  these  state- 
ments, that  there  was  no  discrimination  on  the  part  of  the  management  and 
if  such  things  had  occurred  it  was  without  the  knowledge  of  the  management 
and  due  to  the  fact  that  the  applicants  did  not  see  anyone  in  authority.  "The 
only  applicants  I  have  had  for  a  colored  baseball  team  this  year  was  for  an 
outside  industrial  team,  and  they  were  given  permission,"  said  the  director. 
"Whether  the  police  officer  followed  them  up  and  told  them  they  shouldn't 
come  back,  I  don't  know,  but  they  didn't  come  back.  I  gave  them  the  permit 
to  come." 

At  one  or  two  parks  definite  efforts  had  been  made  to  encourage  larger 
numbers  of  Negroes  to  make  use  of  the  facilities,  but  at  Armour  Square  the 
director  did  not  believe  this  to  be  advisable.  "I  have  never  gone  out  to  do 
any  promotional  work  to  bring  them  in, "  she  said,  "because  I  would  not  choose 
personally  to  be  responsible  for  the  things  that  would  happen  outside  my 
gates  if  I  were  responsible  for  bringing  large  groups  into  Armour  Square. 
If  such  groups  come  to  me  for  reservations  I  give  them,  but  they  don't  come." 
This  director  also  said  that  she  would  feel  it  necessary  to  warn  any  Negro 
group  that  might  come  to  her  park  that  she  could  not  be  responsible  for  their 
protection  outside  the  park. 

At  Union  Park,  which  has  a  playground  and  swimming-pool  and  is  situated 
on  the  edge  of  the  densest  Negro  residential  area  on  the  West  Side,  every  effort 
has  been  made  to  encourage  the  Negroes  of  the  neighborhood  to  make  use  of 
the  limited  facilities,  according  to  the  representative  of  the  West  Chicago 
Park  Commission,  who  said: 

We  have  advertised  among  the  colored  people  and  done  everything  we  could 
to  get  them  to  use  the  swimming-pool,  shower  baths,  and  reading-room,  and  send  their 
children  to  the  playground.  The  result  to  some  extent  is  satisfactory  but  of  course 
they  are  not  using  it  in  proportion  to  the  population  of  the  Negroes  in  that  neighbor- 
hood. That,  I  think,  is  partly  due  to  the  fact  that  we  ought  to  have  some  other 
facilities  there.  We  ought  to  have  some  equipment  for  boys  over  sixteen  years  of 
age,  and  we  ought  to  have  an  assembly  hall,  a  regular  library,  clubrooms,  and  other 
facilities  for  the  recreation  of  older  boys  and  girls. 

The  director  of  Fuller  Park  told  of  a  special  effort  he  had  made,  with  the 
assistance  of  a  Y.M.C.A.  physical  instructor,  a  Negro,  to  increase  the  use  of 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  279 

the  park  by  Negroes  living  east  of  Wentworth  Avenue.  The  Y.M.C.A. 
instructor  guaranteed  to  get  the  people,  and  400  application  blanks  were 
distributed  among  Negro  children  in  the  Sunday  schools  of  the  neighborhood. 
All  the  blanks  were  signed  with  the  names  of  Negro  children  between  eight 
and  sixteen  and  returned  to  the  office.  When  the  classes  started  a  few  weeks 
later,  no  Negro  children  appeared.  The  distributor  of  the  blanks  tried  for 
three  or  four  weeks  to  find  out  why  the  Negro  children  did  not  come  but 
failed  to  discover  any  reason.  Then  the  director  sent  a  notice  to  the  Defender, 
a  widely  circulated  Negro  newspaper,  saying  that  the  children  who  had  signed 
application  blanks  for  classes  at  Fuller  Park  were  requested  to  come  at  any 
time  and  were  just  as  welcome  as  white  children.  Thereupon  a  few  children 
came — two  or  three  out  of  a  class  of  thirty.  Additional  notices  were  put 
in  the  Defender,  and  an  effort  was  made  to  interest  the  Negro  pastors,  but  the 
attendance  did  not  increase,  and  finally  the  attempt  was  given  up  for  that  year. 
The  next  year  a  similar  effort  was  made  but  with  only  slightly  better  results. 
At  the  band  concerts  and  moving  pictures  the  Negro  attendance  is  fairly  good, 
and  a  large  number  of  Negroes  use  the  library,  but  the  gymnasium  and  the 
children's  playground  are  used  very  little  by  the  Negroes,  and  the  swimming- 
pool  practically  not  at  all. 

The  reasons  advanced  by  the  park  officials  for  the  non-use  of  convenient 
recreation  facilities  are  that  the  Negro  is  timid  and  reluctant  to  go  where  he 
feels  he  is  not  wanted,  or  that  he  fears  attack  in  the  park  or  near  it.  At  a 
conference  the  West  Park  representative  said: 

When  we  first  opened  the  doors  of  Union  Park  we  thought,  owing  to  the  large 
colored  population  in  the  district,  that  the  colored  people  would  come  there  most 
willingly  and  avail  themselves  of  the  facilities  just  as  freely  as  any  person  would. 
But  we  found  that  it  was  not  so,  that  the  greater  number  of  persons  who  came  there 
were  the  whites,  and  they  as  usual  availed  themselves  of  the  faciUties  freely.  The 
colored  were  timid,  came  in  gradually,  and  as  soon  as  they  found  they  were  welcome, 
that  there  was  no  h'ne  of  discrimination  drawn,  the  attendance  of  the  colored  increased. 

At  Sherwood  Playground,  Armour  Square,  and  Fuller  Square,  all  west  of 
Wentworth  Avenue,  which  is  considered  the  dividing  line  between  the  white 
and  Negro  areas,  fear  is  probably  a  large  factor  in  the  small  Negro  attendance, 
as  the  feeling  in  the  neighborhood  is  bitter  and  fights  have  been  frequent. 
At  Sherwood  Negro  children  use  the  playground  during  school  hours  when 
they  feel  that  they  have  the  protection  of  the  school,  but  not  after  school 
when  they  feel  that  protection  is  lacking.  Webster  School  at  Wentworth 
Avenue  and  Thirty-third  Street,  which  is  30  per  cent  Negro,  has  its  graduation 
exercises  in  Armour  Square,  but  the  Negro  children  do  not  go  to  Armour  Square 
at  any  other  time,  and  they  did  not  go  over  at  night  for  an  entertainment  which 
the  principal  of  Webster  School  arranged  at  Armour  Square.  Negro  children  use 
the  Armour  Square  hbrary  freely,  according  to  the  director,  but  there  has 
never  been  an  appHcation  for  the  use  of  a  clubroom,  and  no  Negroes  come  to 


28o  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

the  outdoor  moving  pictures  which  are  given  one  night  a  week.  "There's 
absolutely  nothing  to  prevent  them  coming,"  said  the  director.  "Why  don't 
they  come?  There  is  nothing  within  the  park  they  need  to  be  afraid  of. 
There  has  been  absolutely  no  distinction  made  in  the  handling  of  colored 
children  or  colored  men  or  colored  women  coming  to  Armour  Square,  but 
they  do  not  come."  The  director  was  positive  that  the  failure  to  come  to 
the  park  was  due  to  the  attitude  toward  Negroes  outside  the  park.  She 
explained  that  although  she  could  guarantee  safety  and  poHce  protection 
inside  the  park,  she  could  do  nothing  to  protect  Negroes  outside  the  park 
gates.  The  park  poHcemen  are  employees  of  the  park  boards  and  not  of  the 
city  and  have  no  jurisdiction  outside  the  parks.  This  is  true  of  the  poUce  at 
all  parks  and  beaches  maintained  by  the  park  boards,  but  the  poHce  at  the 
playgrounds  and  beaches  maintained  by  the  Municipal  Bureau  of  Parks, 
Playgrounds,  and  Bathing  Beaches  are  members  of  the  regular  city  police 
force. 

ContiQuing,  the  Armour  Square  director  said: 

Personally  I  know  of  no  disturbances  that  have  started  within  Armour  Square, 
and  yet  we  have  had  outside  of  Armour  Square  every  year  at  least  two  riots,  not  count- 
ing the  general  race  riot — riots  that  started  largely  in  school  clashes.  There  have 
been  some  very  serious  riots  between  the  children  of  the  Webster  School  and  the 
Keith  School  just  east  of  it,  and  there  have  also  been  some  very  serious  clashes  between 
the  black  and  white  children  going  to  and  from  the  parochial  school — actual  fights  in 
which  they  have  had  to  call  large  detachments  of  the  poUce.  Armour  Square  is 
not  used  by  the  colored  people  in  proportion  to  their  numbers  in  the  neighborhood, 
but  it  has  absolutely  nothing  to  do  with  our  management.  It  is  because  they  are 
afraid  to  come  to  the  park.  They  know  absolutely  that  within  the  foiu:  walls  of  the 
park  nothing  is  going  to  happen  to  them. 

The  testimony  of  the  Negro  director  of  the  Beutner  Playground  seemed 
to  indicate  that  Negroes  were  kept  out  of  Armour  Square  in  ways  that  its 
director  did  not  know  about. 

IV.      CONTACTS 

Behavior. — The  behavior  of  Negroes  at  the  parks  apparently  has  not  been 
the  major  cause  of  the  difficulties  that  have  arisen  in  the  past.  Such  complaints 
as  were  made  by  park  officials  in  regard  to  the  behavior  of  Negroes  at  the  parks 
concerned  groups  of  rough  or  do  mineerig  children  at  the  playgrounds  rather 
than  adults. 

The  playgrounds  where  the  attitude  of  Negro  children  was  criticized 
were  Sherwood  and  Moseley,  both  in  neighborhoods  where  unusually  bitter 
racial  feeling  was  reported  by  the  playground  directors.  The  older  Negro 
girls  were  particularly  rough  and  hard  to  control,  these  officials  said,  abusing 
small  children  both  white  and  Negro,  monopolizing  apparatus,  and  refusing 
to  leave  the  playground  when  asked  to  do  so. 


iiKLi-\ER  PLAYCiROUXD 
The  largest  in  the  Negro  residence  area 


FH^rt 


FIELD  HOUSE  EgUlP.ME.XT  AI    HEUTXER  I'l.  A\  (.kOL  XD 


NEGRO  ATHLETIC  TEAM  REPRESENTING  DOOLITTLE  PLAYGROUND  IX 

CITY-WIDE  MEET 


FRIENDLY  RIVALRY 

White  and  Xegro  boys  at  a  playground  near  the  Negro  residence  area 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  281 

Testimony  in  regard  to  adults  indicated  that  the  park  directors  found 
them  quiet  and  desirable  patrons  of  the  parks.  Said  the  director  of  Seward 
Park: 

One  of  the  most  interesting  and  best-conducted  and  best-behaved  groups  I  have 
ever  seen  is  a  group  of  colored  people  known  as  the  "Jolly  Twenty,"  a  dancing 
organization.  They  started  coming  eight  years  ago  and  had  a  system  of  couple 
dancing  which  was  marvelous.  I  have  never  seen  it  equaled  anywhere.  They  have 
been  coming  every  year,  once  a  year,  for  a  dance  at  Seward,  and  the  "Jolly Twenty" 
has  grown  to  be  about  the  "Jolly  Foiu:  Hundred, "  but  the  larger  the  group  the  better 
they  seem  to  behave  and  the  better  they  dance. 

The  director  of  Ogden  Park  told  of  a  Negro  club  which  holds  frequent 
dances  at  Ogden  Park.  He  said:  "About  300  attended  the  last  one.  They 
are  the  best-behaved  group  that  come.  I  never  have  to  object  to  improper 
dancing  or  boisterousness,  and  they  always  leave  on  time,  have  had  to 
object  several  times  to  conduct  at  white  dancing  parties." 

This  testimony  in  regard  to  Negroes  at  dances  is  interesting  in  view  of 
the  situation  regarding  the  recreation  facilities  at  the  Municipal  Pier.  Negro 
attendance  there  is  about  8  per  cent  of  the  total  attendance  of  four  million  or 
five  miUion  a  year,  according  to  the  director  of  the  Pier.  They  are  well  dressed 
and  well  behaved  and  inclined  to  segregate  themselves.  There  had  never 
been  a  single  instance  of  an  intoxicated  Negro  or  of  one  who  had  made  himself 
in  the  least  objectionable,  the  director  said.  The  only  people  whom  the  pier 
authorities  have  had  to  reprimand  for  violation  of  pier  rules  in  regard  to 
cleanliness,  monopolizing  of  furniture,  etc.,  have  been  whites.  Many  of  the 
attendants  are  Negroes,  and  the  band  which  plays  for  the  dance  concessionaire 
is  composed  of  Negroes.  Negroes  are  welcome  everywhere  on  the  Pier,  as 
are  all  races,  according  to  the  director,  except  in  the  dance  hall,  where  their 
appearance  is  discouraged  by  the  concessionaire.  The  following  method  is 
followed  to  discourage  the  appearance  of  Negroes  on  the  dance  floor,  according 
to  a  white  man  who  had  observed  it: 

Admission  to  the  dance  floor  is  at  the  rate  of  five  cents  per  couple,  per  dance. 
Each  dance  lasts  about  three  minutes.  If  a  Negro  couple  buys  a  ticket  and  dances 
one  dance  nothing  is  said.  If  the  couple  comes  in  for  another  dance,  one  of  the 
floor  managers — employed  by  the  concessionaire — speaks  courteously  to  the  couple. 
He  expresses  regret  that  he  must  mention  the  matter  of  their  dancing  to  them,  but 
that  they  are  not  dancing  properly,  and  he  invites  them  to  come  to  a  corner  of 
the  dance  floor  where  he  wiU  instruct  them  in  the  proper  way  to  dance.  This  usually 
occupies  the  remainder  of  the  particular  dance,  and  results  in  the  Negroes  not  coming 
on  the  floor  again.  If  the  couple  does  reappear,  the  floor  manager  again  speaks  to 
them  saying  he  is  very  sorry  he  has  to  tell  them  again  that  they  still  are  not  dancing 
quite  properly  and  again  he  invites  them  to  a  corner  of  the  dance  floor  for  further 
instruction.  This  is  the  procedure  by  which  the  Negroes  are  embarrassed  and  dis- 
couraged from  using  the  dance  floor. 


282  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Relations  between  the  children. — Lack  of  antagonism  was  reported  at  a 
large  number  of  playgrounds.  Apparatus  was  used  by  both  groups  without 
friction,  Negro  and  white  children  mingled  freely  in  their  games  and  in  the 
swimming-pools,  and  both  Negroes  and  whites  played  on  baseball  and  athletic 
teams.  Occasional  playground  fights  had  taken  place,  but  usually  without 
any  element  of  racial  antipathy.  "  There  might  be  personal  misunderstandings 
and  disagreements  between  a  white  and  a  black  just  the  same  as  between  two 
whites,"  said  the  director  of  Union  Park,  "but  I  wouldn't  lay  it  to  race  prej- 
udice. They  work  together  and  play  together  and  seem  to  harmonize  in 
most  instances."  When  this  director  came  to  Union  Park  a  year  before  he 
found  a  tendency  among  Negroes  and  whites  to  group  by  themselves,  but 
steps  were  taken  to  bring  them  together  in  games  of  various  kinds,  and  toward 
the  end  of  the  season  the  director  felt  that  they  "harmonized  better  and  worked 
together  more  cordially  than  they  did  before."  When  the  investigator  from 
the  Commission  visited  Union  Park  Playground,  he  saw  the  small  children 
playing  together  on  the  same  pieces  of  apparatus — a  Negro  child  on  one  end 
of  a  teeter  ladder  and  a  white  child  on  the  other. 

These  children  were  ten  years  or  under.  The  director  felt  that  it  was 
not  until  children  reached  the  age  of  eleven  years  or  older  that  they  began 
to  feel  racial  antipathy.  In  the  swimming-pool  at  this  park,  which  is  used 
by  the  older  children  and  adults,  the  Negroes  and  whites  kept  separate.  There 
was  no  trouble  between  them,  but  they  stayed  in  separate  groups.  The  director 
felt  that  there  was  little  likelihood  of  trouble  ever  starting  in  this  park,  because 
"where  such  nicknames  as  'Smoke'  are  applied  to  colored  boys  by  white  boys, 
and  is  given  and  accepted  in  a  friendly  spirit,  there  is  little  chance  for  serious 
disturbance." 

As  this  playground  in  Union  Park  is  intended  for  children  under  ten,  the 
occasional  difficulties  between  older  children  might  be  alleviated  if  the  Hayes 
Playground,  one  of  those  in  the  system  maintained  by  the  Municipal  Bureau, 
were  kept  open  in  the  summer.  The  playground  at  the  Hayes  School,  80 
per  cent  Negro,  was  closed  and  the  apparatus  dismantled  in  the  summer  of 
1920  when  the  investigator  visited  it.  Though  it  is  not  a  large  playground 
it  is  the  one  the  older  Negro  children  are  accustomed  to  use  during  the  school 
year,  and  they  are  doubtless  reluctant  to  go  in  the  summer  to  other  school 
playgrounds  which  they  do  not  ordinarily  use. 

At  Seward  Park  the  Negroes  use  the  facilities  freely  and  play  with  the 
white  children  on  the  apparatus  and  in  the  ball  field.  The  only  difficulty 
reported  here  was  in  connection  with  a  wrestling  tournament.  The  director 
described  it  as  follows: 

Last  season  we  had  a  wrestling  championship  tournament.  There  were  some 
colored  groups  who  had  wrestled  at  Seward  who  were  eligible  for  entrance  into  this 
tournament,  and  when  the  night  came  for  weighing  in,  the  director  for  one  of  the 
other  parks  said,  "What  are  these  colored  people  doing  here  ?"     "They  are  weighing 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  283 

in."    I  said.     "They  will  not  wrestle  with  my  group, "  he  said.     "Very  well,  then, 
I  guess  your  groups  will  not  be  in  it,"  I  said. 

It  looked  as  though  we  were  up  against  a  problem,  but  the  night  when  the  wrestling 
came  the  colored  contestants  didn't  show  up,  so  that  the  problem  was  solved  for  that 
time.  Of  course  we  couldn't  say  that  any  white  man  must  wrestle  with  a  colored 
man.  It  presented  a  problem  that  had  to  be  settled  in  some  way.  I  think  the  reason 
they  didn't  show  up  was  because  I  told  my  investigator  to  say  to  these  colored  men, 
"Next  season  if  you  have  a  sufficiently  large  group  you  can  have  a  contest  of  your 
own.    We'll  award  the  same  prizes  to  colored  wrestlers  as  we  do  to  the  white." 

The  representative  of  the  Municipal  Bureau  also  spoke  of  occasional 
difficulty  in  wrestling,  though  there  may  be  no  objection  to  Negro  participation 
in  other  events.    He  said: 

We  have  athletic  meets  in  which  a  Negro  team  has  competed  and  for  five  years 
has  won  the  championship  in  athletics.  In  baseball  there  is  no  trouble.  The  difficidty 
comes  in  some  of  the  activities,  particularly  wresthng,  because  of  the  nature  of  the 
activity.  It  is  a  closer  contact.  We  make  no  distinction,  however,  and  when  a 
Negro  boy  gets  up  to  face  a  white  boy  and  the  white  boy  doesn't  face  him,  the  bout 
is  forfeited  to  the  Negro.    I  think  more  meet  than  fail  to. 

At  Fiske  Playground,  where  there  are  few  Negroes,  as  they  do  not  live 
near,  the  investigator  witnessed  a  baseball  game  with  a  team  from  Colman 
Playground  composed  entirely  of  Negro  boys  except  the  pitcher.  They  played 
as  any  teams  would,  with  no  evidence  of  racial  antipathy.  The  Negro  team 
seemed  to  be  the  better,  and  according  to  the  director  had  won  every  game 
so  far  that  season. 

At  McCosh,  Robey,  Carter,  Oakland,  Colman,  Doolittle,  and  Beutner 
playgrounds  the  children  mingled  without  friction,  according  to  the  directors. 
Negroes  were  in  a  minority  at  the  first  three  and  in  a  majority  at  the  last 
four.  At  Carter  Playground  the  investigator  witnessed  the  presentation  of 
a  medal  for  athletics  to  one  of  the  white  boys  while  the  Negro  boys  looked  on 
in  admiration  and,  after  it  was  over,  invited  the  white  boys  to  "come  on  out 
and  play  ball."  The  only  trouble  that  has  been  experienced  at  this  playground 
was  a  few  days  before  the  1919  riot,  when  a  fight  between  a  white  boy  and  a 
Negro  started  on  the  playground  and  the  spectators  divided  along  racial  lines, 
especially  after  the  fight  was  transferred  to  the  street.  A  riot  call  was  sent  in, 
and  the  police  put  a  stop  to  the  fight.  No  trouble  has  occurred  since  and  the 
director  believed  it  could  not  happen  again.  "The  boys  have  learned  better, " 
he  said. 

Free  mingling  of  Negro  and  white  children  was  observed  at  Oakland  and 
Robey  playgrounds  and  was  encouraged  by  the  directors.  Italian  and  Negro 
boys  were  playing  ball  together  when  the  investigator  visited  Robey  Play- 
ground, and  Negro  and  white  girls  were  playing  on  the  same  slides.  The 
director  said  that  in  the  evening  the  ball  games  were  watched  by  both  Negroes 


284  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

and  whites,  and  that  frequently  the  Negroes  had  a  game  themselves,  which 
white  onlookers  enjoyed  watching.  The  only  incident  of  importance  at 
Robey  Playground  had  occurred  a  few  day  before,  when  a  dispute  over  a 
baseball  game  arose  between  a  white  boy  of  fourteen  and  two  Negro  boys  of 
eleven,  resulting  in  a  fight  in  which  the  director  had  to  interfere.  The  director 
said  there  was  not  the  slightest  chance  that  such  a  fight  would  divide  the 
playground  along  racial  lines,  as  there  had  never  been  any  disorders  there, 
and  that  animosity  between  the  Negro  and  white  groups  was  entirely  lacking. 

At  Oakland  Playground,  where  neither  race  predominated  strongly,  the 
assistant  director  said  there  had  never  been  any  difliculty.  The  investigator 
witnessed  a  ball  game  in  which  Negro  and  white  girls  participated  and  saw 
groups  of  Negro  and  white  boys  talking  outside  the  playground  in  a  friendly 
manner. 

At  Colman,  Beutner,  and  Doolittle  playgrounds,  where  the  Negroes 
come  in  the  majority,  no  difiiculties  were  reported.  The  Negro  director  of 
Doolittle  Playground  encourages  comradeship  between  Negro  and  white 
children  and  allows  no  discrimination  against  white  children.  "If  a  white 
boy  can  make  a  team,  he  makes  it,"  this  director  says  to  a  Negro  team  which 
objects  to  a  white  boy  being  allowed  to  play  on  it.  When  this  director  was 
assigned  to  Doolittle  Playground  he  was  told  that  60  per  cent  of  those  who 
made  use  of  the  playground  were  Negro  and  40  per  cent  white.  When  he 
got  there  he  found  that  70  per  cent  were  white  and  30  per  cent  were  Negroes. 
He  said: 

I  had  to  look  around  to  find  a  colored  child,  but  I  never  had  any  trouble.  Of 
course  the  white  people  gradually  moved  out  and  the  colored  people  moved  in.  We 
never  had  any  trouble  with  colored  boys  or  white  boys — they  played  on  the  same  teams. 
In  fact,  I  think  we  won  the  district  championship  for  four  years.  Then  they  moved 
me  over  to  the  Beutner  and  the  majority  of  the  white  children  got  up  a  petition  to 
bring  me  back  to  Doohttle  Playground.  That  shows  there  was  no  distinction  there. 
They  wanted  me  because  we  carried  on  activities. 

White  ball  teams  often  use  the  field  at  Beutner  Playground  in  spite  of  the 
fact  that  Armour  Square  is  only  two  blocks  away.  "Last  year  [1919]  there 
were  several  games  between  white  and  colored  teams,"  said  the  assistant 
director,  "but  there  have  been  none  so  far  in  1920." 

No  difficulties  between  Negroes  and  whites  were  reported  at  Palmer 
Park,  Bessemer  Park,  or  Thorpe,  Otis,  and  Orleans  playgrounds,  which  are 
patronized  by  a  few  Negroes,  though  they  are  too  far  away  from  the  Negro 
areas  to  be  generally  used. 

The  supervisor  of  girls'  work  in  the  Municipal  Bureau  made  the  following 
statement  in  regard  to  the  relations  between  the  Negro  and  white  children 
visiting  the  municipal  playgrounds: 

From  my  observation  and  supervision  of  the  girls'  work  in  the  municipal  play- 
grounds I  can  only  say  that  in  all  our  activities  colored  and  white  children  mingle 
without  restriction.    In  indoor  gymnasium  and  dancing-classes  as  well  as  in  games, 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  285 

athletics,  and  general  informal  use  of  the  playground,  they  take  part  together.  Ability 
and  sportsmanship  are  the  only  qualifications  considered  in  candidates  for  any  play- 
ground team.  In  the  field  of  adult  recreation,  since  we  have  no  community  centers 
conducting  indoor  activities  in  connection  with  any  of  our  playgrounds  within  the 
colored  area,  my  observations  refer  only  to  outdoor  gatherings.  On  such  occasions 
adults  of  both  races  mingle  without  friction.  It  is  my  experience  that  the  most 
harmonious  relations  are  established  in  connection  with  band  concerts,  field  days, 
festivals,  pageants,  etc.,  including  all  forms  of  community  art,  which  tend  to  unify 
rather  than  to  split  those  taking  part.  In  the  Illinois  Centennial  Pageant,  presented 
by  groups  from  thirty-eight  neighborhoods  in  1918,  girls  from  Doolittle  Playground 
represented  "Dances  of  the  New  Freedom,"  bringing  "Liberty  and  New  Strength  to 
Illinois."  In  preparation  of  this  episode  several  rehearsals  were  held  at  DooUttle 
Playground,  white  dancers  from  other  playgrounds  taking  part;  and  the  interest 
and  co-operation  shown  by  the  neighbors  made  each  evening  memorable. 

Voluntary  racial  grouping. — Voluntary  racial  grouping  appears  to  be  a 
characteristic  of  the  large  parks  and  beaches,  which  adults  frequent,  rather 
than  of  the  playgrounds  which  are  used  mainly  by  children.  One  instance 
of  voluntary  grouping  among  children  was  found  at  Copernicus  Playground. 
The  percentage  of  Negroes  using  this  playground  is  much  larger  in  summer 
than  in  winter.  The  playing  space  is  in  the  shape  of  an  "  L, "  one  end  intended 
for  boys  and  the  other  for  girls,  but  by  common  consent  the  children  divide 
along  race  lines  rather  than  sex.  The  investigator  saw  small  white  children 
playing  at  one  end  of  the  playground,  while  Negro  boys  were  playing  ball  in 
the  larger  end.  Later,  after  the  Negro  boys  left,  some  of  the  white  children 
used  the  larger  space  while  some  Negro  children  collected  around  the  apparatus 
in  the  smaller  end.  No  instance  of  mixed  play  was  observed,  but  there  seemed 
to  be  no  antagonism  between  the  groups,  and  no  disorders  were  reported. 

The  director  of  Union  Park  in  speaking  of  boys  who  play  games  in  the 
recreation  rooms,  said  that  there  seemed  to  be  a  tacit  understanding  between 
the  blacks  and  whites  that  they  had  certain  nights.  On  certain  nights  all 
the  attendance  would  be  black  and  on  other  nights  it  would  all  be  white. 
Asked  whether  Negro  and  white  boys  who  were  school  friends  played  separately 
at  the  park,  the  director  said  that  blacks  and  whites  often  came  in  together, 
but  that  for  every  case  where  they  came  in  together  and  played  a  sociable 
game,  there  were  probably  three  instances  where  groups  were  either  of  one 
race  or  the  other.  However,  the  director  said  that  this  grouping  was  casual, 
and  that  there  was  no  prevailing  community  sentiment  that  the  Negroes 
should  use  the  park  on  separate  nights.  He  believed  that  additional  recreation 
facilities  would  help  greatly  in  doing  away  with  this  tendency  to  voluntar>' 
segregation.  He  also  said  that  the  Negroes  had  a  tendency  to  separate  from 
the  whites,  not  because  they  wished  to  avoid  them,  but  because  they  preferred 
to  associate  with  their  own  race. 

In  the  general  use  of  Lincoln  and  Washington  parks  the  Negroes  and 
whites  stay  in  separate  groups.    There  has  never  been  any  difficulty,  according 


286  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

to  the  Lincoln  Park  representative,  arising  from  the  fact  that  Negroes  have 
taken  possession  of  a  spot  desired  by  whites  for  a  picnic  or  other  amuse- 
ment. No  part  of  either  park  is  especially  set  aside  for  the  use  of  one  race, 
and  groups  of  both  Negroes  and  whites  are  seen  everywhere  in  the  parks, 
but  they  do  not  mingle.  While  there  was  no  outward  evidence  of  antagonism 
toward  Negroes  at  the  time  of  the  investigator's  visit  to  Washington  Park, 
white  visitors  who  were  questioned  showed  an  antipathy  to  the  Negro  which 
seemed  to  have  its  basis  in  the  influx  of  Negroes  into  the  residence  districts. 
One  man,  originally  from  the  South,  was  bitter  against  Negroes.  He  said  he 
had  left  the  Socialist  party  because  it  accepted  Negroes  as  equals.  At  an 
open-air  "free-speech"  meeting  speakers  representing  various  radical  doctrines 
were  addressing  a  crowd  composed  almost  entirely  of  whites.  The  chairman 
of  the  meeting,  however,  was  a  Negro,  whose  humorous  remarks  made  him 
popular  with  the  white  crowd. 

The  only  place  in  Washington  Park  where  there  seemed  to  be  a  general 
mingling  of  Negroes  and  whites  was  on  the  ball  field.  There  were  games  in 
which  the  two  teams  were  composed  entirely  of  Negroes,  and  games  in  which 
the  teams  were  composed  entirely  of  whites;  there  were  also  games  in  which 
both  Negroes  and  whites  were  engaged.  The  investigator  watched  one  game 
in  which  vacancies  on  two  teams  from  American  Legion  posts  had  been  filled 
by  Negroes.  There  was  the  best  of  spirit  between  the  players  and  among 
the  spectators.  The  white  spectators  were  lined  up  along  the  first  base  line 
and  the  Negro  spectators  along  the  third  base  line,  but  rooters  and  players 
joked  with  each  other  with  no  sign  of  racial  antagonism. 

The  South  Park  representative  testified  to  the  good  feeling  between 
Negroes  and  whites  at  a  baseball  game,  and  said  the  whites  often  preferred 
to  watch  the  Negro  games.  At  other  points  in  the  park,  however,  particularly 
the  tennis  courts  and  the  boathouse,  difficulties  between  the  races  were  reported. 
These  will  be  discussed  in  the  next  section  on  "Clashes." 

Separate  racial  grouping  is  the  general  rule  at  the  beaches,  though  it  is  not 
always  voluntary.  At  the  Thirty-eighth  Street  Beach,  for  example,  Negroes 
are  prevented  by  white  boys  and  the  park  policeman  from  going  into  the  water, 
according  to  a  Negro  playground  director.  "Boys  who  live  around  there 
from  Thirty-ninth  to  Thirty-first  Street  have  to  swim  at  the  street  end  between 
Thirty-third  and  Thirty-second.  They  rock  you  if  you  go  in."  This  director 
was  invited  by  white  boys  of  the  Vincennes  Club  to  swim  at  Thirty-eighth 
Street,  but  when  he  suggested  bringing  some  Negro  boys  along  the  white  boys 
said,  "Oh  no,  they  can't  come." 

At  the  Diversey  Beach  in  Lincoln  Park  both  races  go  in  the  water,  but  a 
Lincoln  Park  representative  said  that  the  few  Negroes  who  used  this  beach 
kept  by  themselves  on  one  part  of  the  beach,  though  there  was  no  official 
rule  compelling  them  to  do  this.  There  have  never  been  any  racial  disturbances 
at  this  beach. 


ARMOUR  SQUARE  RECREATION  CENTER 

Located  at  Thirtj'-third  Street  and  Shields  Avenue 


|..^,|.^      I 


BEUTNER  PLAYGROUND 

Located  at  Thirty-third  Street  and  La  Salle  Avenue 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  287 

From  the  Twenty-sixth  Street  Beach,  which  is  patronized  almost  entirely 
by  Negroes,  down  to  Thirty-sixth  Street,  Negroes  and  whites  go  into  the  water 
in  separate  groups,  except  at  Twenty-sixth  Street,  where  the  few  whites  who 
go  in  mingle  amicably  with  the  Negroes.  The  investigator  saw  a  white  couple 
who  had  gone  out  to  a  raft  and  could  not  get  back  rescued  by  a  Negro  life 
guard.  The  other  bathing-places  along  the  shore  for  those  ten  blocks  have 
been  allotted  by  custom  exclusively  to  one  race  or  the  other.  At  Twenty- 
ninth  Street,  where  the  1919  riot  started,  a  policeman  is  now  stationed,  and 
no  trouble  has  occurred  since  the  riot,  though  many  fights  have  started  which 
the  police  have  stopped.  Gangs  of  young  men  come  from  as  far  as  Halsted 
Street,  according  to  the  policemen,  ready  to  fight  at  the  shghtest  opportunity. 
Fights  usually  occur  because  of  some  remark  made  by  one  group  about  a  girl 
in  another  group.  On  the  whole,  however,  few  Negroes  come  to  Twenty-ninth 
Street,  the  pohceman  said,  going  instead  to  Twenty-sixth  Street. 

At  the  beaches  outside  the  main  Negro  area,  such  as  Fifty-first  Street 
and  Triangle  Park,  and  Clarendon  and  Rogers  Park  beaches  to  the  north,  the 
only  Negro  patrons  are  a  few  young  children.  The  attendants  at  these 
beaches  beUeve  there  would  be  trouble  if  adult  Negroes  started  to  use  them. 
Negro  children  have  been  objected  to  at  Clarendon  Beach,  where  a  man 
asked  the  director  to  put  a  httle  girl  out  because  "she  was  a  nigger." 

Several  directors  reported  that  the  Negroes  did  not  use  the  swimming-pools 
much  and  segregated  themselves  when  they  did  go  in.  The  director  at  Union 
Park  said  the  Negroes  did  not  use  the  swimming-pool  in  proportion  to  their 
numbers,  and  that  when  they  did  use  it,  they  came  in  small  groups  and  confined 
themselves  to  a  certain  part  of  the  pool  instead  of  mingling  with  the  whites. 
He  said  that  there  was  nothing  in  the  attitude  of  the  white  boys  to  make  them 
do  this,  but  that  it  was  the  "natural  impulse  of  the  colored  people  to  do  that 
in  the  swimming-pool."  He  thought  that  many  Negroes  did  not  use  the  pool 
more  because  "they  are  afraid  of  the  water."  A  Negro  playground  director 
testified  that  he  had  frequently  seen  a  white  boy  dive  off  one  side  of  the  pool 
at  Union  Park  when  a  Negro  boy  dived  off  the  other  side  and  hold  the  Negro 
boy  down  until,  when  he  came  up,  he  was  gasping  for  air. 

The  director  of  Ogden  Park  gave  an  incident  that  had  occurred  recently 
at  that  park: 

One  day  I  noticed  three  small  colored  girls  sitting  among  the  others  in  the  "swim- 
ming line"  waiting  for  the  doors  to  open.  A  few  minutes  afterward  they  were  at  the 
end  of  the  line.  I  tried  to  find  out  the  reason  but  could  discover  nothing  either  from 
the  colored  girls  or  the  others.  I  saw  that  they  went  back  to  the  place  in  the  line  they 
had  before  and  went  to  my  office.  Some  minutes  later  I  looked  out  and  saw  that  while 
the  swimming  had  begun,  these  three  had  not  gone  in  but  were  sitting  there  watching 
the  rest.  I  was  unable  to  discover  why  they  didn't  go  in — they  said  merely  that 
they  "didn't  want  to."  Whether  there  was  some  threat  or  whether  the  girls  were 
naturally  timid  about  going  into  the  pool  I  do  not  know. 


288  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

The  representative  of  the  South  Park  Commission  said  that  in  the  South 
Park  district  the  parents  were  opposed  to  race  contacts  in  swimming-  and 
wading-pools.  "Not  lo  per  cent  of  the  famiHes  will  aUow  contact  with 
Negroes  in  the  pools,"  he  said. 

None  of  the  three  natatoriums  maintained  by  the  Municipal  Bureau  is 
patronized  by  Negroes,  with  the  exception  of  the  Washington  Heights  pool 
which  is  used  by  a  few  Negro  children  in  the  summer.  This  pool  is  near  a 
Negro  district,  but  the  other  two  are  remote  from  the  Negro  areas. 

A  distinction  was  made  by  several  directors  between  formal  and  informal 
activities  at  playgrounds  and  recreation  centers.  It  was  their  theory  that 
Negroes  and  whites  mingled  successfully  in  informal  activities,  but  not  in 
formal  ones.  "There  is  a  difference  in  the  informal  use  by  children  of  a 
playground  and  the  use  of  a  recreation  building  where  there  are  clubs  and 
dances  and  classes  and  things  of  that  sort, "  said  the  director  of  Armour  Square. 
"  Children  and  adults  come  in  individually  to  use  the  Ubrary  and  other  facilities, 
but  there  are  no  apphcations  from  organized  groups  of  Negroes  for  any  of  the 
facihties  at  Armour  Square."  The  real  distinction  in  most  cases  is  probably 
not  between  formal  and  informal  use  but  between  use  by  children  and  use 
by  adults,  as  the  formal  activites  are  those  in  which  older  children  and  adults 
engage,  as  was  pointed  out  by  the  representative  of  the  West  Chicago  Com- 
mission. 

Clashes. — Clashes  between  Negroes  and  whites  at  various  places  of  recrea- 
tion are  reported  as  far  back  as  1913.  These  clashes  in  the  main  have  been 
initiated  by  gangs  of  white  boys.  In  1913,  for  example,  the  secretary  of  boys' 
work  at  the  Wabash  Avenue  Y.M.C.A.  (for  Negroes)  conducted  a  party  of  nine- 
teen Negro  boys  from  the  Douglass  Center  Boys'  Club  to  Armour  Square.  They 
had  no  difficulty  in  entering  the  park  and  carrying  out  their  program  of 
athletics.  The  party  then  took  shower  baths  in  the  field  house.  The 
Y.M.C.A.  secretary  had  noticed  the  increasing  crowds  of  white  boys  near-by 
but  had  no  misgivings  until  the  party  left  the  park.  Then  they  were  assailed 
with  sandbags,  tripped,  walked  over,  and  some  of  them  badly  bruised.  They 
were  obliged  to  take  refuge  in  neighboring  saloons  and  houses  in  Thirty-third 
Street  west  of  Shields  Avenue.  For  fully  half  an  hour  their  way  home  was 
blocked,  until  a  detachment  of  city  police,  called  by  the  park  poUce,  scattered 
the  white  gang. 

That  same  year  the  Y.M.C.A.  secretary  had  found  it  impossible  to  proceed 
east  through  Thirty-first  Street  to  the  lake  with  groups  of  Negro  boys.  When 
this  was  tried  they  inevitably  met  gangs  of  white  boys,  and  fights  ensued 
with  any  missiles  procurable.  Attempts  to  overcome  this  antagonism  by 
continuing  to  demonstrate  that  the  Negro  boys  had  a  right  to  use  these  streets 
were  unavailing  for  the  next  two  years. 

In  1915  similar  conflicts  occurred.  That  winter  Father  Bishop,  of  St. 
Thomas  Episcopal  Church,  took  a  group  of  the  Negro  Y.M.C.A.  boys  to  Armour 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  289 

Square  to  play  basket-ball.  The  party,  including  Father  Bishop,  was  beaten 
up  by  white  boys,  their  sweaters  were  taken  from  them,  and  they  were  otherwise 
maltreated.  The  Y.M.C.A.  staff  then  decided  not  to  attempt  to  use  the  park 
or  field  house  during  the  evenings. 

The  same  year  an  attempt  was  made  to  take  seventy-five  of  these  boys 
through  the  Stock  Yards.  They  had  received  tickets  of  admission  to  the 
annual  stock  show,  in  the  pavilion  at  "the  Yards."  In  spite  of  the  four  adult 
leaders,  several  of  the  boys  were  struck  by  sticks  and  other  missiles  while  passing 
from  one  section  of  the  show  to  another.  The  gang  of  white  boys  continually 
increased  in  numbers,  and  the  situation  by  three  o'clock,  two  hours  after  the 
Negroes  had  entered,  began  to  look  desperate.  Pohce  assistance  was  required 
to  get  the  Negro  boys  safely  out  of  the  building  and  into  street  cars.  No 
effort  was  made  to  restrain  the  white  gangsters,  who  were  allowed  to  range 
through  the  building  at  will. 

An  altercation  between  white  and  Negro  boys  in  Washington  Park  is  on 
record  as  early  as  the  summer  of  1913.  These  boys  were  sixteen  or  seventeen 
years  of  age.  During  the  spring  and  simimer  of  1919,  numerous  outbreaks 
occurred  because  of  the  use  of  the  baseball  diamonds  in  Washington  Park 
by  Negro  players.  White  gangs  from  the  neighborhood  of  Fifty-ninth  Street 
and  Wentworth  Avenue,  not  far  from  the  park,  also  came  there  to  play  baseball, 
among  them  some  of  "Ragen's  Colts. "^  Gang  fights  frequently  followed 
the  games.  Park  poHcemen  usually  succeeded  in  scattering  the  combatants. 
The  same  season  gangs  of  white  boys  from  sixteen  to  twenty  years  of  age 
frequently  annoyed  Negro  couples  on  the  benches  of  this  park.  When  the 
Negroes  showed  fight,  minor  clashes  often  resulted. 

In  Ogden  Park,  as  far  back  as  1914,  there  were  similar  instances  of  race 
antipathy,  expressed  by  hoodlums  who  were  more  or  less  organized.  A  Negro 
playground  director  said  that  if  Negro  boys  attended  band  concerts  in  that 
park,  white  gangs  would  wait  for  them  outside  the  park,  and  the  Negroes 
were  slugged.  The  white  gangs  also  tried  to  keep  Negro  boys  from  using  the 
shower  baths  at  the  park.  This  director  told  how  a  party  of  Negroes  whom 
he  had  taken  there  was  surrounded  by  white  gangsters  when  they  emerged 
from  the  shower  house.  "A  boy  reached  around  and  caught  me  and  pulled 
me  up  close  to  the  other  fellow,"  he  said.  "I  dug  down  and  got  out.  Of 
course  they  rushed  for  me.  In  the  rush  the  other  colored  lads  got  out.  Brass 
knuckles  were  used  on  me.  When  I  looked  up  they  said,  '  My  God,  you  have 
hit  L — ;  you  have  hit  the  wrong  fellow.' "  The  director  declares  that  the 
man  who  hit  him  with  the  brass  knuckles  was  discharged  by  the  court  with  a 
reprimand. 

This  condition  in  the  parks  continued  up  to  the  early  summer  of  1920. 
George  R.  Arthur,  secretary  of  the  Negro  Y.M.C.A.  branch,  expressed  the  fear 
at  that  time  that  a  riot  might  occur  in  Washington  Park  any  Sunday  afternoon. 

*See  p.  12 


290  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

He  described  the  condition  in  the  vicinity  of  the  boathouse  in  that  park  as 
"fierce."  There  were  fights  there  every  Sunday.  Five  white  men  had  beaten 
a  Negro  there  one  night  the  previous  week.  That  sort  of  thing  had  been 
going  on  for  years,  he  said.  The  Y.M.C.A.  had  long  been  dealing  with  the 
situation  but  he  had  noticed  this  trouble  especially  in  the  last  two  years. 
He  attributed  it  to  the  gang  spirit  and  to  racial  antipathy,  which  ordinarily 
would  not  amount  to  much,  but  which  because  of  the  tense  situation  in  Chicago 
might  lead  to  serious  riots. 

The  director  of  the  Negro  branch  of  Community  Service  of  Chicago 
ascribed  the  trouble  to  the  same  source.  He  said  that  most  of  the  white  boys 
came  to  Washington  Park  from  the  "Ragen's  Colts"  Club,  that  some  of  them 
went  to  poolrooms  where  the  mischief  was  hatched.  There  was  but  one 
policeman  in  charge  of  about  fifteen  baseball  games  in  the  park,  he  said. 

The  racial  difficulties  at  the  baseball  fields  in  Washington  Park  had  doubt- 
less never  been  brought  to  the  attention  of  the  representative  of  the  South 
Park  Commission,  because  he  cited  these  games  as  an  example  of  good  feeling 
between  the  two  races.  He  believed  that  there  was  never  any  difficulty  at 
the  baseball  fields,  and  that  the  white  people  who  enjoyed  the  Negro  games 
would  be  the  first  to  object  if  the  Negroes  were  not  permitted  to  play  in  the 
park.  This  opinion  coincides  with  the  situation  at  the  ball  fields  observed  by 
the  investigator  for  the  Commission,  but  apparently  there  are  occasional  clashes 
here  as  in  other  parts  of  the  park. 

The  representative  of  the  South  Park  Commission  did  not  think  Negroes 
hesitated  to  use  any  of  the  facilities  of  the  park  because  of  fear  of  mistreat- 
ment in  the  park,  though  they  might  have  some  fear  of  being  mistreated 
outside  the  park.  He  did  not  know  that  any  difficulties  have  ever  occurred 
at  the  boathouse.  though  a  Negro  doctor  testified  that  he  had  treated  many 
Negro  boys  who  had  been  assaulted  there.  The  South  Park  representative 
said: 

I  have  never  known  of  any  actual  abuse  of  a  colored  patron  in  any  park  to  which 
I  was  personally  assigned.  I  have  known  people  coming  and  going  who  were  abused, 
mistreated,  and  actually  assaulted,  outside  the  park  reservations,  but  I  don't  believe 
our  records  would  show  very  many  cases — ^probably  no  more  than  occur  where  the 
Poles  and  the  Irish  get  together,  or  the  Bohemians  and  the  Germans. 

Fights  of  a  racial  character  were  reported  at  one  or  two  playgrounds.  At 
Franklin  Playground,  where  fights  among  boys  between  ten  and  fourteen  are 
frequent,  the  director  said  he  was  always  especially  careful  to  stop  a  fight 
between  a  white  and  Negro  boy  because  "a  race  riot  would  be  easy  to  start." 

At  Sherwood  Playground  Negro  children  do  not  use  the  playground  after 
school  hours  or  during  the  summer.  The  attendant  declared  that  "things 
used  to  be  mighty  rough  but  are  better  now."  The  change  may  have  been 
due  to  a  younger  group  of  children  replacing  the  former  pupils,  among  whom 
were  many  children  fourteen  to  seventeen  years  of  age.     There  was  much 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  291 

fighting  between  Negroes  and  whites  in  the  neighborhood  of  Sherwood  Play- 
ground, according  to  the  attendant.  Street  fights  were  frequent,  often  ending 
in  the  use  of  knives  or  stones,  and  numerous  arrests  had  been  made.  The 
fight  usually  started  between  two  boys  over  some  trivial  dispute,  a  mixed 
crowd  gathered,  and  the  fight  became  general.  Fights  were  also  frequent 
within  the  playground,  the  attendant  said;  sometimes  as  many  as  three 
were  going  on  at  once.  But  a  policeman  had  been  stationed  near-by,  and 
conditions  were  improving.  The  playground  had  no  director  at  the  time  it 
was  visited. 

An  example  of  objection  to  the  first  Negroes  appearing  in  a  park  was 
given  by  an  official  of  the  Municipal  Bureau: 

I  remember  a  particular  instance  at  the  Beutner  Playground  in  about  1903. 
Prior  to  that  time  we  had  very  few  colored  people  in  that  vicinity.  One  evening  a 
young  colored  boy,  probably  seventeen  or  eighteen  years  of  age,  came  in  there.  I 
happened  to  be  on  the  athletic  field  at  that  time.  He  came  in  the  rear  gate,  and  the 
first  thing  I  noticed  there  was  quite  a  crowd  of  white  fellows  chasing  this  fellow  all 
over  the  field.  He  ran  down  to  where  the  Armory  now  stands,  doubled,  and  came 
back  and  got  out  of  the  gates. 

This  official  said  that  after  that  incident  there  was  little  trouble  between 
the  races  at  the  playground  until  about  1910,  when  the  balance  of  the  patronage 
became  almost  equal.    He  continued: 

That  was  when  the  trouble  started.  There  wasn't  any  preference  shown  on  the 
part  of  the  park  management  to  any  particvdar  race,  but  it  was  the  people  outside. 
They  absolutely  took  the  stand  that  as  long  as  they  could  keep  the  colored  people 
away  they  were  going  to  do  it.  They  used  every  means  they  could  to  keep  the  colored 
people  away  from  Beutner  Playground  and  Armour  Square. 

Another  instance  of  whites  objecting  to  the  use  of  recreation  facilities 
for  the  first  time  by  Negroes  was  given  by  the  representative  of  the  West 
Chicago  Commission: 

Not  long  ago,  two  colored  men,  for  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  Garfield  Park, 
came  out  there  to  play  tennis.  Immediately  somebody  in  the  neighborhood  called 
up  the  Park  Board  and  complained  about  Negroes  breaking  into  Garfield  Park. 
We  frankly  told  the  people  who  were  complaining  that  they  had  equal  rights  to  the 
use  of  the  facilities  at  Garfield  Park.  But  it  seemed  that  while  we  said  nothing, 
the  colored  gentlemen  never  appeared  again  to  use  the  tennis  facilities. 

The  representative  of  the  South  Park  Commission  in  commenting  on  this 
same  point  said: 

There  is  a  history  of  development  in  amicable  race  relations.  Most  of  the 
troublous  conditions  are  where  there  is  injected  for  the  first  time  the  question  of 
racial  intermingling.  Where  it  is  established,  where  it  has  gradually  grown  up,  in 
time  there  comes  an  adjustment. 


292  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

At  Armour  Square  individual  Negroes  have  been  accepted  as  "part  of  the 
scheme,"  according  to  the  representative  of  the  South  Park  Commission, 
practically  ever  since  the  park  was  opened.  But  the  director  says  that  it  is 
group  action  which  stirs  up  trouble: 

I  think  the  trouble  will  adjust  itself  as  the  colored  people  continue  to  come  into 
the  neighborhood,  but  we  are  in  the  situation  of  having  colored  people  come  into  the 
neighborhood  where  there  haven't  been  any  before.  I  think  it  will  adjust  itself  in 
a  year  or  so,  and  that  possibly  at  that  time  colored  people  will  begin  coming. 

The  head  of  the  Municipal  Bureau  thought  the  difficulties  arose,  not  when 
Negroes  first  entered  a  white  neighborhood,  but  when  a  balance  between  the 
two  races  was  struck,  and  it  was  a  question  which  race  was  going  to  predomi- 
nate. "That  has  been  my  experience  with  the  municipal  playgrounds," 
he  said,  citing  the  case  of  the  Beutner  Playground  which  the  Municipal  Board 
decided  to  turn  over  to  the  Negroes. 

Where  Negroes  are  accepted  and  live  amicably  near  white  people,  or  where 
there  has  not  been  enough  influx  of  Negroes  to  arouse  feeling  against  them 
the  contacts  in  the  playground  are  usually  peaceful.  On  the  other  hand, 
in  communities  where  Negroes  are  looked  on  as  intruders  and  objectionable 
neighbors,  and  where  the  white  people  are  antagonistic,  a  contact  between  a 
Negro  and  white  child,  which  would  normally  be  peaceful,  will  result  in  a 
disturbance  and  tend  to  increase  existing  antagonism.  This  is  the  situation  at 
Moseley  and  Sherwood  playgrounds. 

At  Thirty-eighth  Street  Beach  the  prejudice  is  such  as  to  prevent  any  Negro 
from  bathing  there,  although  it  is  as  near  the  center  of  the  main  Negro  area 
as  the  Twenty-sixth  Street  Beach,  to  which  Negroes  are  expected  to  confine 
themselves.  At  Armour  Square  neighborhood  sentiment  permits  a  few  Negroes 
to  use  the  park,  but  trouble  starts  if  new  groups  come.  At  Ogden  Park  a 
Negro  playground  director  was  assaulted  by  white  boys  and  hit  with  brass 
knuckles  in  1914,  but  now,  according  to  a  prominent  Negro  familiar  with  the 
situation  at  the  center,  there  is  order  and  fair  treatment  both  within  the  park 
and  on  the  way  to  it,  and  the  Negroes  prefer  to  travel  out  there  than  to  go 
to  Washington  Park,  which  is  closer  at  hand,  but  where  they  may  be  attacked 
if  they  try  to  use  a  boat  or  may  be  obliged  to  wait  indefinitely  for  a  tennis 
court. 

The  use  of  the  parks  by  Negroes  is  determined  almost  entirely  by  the  degree 
of  antagonism  in  the  neighborhood,  and  Negroes  are  afraid  to  make  use  of 
the  parks  where  the  neighborhood  sentiment  is  hostile.  "The  neighborhood 
condition  pretty  much  governs  the  feeling  of  security,  on  the  basis  of  which 
the  Negro  will  come  in  and  use  our  park  facilities,"  said  the  representative 
of  the  South  Park  Commission.  "  Without  feeling  secure  in  his  neighborhood 
and  in  his  access  to  the  park,  I  don't  think  anything  we  could  do  would  pull 
the  Negro  in." 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  293 

At  Mitchell  Playground,  in  a  district  with  a  reputation  for  lawlessness, 
and  at  Seward  Park,  two  blocks  from  a  region  known  as  "Little  Hell,"  no 
racial  difficulty  is  reported. 

The  two  causes  of  neighborhood  antagonism  most  commonly  cited  were 
the  real  estate  and  the  sex  problems.  Among  visitors  to  Washington  Park 
the  real  estate  problem  in  the  residence  districts  near  the  park  seemed  to  be 
the  primary  cause  of  ill  feeling.  One  of  the  property  owners  in  that  region 
showed  his  feeling  by  complaining  that  the  park  ought  to  be  rechristened 
"Booker  T.  Washington  Park."  The  figures  in  Table  I  indicate  that  only 
about  10  per  cent  of  the  patrons  of  the  park  are  Negroes. 

An  important  point  in  considering  neighborhood  sentiment  is  whether  the 
white  hoodlum  who  appears  to  be  mainly  responsible  for  the  clashes  which 
have  taken  place  is  a  cause  of  neighborhood  antagonism  or  whether  he  merely 
reflects  the  attitude  of  the  community.  The  fact  that  the  hoodlum  is  permitted 
to  terrorize  and  mistreat  Negroes  without  serious  protest  from  whites  is  an 
indication  that  the  hoodlum  expresses  what  the  white  community  feels.  The 
hoodlimi  does  not  always  live,  however,  in  the  immediate  neighborhood  of 
the  place  of  recreation  where  he  makes  trouble.  The  gangs  of  white  boys 
who  come  down  to  Twenty-ninth  Street  Beach  and  start  trouble,  for  example, 
do  not  live  near  the  beach,  the  policeman  in  charge  says,  but  over  at  Halsted 
Street.  The  director  of  Armour  Square,  though  she  stated  that  the  feeling 
in  the  immediate  neighborhood  of  the  park  was  responsible  for  keeping  Negroes 
away  from  Armour  Square,  said  that  the  boys  who  were  active  in  starting 
trouble  at  the  time  of  the  19 19  riot  came  from  west  of  the  park,  and  that  the 
boys  in  her  vicinity  tried  to  stop  the  others. 

The  head  of  the  girls'  work  in  the  Municipal  Bureau  said: 
It  [hoodlumism]  is  a  symptom,  the  reflection  and  logical  carrying  out  of  an  attitude 
widely  accepted  by  the  community  as  a  whole.  Although  a  serious  and  troublesome 
symptom,  I  believe  it  should  be  faced  and  welcomed  as  evidence  of  the  potential 
brutality  of  this  attitude.  Men  and  women  of  good  standing  in  white  society  condone 
much  that  they  would  hesitate  to  do  in  person;  and  by  their  failure  to  protest  prove 
themselves  equally  responsible  for  results. 

The  director  of  Fuller  Park  believed  that  the  groups  of  hoodlums  mainly 
responsible  for  keeping  Negroes  out  of  the  parks  were  the  athletic  clubs  "  com- 
posed usually  of  a  bunch  of  young  sports  that  are  not  athletes  at  all."  "  These 
clubs,  which  have  only  about  one  athlete  on  the  roster, "  he  said, "  are  so  situated 
that  the  Negroes  have  to  pass  them  going  to  and  from  the  park.  Those  are 
the  boys,  numerous  in  every  park  neighborhood,  who  are  keeping  the  colored 
people  out  of  the  parks." 

The  director  of  Ogden  Park  took  the  part  of  a  Negro  boy  set  upon  by  a 
white  gang  during  the  19 19  riot  and  rescued  by  the  poUce,  though  they  did 
not  keep  the  mob  from  killing  the  Negro.    He  advocated  the  formation  of 


294  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

"square-deal"  clubs  to  defend  innocent  people  from  hoodlums.  "Members 
would  be  bound  to  fight  for  the  square  deal — whites  against  white  hoodlums 
and  blacks  against  black  hoodlums,"  he  said.  "Until  both  races  will  act, 
the  lawless  elements  wiU  continue  to  cause  trouble." 

It  is  possible  in  some  cases,  such  as  those  in  which  the  "athletic  clubs" 
are  involved,  to  find  out  the  identity  of  boys  who  molest  Negroes,  but,  according 
to  the  testimony  of  several  park  directors,  it  is  absolutely  impossible  to  control 
these  boys  because  the  courts  will  not  convict  them.  The  director  of  Armour 
Square  stated: 

I  have  had  boys  taken  down  to  the  courts  time  after  time,  and  now  my  policeman 
refuses  to  take  them  down  to  the  court  any  more,  because  he  is  reprimanded  when  he 

brings  them  in One  of  our  attendants  was  shot  through  the  lung  and  is  now 

absolutely  incapacitated  for  work,  and  the  policeman  was  reprimanded  because  he 
had  kept  the  boy  in  jail  two  nights.  When  it  came  to  trial,  they  had  already  seen 
somebody  and  the  policeman  got  the  reprimand. 

There  was  a  general  feehng  among  park  representatives  that  the  presence 
of  a  director  with  a  proper  attitude  toward  the  problem  was  the  greatest 
factor  in  bringing  about  amicable  relations  within  the  park,  but  there  was 
considerable  difference  of  opinion  as  to  whether  the  park  management  could 
or  should  attempt  to  influence  the  surrounding  neighborhood.  The  West 
Chicago  Commission  representative  said  that  there  was  no  instructor  at 
Union  Park  the  first  year  it  was  open,  and  that  considerable  segregation  and 
undesirable  conduct  on  the  part  of  both  whites  and  Negroes  resulted.  Since 
then,  there  had  always  been  a  director  in  charge,  and  a  very  harmonious  ming- 
ling of  the  two  races  had  been  brought  about  on  the  playground.  He  beUeved 
that  a  similar  relationship  could  be  brought  about  within  the  recreation  building 
by  a  director  with  the  right  personality,  if  adequate  facihties  were  provided. 

The  Seward  Park  director  did  not  consider  it  a  proper  function  of  a  recrea- 
tion center  to  try  to  direct  the  community  Hfe  outside  it. 

The  director  of  Armour  Square  felt  that  she  could  do  nothing  to  promote 
Negro  activities  there.  She  did  not  approve  of  the  suggestion  of  turning  over 
Armour  Square  to  the  Negroes  as  the  best  way  of  solving  the  problem.  She 
thought  this  would  result  in  ill  feehng  and  trouble,  since  there  was  a  well- 
established  tradition  that  the  whites  should  use  Armour  Square  to  the  fullest 
extent.  But  since  the  Negroes  had  no  such  recreation  center  as  Armour 
Square  available  to  them,  she  believed  that  a  new  center  with  full  equipment 
should  be  started  in  a  neighborhood  part  white  and  part  Negro  with  the  under- 
standing that  it  should  be  a  Negro  recreation  center  where  the  whites  were 
welcome  if  they  wished  to  come.  She  thought  that  white  people  would  patron- 
ize such  a  recreation  center  and,  with  careful  leadership,  would  mingle  with 
the  Negroes  on  friendly  and  peaceable  terms. 

Two  recreation-center  directors  favored  entirely  separate  recreational 
facilities  for  Negroes  with  whites  excluded.    One  of  these  was  the  director 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  295 

of  Fuller  Park,  who  told  the  Commission  that  he  had  made  every  effort  to  get 
Negroes  to  come  to  the  park,  and  that  he  considered  it  part  of  his  duty  to  go 
out  into  the  neighborhood  and  try  to  get  Negroes  to  use  the  park.  "Separate 
parks  and  playgrounds  for  colored  people  are  advisable, "  he  said,  "not  because 
one  group  is  any  better  than  the  other,  but  because  they  are  different.  Human 
nature  will  have  to  be  remodeled  before  racial  antipathy  is  overcome." 

The  director  of  Hardin  Square,  another  recreation  center  Httle  used  by 
Negroes,  though  it  is  near  the  main  Negro  area,  beheved  that  separate  facilities 
for  each  race  would  be  the  best  solution  of  the  problem.  He  did  not  encourage 
Negroes  to  come  to  Hardin  Square.  The  poUceman  at  the  park  also  beheved 
that  "you  can't  make  the  two  colors  mix."  This  poHceman  said  he  knows 
a  group  of  young  men  in  the  district,  mostly  ex-service  men,  who  would 
"procure  arms  and  fight  shoulder  to  shoulder  with  me  if  a  Negro  should  say 
one  word  back  to  me  or  should  say  a  word  to  a  white  woman."  He  thought 
it  would  not  take  much  to  start  another  riot,  and  that  the  white  people  of  the 
district  would  resolve  to  make  a  "complete  clean-up  this  time."  This  poUce- 
man is  the  one  whose  failure  to  arrest  a  white  man  accused  of  stoning  the  Negro 
boy,  WiUiams,  at  the  Twenty-sixth  Street  Beach  was  an  important  factor  in  pre- 
cipitating the  riot  in  1919. 

The  director  of  Moseley  Playground,  who  was  born  and  raised  in  that 
vicinity,  said  there  had  been  antagonism  between  the  two  races  in  that  neigh- 
borhood for  thirty  years.  He  beheved  that  separate  recreation  facihties 
would  be  impracticable  because  the  taxpayers  could  not  be  divided  in  such  a 
way  that  they  would  not  be  paying  for  fields  their  children  could  not  use. 

The  director  of  Seward  Park  thought  that  it  might  be  arranged  in  the 
small  parks  to  give  special  hours  to  Negro  groups.  This  would  meet  what 
he  beheved  to  be  the  desire  of  the  Negroes  to  be  by  themselves  and  also  the 
objection  of  the  white  girls  who  had  protested  against  having  Negro  girls  in 
the  same  gymnasium  classes  with  them. 

v.      TRAINING   FOR   RECREATION  DIRECTORS 

The  importance  of  the  personahty  of  the  park  director  in  determining 
the  conditions  in  the  park,  which  was  often  emphasized,  led  to  a  consideration 
of  the  training  for  the  work — whether  training  was  required  that  would  develop 
the  understanding  and  vision  necessary  to  handle  the  problems  involved  in 
racial  contacts.  The  representative  of  the  Municipal  Bureau  said  that  every 
effort  had  been  made  to  get  trained  men,  but  that  there  was  no  school  or  curricu- 
lum of  training  that  determined  the  efficiency  of  a  person  in  charge.  Some 
of  his  best  directors  had  had  no  specific  training,  while  some  of  the  poorest 
came  from  the  best  recreational  training  schools. 

Few  Negro  instructors  were  found  at  the  places  of  recreation  and  these 
were  employed  by  the  Municipal  Bureau.  The  representative  of  the  West 
Side  Conmiission  said  that  he  had  been  trying  for  a  long  time  without  success 


296  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

to  get  a  Negro  to  take  the  civil-service  examination  for  playground  instructors, 
as  he  was  anxious  to  get  a  Negro  for  Union  Park.  The  representatives  of  the 
Lincohi  and  South  Park  commissions  said  that  they  used  Negroes  only  as 
life  guards,  attendants,  janitors,  etc.  The  South  Park  Commission  represent- 
ative said  the  question  of  the  desirabiUty  of  having  Negro  instructors  and  play 
leaders  had  never  come  up,  because  no  Negro  had  ever  become  a  candidate 
for  a  position  as  a  result  of  the  competitive  examinations. 

Training  opportunities  for  Negroes. — It  was  found  that  the  Y.M.C.A.  has 
a  four-year  recreational  training-course  in  which  no  distinction  is  made  between 
Negroes  and  whites.  As  the  courses  are  not  open  to  women,  the  Y.M.C.A. 
has  no  such  race  problem  as  arises  in  recreation  courses  where  women  are 
admitted.  The  president  of  the  graduating  class  at  the  Y.M.C.A.  CoUege 
the  year  previous  was  a  Negro,  though  the  rest  of  the  class  was  composed 
entirely  of  whites.  The  number  of  Negroes  taking  the  Y.M.C.A.  recreation 
course  is  relatively  small,  usually  about  two  in  a  class  of  150. 

The  American  CoUege  of  Physical  Education  and  the  Chicago  Normal 
School  of  Physical  Education  reported  that  they  did  not  admit  Negroes  to 
any  courses,  saying  that  their  students  would  object  to  physical  contact  with 
Negroes. 

The  Recreation  Training  School  of  Chicago,  successor  to  the  Recreation 
Department  of  the  Chicago  School  of  Civics  and  Philanthropy,  admits  Negroes 
to  the  recreation  course  on  the  same  terms  as  all  other  students  and  has  trained 
several,  both  in  the  short  courses  and  in  the  fuU  year's  course.  This  school 
admits  both  men  and  women. 

VI.      SUMMARY 

Though  the  Negro  areas  are  as  well  supplied  with  ordinary  playgrounds 
as  the  rest  of  the  city,  they  are  noticeably  lacking  in  more  complete  recreation 
centers  with  indoor  facilities  for  the  use  of  older  children  and  adults.  Several 
of  these  recreation  centers,  such  as  Hardin,  Armour,  and  Fuller  squares, 
Stanton  and  Ogden  parks,  border  on  Negro  areas  but  are  not  used  to  any  great 
extent  by  Negroes  because  the  Negroes  feel  that  the  whites  object  to  their 
presence.  Though  there  are  three  publicly  maintained  beaches  within  the 
main  Negro  area  the  Negroes  feel  free  to  use  only  the  Twenty-sixth  Street 
Beach,  though  many  of  them  live  as  far  south  as  Sixty-sixth  Street.  Where 
Negroes  do  not  use  nearby  facilities  to  any  great  extent  they  have  usually 
either  been  given  to  understand,  through  unofficial  discrimination,  that  they 
are  not  desired,  or  they  have  been  terrorized  by  gangs  of  white  boys. 
Few  attempts  to  encourage  Negro  attendance  have  been  made,  and  with  the 
exception  of  Union  Park  these  attempts  have  failed. 

In  the  main  there  seem  to  be  no  difficulties  arising  from  contacts  between 
young  white  and  Negro  children  at  the  playgrounds,  no  matter  whether  the 
playground  is  predominantly  white  or  predominantly  Negro,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  one  or  two  playgrounds,  such  as  Sherwood  and  Moseley,  which  seem 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  297 

to  share  in  traditional  neighborhood  antagonism  between  the  two  races. 
Voluntary  racial  grouping  at  the  playground  was  found  only  in  rare  instances 
and  usually  involved  the  older  rather  than  the  younger  children.  The 
swimming-pools,  for  example,  are  patronized  more  by  older  children,  and 
voluntary  racial  grouping  at  swimming-pools  was  reported  in  several  instances. 
In  the  ordinary  playground  sports  and  athletic  contests  the  two  races  mingle 
with  the  best  of  feeling. 

Voluntary  racial  groupings  and  serious  clashes  are  found  mainly  at  the 
places  of  recreation  patronized  by  older  children  and  adults — the  large  parks, 
beaches,  and  recreation  centers.  Trouble  is  usually  started  by  gangs  of  white 
boys,  organized  and  unorganized.  The  members  of  so-called  "athletic  clubs," 
whose  rooms  usually  border  on  the  park,  are  the  worst  offenders  in  this  respect. 
If  they  do  not  reflect  the  community  feeling  they  are  at  least  tolerated  by  it, 
as  nothing  is  done  to  suppress  them.  Some  park  authorities  that  have  made 
sincere  efforts  to  have  these  hoodlums  punished  are  discouraged  because 
they  get  no  co-operation  from  the  courts,  and  the  policeman  who  takes  the 
boy  to  court  gets  a  reprimand,  while  the  boy  is  dismissed. 

Another  source  of  racial  disorder  is  the  lack  of  co-ordination  between 
park  and  city  police.  The  park  police  stop  a  fight  between  a  white  child  and  a 
Negro  child  and  send  them  from  the  park.  Outside  the  park  gates  the  children 
start  fighting  again,  and  the  park  police  have  no  power  to  interfere.  The 
spectators  may  then  get  into  the  fight,  dividing  along  racial  lines,  and  before 
the  city  police  can  be  summoned  a  race  riot  may  be  well  under  way.  Either 
city  police  should  be  stationed  directly  outside  every  park,  ready  to  co-operate 
with  the  park  police,  or  else  the  jurisdiction  of  the  park  police  should  be 
extended  to  include  the  area  immediately  surrounding  the  park. 

The  most  important  remedies  suggested  to  the  Commission  for  the  better- 
ment of  relations  between  Negroes  and  whites  at  the  various  places  of  recreation 
were:  (i)  additional  facilities  in  Negro  areas,  particularly  recreation  centers 
which  can  be  used  by  adults;  (2)  an  awakened  public  opinion  which  will  refuse 
longer  to  tolerate  the  hoodlum  and  will  insist  that  the  courts  properly  punish 
such  offenders;  (3)  selection  of  directors  for  parks  in  neighborhoods  where 
there  is  a  critical  situation  who  will  have  a  sympathetic  understanding  of  the 
problem  and  will  not  tolerate  actions  by  park  police  officers  and  other  subordi- 
nate officials  tending  to  discourage  Negro  attendance;  and  (4)  efforts  by  such 
directors  to  repress  and  remove  any  racial  antagonism  that  may  arise  in  the 
neighborhood  about  the  park. 

D.    CONTACTS  IN  TRANSPORTATION 

I.      INTRODUCTION 

Volume  of  traffic. — The  munber  of  passengers  carried  in  1916  in  a  twenty- 
four-hour  day  by  the  Chicago  surface  lines  was  3,500,000  and  by  the  elevated 
railway  lines  560,000,  according  to  a  tabulation  made  by  the  Chicago  Traction 


298  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

and  Subway  Commission  in  19 16.  With  the  city's  growth  in  population  the 
trafl&c  in  1920  doubtless  showed  an  even  larger  voliune.  This  traffic  is  distrib- 
uted over  approximately  1,050  miles  of  surface  and  142  miles  of  elevated 
track.  It  is  most  congested  in  the  "Loop"  area  of  the  downtown  business 
section,  which  is  a  transfer  center  for  the  three  sides  of  the  city,  North,  South, 
and  West;  and  of  course  it  is  heaviest  at  the  hours  when  people  go  to  and 
from  work. 

Concentration  oj  Negro  traffic. — Negroes  constitute  4  per  cent  of  the  city's 
population,  according  to  the  federal  census  for  1920,  and  presumably  about 
that  percentage  of  the  city's  street-car  traffic.  The  Negro  traffic,  however, 
instead  of  being  scattered  all  over  the  city,  is  mainly  concentrated  upon  twelve 
lines  which  traverse  the  Negro  residence  areas  and  connect  them  with  the 
manufacturing  districts  where  Negroes  are  largely  employed.  These  twelve 
lines,  which  are  shown  on  the  two  transportation  diagrams  facing  page  300,  cover 
II  per  cent  of  the  total  mileage  of  the  surface  and  elevated  lines.  Because 
of  this  concentration,  however,  the  proportion  of  Negroes  to  whites  on  these 
twelve  lines  is  much  higher  than  4  per  cent,  and  on  such  lines  as  that  on  State 
Street,  which  runs  along  the  principal  business  street  of  the  main  South  Side 
Negro  residence  area,  it  often  happens  that  the  majority  of  the  passengers 
are  Negroes.  In  addition  to  these  twelve  lines  of  heaviest  Negro  traffic,  there 
are  others  traversing  less  densely  populated  parts  of  Negro  residence  areas. 
In  varying  degrees  contacts  of  Negroes  and  whites  may  be  found  on  other  lines 
which  serve  the  small  proportion  of  the  Negro  population  scattered  throughout 
the  city. 

The  main  area  of  Negro  residence,  on  the  South  Side,  where  about  90 
per  cent  of  the  Negroes  in  Chicago  live,  is  traversed  by  the  State  Street,  Indiana 
Avenue,  Cottage  Grove  Avenue,  Stony  Island  Avenue,  and  the  South  Side 
elevated  lines,  running  north  and  south,  and  by  eleven  cross- town  lines,  running 
east  and  west,  beginning  with  the  Twenty-second  Street  line  at  the  north  and 
ending  with  the  Seventy-first  Street  line  at  the  south.  From  six  to  nine 
o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  from  four  to  six  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  there  is 
a  heavy  Negro  traffic  on  the  lines  going  north  to  the  "Loop,"  on  the  Cottage 
Grove  Avenue  line  going  south  to  the  South  Chicago  manufacturing  district, 
and  on  the  Thirty-fifth  Street  and  Forty-seventh  Street  lines  and  the  elevated 
branch  line  at  Fortieth  Street  going  west  to  the  Stock  Yards.  To  reach  the 
Stock  Yards,  Negro  laborers  must  ride  through  a  territory  between  Wentworth 
Avenue  and  Halsted  Street  in  which,  as  shown  in  the  sections  of  the  report 
dealing  with  housing  and  with  racial  clashes,  hostility  toward  Negroes  has  often 
been  displayed.  This  Negro  traffic  west  of  Wentworth  Avenue  is,  therefore, 
chiefly  confined  to  a  few  hours  in  the  morning  and  the  afternoon. 

The  West  Side  Negro  residence  area  is  connected  with  the  "Loop"  by  the 
Madison  Street  and  Lake  Street  surface  lines,  and  the  elevated  line  on  Lake 
Street,  and  with  the  Stock  Yards  by  the  Halsted  Street  and  Ashland  Avenue  lines. 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  299 

The  North  Side  Negro  residence  area  is  connected  with  the  "Loop"  by 
the  Unes  on  State  and  Clark  streets  and  by  the  Northwestern  elevated  lines. 
Contacts  on  these  lines,  however,  are  not  as  important  as  on  the  lines  serving 
the  South  and  West  Side  areas,  because  the  number  of  Negroes  involved  is 
only  about  1,500,  or  less  than  2  per  cent  of  the  Negro  population. 

Contacts  and  racial  attittides. — As  in  other  northern  cities,  there  is  no  "Jim 
Crow"  separation  of  the  races  on  street  cars  in  Chicago.  The  contacts  of 
Negroes  and  whites  on  the  street  cars  never  provoked  any  considerable  dis- 
cussion until  the  period  of  Negro  migration  from  the  South,  when  occasional 
stories  of  clashes  began  to  be  circulated,  but  only  one  such  incident  was  re- 
ported in  the  newspapers.  Even  since  the  migration  began  there  have  been 
few  complaints  based  upon  racial  friction  in  transportation  contacts. 

In  response  to  inquiries,  the  South  Side  Elevated  Company,  which  has  the 
largest  Negro  traffic  of  any  elevated  line,  replied  that  except  during  the  riot 
in  1 919,  when  a  few  cases  of  racial  disorder  were  reported,  there  had  been  no 
complaints  from  motormen  or  trainmen  since  1918,  when  a  trainman  was  cut 
by  a  Negro  but  not  seriously  injured.  No  complaints  from  white  passengers 
had  been  received  since  the  spring  of  191 7,  when  white  office  workers  objected 
to  riding  with  Stock  Yards  laborers,  mainly  Negroes,  on  the  Stock  Yards  spur 
of  the  elevated.  White  laborers  in  the  Stock  Yards  mostly  lived  within  walking 
distance  of  their  work,  but  Negroes  found  it  necessary  to  use  car  Unes  running 
east  to  the  main  Negro-residence  area.  The  Chicago  Surface  Lines  rephed 
that  complaints  due  to  racial  friction  were  negUgible. 

Information  obtained  by  investigators  for  the  Commission  showed  that 
the  attitude  of  Negroes  and  whites  toward  each  other  was  being  aflfected  by 
contacts  on  the  cars.  A  white  woman  in  the  Hyde  Park  district,  an  officer 
of  the  Illinois  Federation  of  Woman's  Clubs,  when  interviewed  upon  race 
relations,  made  special  reference  to  transportation  contacts.     She  said: 

While  Negroes  are  coining  into  this  neighborhood,  especially  on  Lake  Park, 
I  see  Uttle  of  them,  except  on  the  street  car.  There  I  must  say  I  have  a  decided 
opinion.  Just  last  evening  around  five  o'clock,  I  took  a  Lake  Park  car  at  Fortieth 
Street  and  Cottage  Grove  Avenue,  and  several  colored  men  saw  to  it  that  they  were 
first  to  board  the  car.  I  had  to  sit  near  the  front  and  a  great  big  Negro  man  sat  next 
to  me,  smoking  a  cigar  right  in  the  car.  I  told  my  husband  when  I  got  home,  I  was 
for  moving  them  all  out  of  the  city,  and  I  never  felt  like  that  toward  them  until  just 
of  late.  There's  a  feeUng  of  resentment  among  us  white  people  toward  the  colored 
people  on  the  cars,  and  they  feel  that,  and  they  feel  the  same  resentment  toward  us. 
I  think  I  see  that  very  plainly.  Last  night,  on  this  same  car,  a  colored  man  was 
hanging  over  me,  and  I  know  he  didn't  want  me  there  near  him,  any  more  than 
I  wanted  him. 

As  a  factor  in  attitudes  on  race  relations,  transportation  contacts,  while 
impersonal  and  temporary,  are  significant  for  several  reasons.  In  the  first 
place,  many  whites  have  no  contact  with  Negroes  except  on  the  cars,  and  their 
personal  impressions  of  the  entire  Negro  group  may  be  determined  by  one  or 


300  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

two  observations  of  Negro  passengers.  Secondly,  transportation  contacts  are 
not  supervised,  as  are  contacts  in  the  school,  the  playground,  and  the  workshop. 
If  there  is  a  dispute  between  passengers  over  a  seat  it  usually  rests  with  the 
passengers  themselves  to  come  to  an  understanding.  Any  feeling  of  suspicion 
or  prejudice  on  either  side  because  of  the  difference  in  race  accentuates  any 
such  misunderstanding.  In  the  third  place,  transportation  contacts,  at  least 
on  crowded  cars,  involve  a  degree  of  physical  contact  between  Negroes  and 
whites  which  rarely  occurs  under  other  circumstances,  and  which  sometimes 
leads  to  a  display  of  racial  feehng. 

Scope  and  method  of  investigation. — In  obtaining  information  as  to  transpor- 
tation contacts  the  Commission's  investigators,  both  white  and  Negro,  men 
and  women,  made  many  observation  trips  on  the  twelve  lines  carrying  the 
heaviest  volume  of  Negro  traffic  and  therefore  involving  the  greatest  amount 
of  contact.  Counts  of  passengers,  Negro  and  white,  were  made,  behavior 
and  habits  were  noted,  passengers  and  car  crews  were  questioned,  and  ofl&cials 
of  the  surface  and  elevated  lines,  starters,  and  station  men  were  interviewed. 

Superintendents  of  123  industrial  plants  were  interviewed  to  ascertain 
the  numbers  of  whites  and  Negroes  employed  in  ofi&ces  and  in  plants,  transporta- 
tion lines  used  by  workers,  nature  of  work  and  its  effect  upon  cleanliness  of 
person  and  clothing,  provision  of  baths,  etc.  A  further  source  of  information 
was  a  report  made  for  the  officers  of  the  Central  Manufacturing  District, 
setting  forth  the  transportation  facilities  for  the  12,000  employees  of  the 
district  and  providing  data  drawn  from  questionnaires  filled  out  by  these 
employees.  The  district  includes  the  area  from  Thirty-fifth  to  Forty-third 
streets  and  from  Morgan  to  Robey  streets. 

II.      DISTRIBUTION   OF  NEGRO   TRAFFIC 

Negro  traflEic  is  fairly  continuous  throughout  the  day  in  the  Negro  residence 
areas,  and  the  proportion  of  Negroes  and  whites  is  about  the  same  at  different 
hours  of  the  day.  Except  during  the  times  of  going  to  and  from  work  the  cars 
are  not  overcrowded,  and  the  danger  of  friction  is  therefore  small.  On  the 
routes  connecting  the  Negro  residence  areas  with  the  Stock  Yards  and  with 
South  Chicago,  where  many  Negroes  are  employed  in  steel  plants,  the  Negro 
traffic  is  confined  to  a  few  hours  in  the  morning  and  late  afternoon,  but  at  these 
hours  the  cars  are  very  crowded.  There  is  much  rushing  to  board  cars  and 
get  seats,  and  white  office  workers  and  other  non-laborers  are  thrown  into 
contact  with  Negro  laborers  still  in  their  working  clothes.  It  is  under  such 
circumstances  that  irritation  and  actual  clashes  are  most  likely  to  arise.  It 
should  be  noted  that  similar  contacts  with  white  laborers  in  their  working 
clothes  are  disagreeable  in  the  same  ways,  though  in  such  cases  the  odors  and 
grime  are  not  associated  with  race  and  color. 

The  hours  of  greatest  general  travel  and  car  crowding  were  found  to  be 
from  six  to  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning  and  from  four  to  six  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon. 


TRANSPORTATION    CONTACTS 

MORNING    TRAFFIC  7   TO    9   O'CLOCK 

FROM  HOME  TO  WORK     *,  < 


Proportion  or  negro  to  total  PASstMctRS  on 

LINES  MAVINC  THE  HEAVIEST  NEGRO  TRAfriC 

dJttnctbHU   CiDNTto  Lmcs 
NCCRO  TRArnC       I    TO  20  <  IV.'-'.VV^M   r-s'.i.'.'.'.'.u 

20  TO  eo  X  ^^'■^N^^^'-'^'-'«»■''^  |SSW^^3 

60  TO  \0O  f  i^^^^  ^M— 

NtCRO  RtSIOENTIAL   AREA     | ,   "  ,     ) 

ARROW   INDICATES  DRCCTlON  Or  TRAVEL  —*■ 


TRANSPORTATION    CONTACTS 

AFTERNOON    TRAFFIC  4  TO    6    O'CLOCK 

FROM  WORK  TO  HOME 


5         t        H 

5  r-t-i,  f- 


ti 


^..^^^^^^^^gS^^^^SJFB  3 


—  ■=?:■#■— "Trn'r"^' 


Proportion  of  negro  to  total  pass^inceirs  on 

UNtS  HAVING  THE  HEAVIEST  NEGRO  TRArriC 

NccRO  TRAfric     1  TO  20  *  rsssss'.'J  ivrTrr.'VTi 

20  TO   60   %     l^kkkkkkk^k'^k^^ilil      L'^kk.Vk^k^^^k^k'^l 

60  TO  100  <  Wt^^^K  — — M 
NtCRO  RESIDENTIAL  AREA  V///////////A 
ARROW  INDICATES  DIRECTION  Or  TRAVEL  — ♦■ 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  301 

The  proportions  of  whites  and  Negroes  on  lines  carrying  the  largest  numbers 
of  Negroes  to  and  from  work  are  shown  in  two  diagrams.  These  are  based 
on  counts  of  white  and  Negro  passengers,  several  trips  being  averaged  to  show 
typical  car  loads  during  the  heavy  travel  of  early  morning  and  late  afternoon. 
The  first  diagram  shows  the  proportions  in  travel  from  the  Negro  residence 
areas  of  the  South  and  West  sides  toward  the  Stock  Yards,  the  other  large 
industries  employing  Negroes,  and  the  ''Loop"  district  during  the  period  from 
six  to  nine  a.m.  The  second  diagram  shows  the  proportions  in  travel  from  the 
Stock  Yards,  the  other  industries,  and  the  "Loop"  toward  the  Negro  residence 
areas  of  the  South  and  West  sides  during  the  period  from  four  to  six  p.m. 

in.   CONDUCT  RESULTING  FROM  CONTACTS 

As  already  noted,  contacts  of  Negroes  and  whites  on  street  cars  provoked 
little  discussion  until  the  migration  of  Negroes  from  the  South  began  to  be 
felt.  The  great  majority  of  the  migrants  are  laborers.  Many  of  them  are 
ignorant  and  rough  mannered,  entirely  unfamiliar  with  standards  of  conduct 
in  northern  cities.  It  is  this  type  which  is  meant  in  references  hereinafter 
to  the  "migration"  or  "southern"  Negro. 

Coming  to  a  city  like  Chicago,  with  no  "Jim  Crow"  racial  segregation, 
was  a  new  experience  to  many  southern  Negroes.  They  felt  strange  and 
uncertain  as  to  how  they  should  act.  Many  whites  and  Negroes  long  resident 
in  Chicago  have  said  that  they  could  tell  a  migration  Negro  by  his  ill-at-ease 
manner  and  often  by  his  clothes. 

The  conspicuous  points  in  the  behavior  of  the  migration  Negro  before  he 
became  urbanized  were  his  "loud  laughing  and  talking,"  his  "ill-smelHng 
clothes,"  his  "roughness,"  and  his  tendency  to  "sit  all  over  the  car."  These 
are  easier  to  understand  when  one  considers  the  background  of  the  southern 
Negro. 

Few  white  people  reahzed  how  uncertain  the  southern  Negro  felt  about 
making  use  of  his  new  privilege  of  sitting  anywhere  in  the  car,  instead  of  being 
"Jim  Crowed."  One  Negro  woman  who  came  to  the  city  during  the  migration 
said,  when  she  was  asked  about  her  first  impression  of  Chicago:  "When  I  got 
here  and  got  on  the  street  cars  and  saw  colored  people  sitting  by  white  people, 
I  just  held  my  breath,  for  I  thought  any  minute  they  would  start  something. 
Then  I  saw  nobody  noticed  it,  and  I  just  thought  this  is  a  real  place  for 
Negroes."  There  were  exceptional  cases  in  which  southern  Negroes  walked 
miles,  rather  than  take  a  car. 

It  may  seem  strange  in  view  of  such  uncertainty  of  mind  and  timidity  that 
the  most  noticeable  point  of  behavior  of  the  southern  Negro  was  loud  talking, 
joking,  and  laughter.  The  South  Side  Elevated  Company,  replying  to  the 
Commission's  inquiries,  said:  "These  colored  people  are  of  a  happy-go-lucky 
type  and  are  often  noisy,  especially  when  two  or  more  acquaintances  meet 
on  the  trains  or  station  platforms  or  crossing  from  one  side  of  the  station  to 


302  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

the  other.  They  laugh  and  talk  a  good  deal  and  seem  to  be  happy  and  care 
free." 

Although  some  of  this  boisterousness  was  no  doubt  due  to  a  care-free 
spirit  and  a  broad  good  humor,  some  of  it  had  quite  a  diflferent  source.  Many 
a  southern  Negro  thinks  that  the  whites  like  him  to  be  "typical,"  and  that 
they  will  tolerate  him  as  long  as  his  dialect,  his  wit,  and  his  manner  are  amusing 
enough.  A  Negro  newspaper  of  Chicago  took  the  southern  Negroes  to  task 
for  using  this  safety  device  in  Chicago. 

Many  whites,  clerical  workers,  shoppers,  and  others  of  a  non-laboring 
type,  have  expressed  objections  to  what  they  term  a  tendency  of  Negroes  to 
"sit  all  over  the  cars,"  meaning  to  sit  anywhere  in  the  car.  This  was  most 
conspicuous  when  whites  had  to  ride  in  the  morning  on  a  car  which  had  come 
from  one  of  the  Negro  residence  areas  and  was  already  filled  with  Negroes, 
or  when  Negroes  and  whites  were  boarding  a  comparatively  empty  car  near  one 
of  the  big  industrial  plants  in  the  afternoon.  The  employment  manager  of  the 
Corn  Products  Company  plant  at  Argo  reported  a  complaint  about  this 
tendency  made  to  him  by  one  of  the  girls  in  the  ofl&ce: 

An  office  girl  told  me  she  had  trouble  getting  a  seat  on  the  cars.  She  was  not 
able  to  get  a  seat  by  herself  and  did  not  want  to  sit  next  to  a  Negro.  She  said  that 
Negroes  would  rush  in  and  get  all  the  seats  by  the  windows.  She  thought  they  did 
it  more  to  tease  the  office  help  than  anything  else.  This  girl  was  undoubtedly  prej- 
udiced. That  was  one  of  her  arguments  to  explain  why  she  had  difficulty  in  getting 
to  work  in  the  morning.     She  is  a  St.  Louis  girl  of  Flemish  extraction. 

Many  of  the  southern  Negroes  were  found  to  be  very  hesitant  about  taking 
seats  next  to  whites.  The  southern  tradition  was  so  ingrained  in  them  that 
they  tried  to  be  as  inconspicuous  as  possible.  On  the  other  hand,  some, 
with  the  sudden  removal  of  the  restraints  of  the  South,  used  their  new  freedom 
without  thought  of  the  effect  of  their  behavior  on  Chicago  whites  and  Negroes. 

The  attitude  of  migration  Negroes  was  sometimes  expressed  to  the  Commis- 
sion's investigators.     For  example: 

You  can  spend  your  money  as  you  please,  hve  better  and  get  more  enjoyment 
out  of  it — I  mean  go  where  you  please,  without  being  Jim-Crowed. 

There's  no  lynching  or  Jim  Crow.  You  can  vote,  you  receive  better  treatment 
and  more  money  for  your  work. 

The  freedom  of  speech  and  action.  You  can  live  without  fear  and  there's  no 
Jim  Crow. 

Some  southern  Negroes  apparently  came  to  Chicago  with  a  real  grudge 
against  all  whites  and  ready  at  slight  provocation  to  display  their  resentment. 
The  minister  of  one  of  the  Negro  churches  in  Chicago  said : 

After  years  of  restriction  and  proscription  to  which  they  were  subjected  in  the 
South,  they  suddenly  find  themselves  freed  in  a  large  measure  of  these  conditions. 
Their  mind  harks  back  to  that  which  they  endured  at  the  hands  of  members  of  the 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  303 

Aryan  race  in  the  South,  and  they  grow  resentful,  and  in  the  nxidst  of  their  new 
environment  they  vent  their  spleen.  One  has  but  to  ride  on  any  of  the  surface  lines 
running  into  the  section  of  Chicago  largely  occupied  by  my  race  group  to  be  convinced 
of  the  facts  mentioned  above. 

The  southern  Negro  who  got  into  trouble  with  whites  by  insisting  on  his 
right  to  a  seat  sometimes  belonged  to  the  class  of  suspicious  and  sensitive 
Negroes,  and  sometimes  he  was  simply  a  "greenhorn."  The  following  cases 
show  how  "green"  the  migration  Negro  could  be,  and  how  easy  it  was  for  him 
to  make  himself  disliked  and  ridiculous.  The  first  case  was  observed  by  a 
Negro  man,  the  second  by  a  Negro  woman,  both  long  resident  in  Chicago: 

I  boarded  a  crowded  car  in  the  "Loop"  going  south  and  was  forced  to  stand  near 
the  rear  door.  There  are  two  lengthwise  seats  at  the  rear  of  the  car,  one  of  which  wiU 
hold  three  people  and  one  of  which  will  hold  two.  Two  colored  women,  carelessly 
dressed  and  holding  greasy  paper  bundles  in  their  hands,  got  on  the  car  at  Twelfth 
Street  and  stood  in  the  back  of  the  car  hanging  on  to  straps.  They  rode  this  way 
until  Eighteenth  Street,  when  one  of  them,  a  large  woman,  noticing  that  there  were 
three  white  people  on  one  of  the  seats  and  only  two  on  the  other  said  to  her  companion, 
"If  three  folks  can  sit  on  that  seat,  I  ain't  going  to  stand  over  these  white  folks, 
who  are  just  like  they  are  down  South,  and  don't  want  you  to  sit  down.  I'm  going 
to  sit  down  myself."  She  then  inserted  herself  between  the  two  white  women, 
one  of  whom  was  pushed  to  the  floor.  The  Negro  woman  was  much  embarrassed, 
but  I  don't  think  she  has  yet  realized  that  the  seats  were  of  different  lengths. 

I  was  on  a  State  Street  car  when  two  southern  Negro  women  got  on,  talking  loud, 
and  throTsdng  themselves  around  loose  and  careless  like.  I  was  sitting  on  one  of  the 
end  seats,  just  big  enough  for  three,  and  one  of  the  women  says  to  the  other,  "Here's 
a  seat,  here's  a  seat."  "You  move  over,"  she  said  to  me.  There  was  fire  in  their 
eyes,  and  I  don't  like  fighting,  so  I  made  up  my  mind  that  if  they  started  anything 
I'd  get  up  and  give  them  my  seat.  Most  people  would  have  understood  how  you 
felt  if  you  did  that,  but  I  am  not  sure  they  would  have  understood.  I  said  to  one  of 
them,  "There  really  isn't  room  on  this  seat."  She  gave  me  a  shove,  so  I  said,  "But 
I'll  get  up  and  give  you  my  seat."  You  wouldn't  believe  what  happened  then. 
The  conductor  came  in  and  said,  "You  just  keep  your  seat."  And  a  white  man, 
who  was  sitting  in  one  of  the  cross-seats,  turned  around  and  said,  "I'll  see  that  she 
does." 

Soiled  and  ill-smelling  clothes  were  a  large  factor  in  making  Negro  working- 
men  objectionable  to  many  whites  even  of  the  same  working  class. 

At  the  time  of  the  migration,  in  the  fall  of  1916  and  the  spring  of  191 7, 
the  Stock  Yards  were  taking  on  hundreds  of  Negro  laborers  to  increase  their 
war-time  production,  and  these  new  hands,  most  of  them  migration  Negroes, 
rode  to  and  from  work  with  white  office  workers.  How  the  white  office  workers 
felt  about  it  is  shown  by  a  statement  of  a  white  woman  clerk  in  the  Stock 
Yards: 

Some  of  the  Negroes  on  the  Thirty-fifth  Street  car  are  very  rough.  Most  of 
them  work  out  at  the  Stock  Yards  and  the  smell  of  the  Yards  is  very  bad.    They  seem 


304  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

to  try  to  clean  up,  but  the  smell  is  there,  especially  in  cold  weather  when  the  cars 
are  closed.  I  would  suggest  that  they  run  special  cars  from  the  Stock  Yards  for  those 
people,  and  that  would  leave  enough  cars  for  us  and  we  woiildn't  get  the  odor  either. 

This  situation  was  somewhat  remedied  by  the  fact  that  most  of  the  Negro 
laborers  at  least  changed  their  clothes  before  going  home,  even  if  they  could 
not  entirely  rid  themselves  of  the  Stock  Yards  odor;  also  the  hours  for  Stock 
Yards  employees  were  so  arranged  that  the  oflBice  workers  came  to  work  later 
and  left  later  than  the  white  and  Negro  laborers. 

The  Negro  press  of  Chicago  tried  to  make  the  migration  Negro  realize 
how  the  odor  attaching  to  his  clothes  was  afifecting  public  opinion.  The 
Chicago  Searchlight  of  May  22,  1920,  had  this  exhortation  by  the  editor: 

Did  you  ever  get  on  the  elevated  train  at  Indiana  Avenue  about  5 :  30  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon,  and  meet  the  "gang"  from  the  Stock  Yards  ?  It  would  make  you 
ashamed  to  see  men  and  women  getting  on  the  cars  with  greasy  overalls  on  and 
dirty  dresses  in  this  enUghtened  age.  There  is  reaUy  no  excuse  for  such  a  condition 
to  exist.  There  is  plenty  of  soap  and  water  in  the  Stock  Yards  and  you  have  better 
clothes  in  your  homes.  Why  not  take  a  suit  to  the  yards  and  wash  up  and  change 
your  clothing,  before  attempting  to  mingle  with  men  and  women,  many  of  them 
being  dressed  for  theaters  and  club  parties,  etc.  ?  Don't  you  know  that  you  are  forcing 
on  us  here  in  Chicago  a  condition  similar  to  the  one  down  South  ? 

In  order  to  find  out  whether  Negroes  working  in  other  plants  than  the 
Stock  Yards  do  work  which  leaves  the  worker  soiled  and  smelling,  superin- 
tendents or  foremen  were  questioned.  It  was  learned  that  much  other  work 
done  by  Negro  laborers  leaves  oil,  grease,  and  acid  stains,  that  many  of  the 
plants  have  no  baths  or  adequate  facilities  for  washing,  and  that  sometimes 
where  there  are  such  facilities  they  are  not  kept  in  order.  Three-fourths  of 
the  superintendents  and  foremen  interviewed  had  the  impression  that  Negroes 
were  more  careful  about  bathing  and  changing  their  clothes  than  whites. 
They  said  the  difference  was  probably  due  either  to  the  fact  that  the  white 
laborer  who  was  doing  the  same  class  of  work  as  the  Negro,  was  an  immi- 
grant, or  to  the  fact  that  the  white  laborer  often  lived  near  the  plant  where 
he  works,  and  preferred  to  wash  up  at  home. 

The  Negro  laborer  meets  little  objection  when  he  is  riding  with  white 
laborers;  it  is  when  he  comes  in  contact  with  whites  of  a  non-laboring  class 
that  there  is  the  most  likelihood  of  trouble.  Such  whites  often  find  white 
laborers  quite  as  objectionable.  A  lawyer  in  Indiana  Harbor  who  was  ques- 
tioned about  the  transportation  contacts  in  the  Calimiet  industrial  district, 
said: 

So  far  as  transportation  is  concerned,  little  trouble  need  be  expected.  Most  of 
the  people  here  are  working  people,  and  they  know  what  to  expect  when  a  dirty 
workman  comes  and  sits  down  next  to  them.  The  fact  of  it  is  that  if  there  is  any 
complaint  to  be  made,  it  would  be  against  the  foreigners.  In  the  winter,  when  the 
doors  are  closed,  the  smell  of  garlic  is  almost  unbearable. 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  305 

Another  complaint  from  whites  is  that  Negroes  on  the  street  cars  are 
"rough."  It  is  significant,  however,  that  all  the  incidents  related  to  the 
Commission  in  regard  to  ''roughness"  occurred  on  crowded  cars.  The  rush 
to  get  on  a  car  before  or  after  working  hours  is  often  heavy.  The  Commission's 
investigator,  describing  the  loading  of  cars  at  an  important  transfer  point 
near  the  Stock  Yards  at  the  evening  rush  hour,  said: 

I  observed  the  loading  and  transfers  at  Ashland  and  Forty-seventh  from  three 
to  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  With  the  possible  exception  of  six  to  seven  in  the 
morning  the  trafl&c  is  heaviest  at  this  time.  The  transfers  from  the  Ashland  to  the 
Forty-seventh  Street  car  are  mostly  Negroes  from  the  government  plants  at  Thirty- 
ninth  and  Robey.  About  40  per  cent  of  them  are  women.  Cars  going  east  on  Forty- 
seventh  Street  leave  every  five  minutes.  There  is  a  supervisor  on  this  corner,  whose 
duty  it  apparently  is  to  supervise  the  arrival  and  departure  of  cars.  He  pays  no 
attention,  however,  to  the  matter  of  loading.  Usually  the  men  meet  the  car  in  the 
middle  of  the  block  and  climb  on  while  it  is  moving.  By  the  time  the  car  reaches  the 
corner  the  seats  are  all  taken  and  the  doorway  is  congested.  The  women,  like  the 
men,  get  on  as  they  can.  No  deference  is  shown  them.  Most  of  those  who  get  on 
this  car  are  colored,  and  most  of  them,  colored  and  white  alike,  are  workmen. 

Some  friction  between  whites  and  Negroes  has  occurred  during  the  boarding 
of  cars.  It  may  be  caused  by  general  racial  attitude  as  well  as  by  the  circiun- 
stances  of  the  particular  case.  The  following  cases  were  both  related  by  white 
men,  one  an  assistant  superintendent  in  a  foundry,  and  the  other  a  barber: 

One  of  our  employees  (Negro)  in  running  to  catch  a  car  accidentally  knocked 
over  a  white  man.  The  white  man  became  particvdarly  abusive,  and  the  crowd 
joined  in  with  him.  The  crowd  attempted  to  beat  the  Negro  up,  but  he  ran  back  to 
the  plant  here  for  protection  and  we  quieted  them  down. 

I  remember  one  time  about  three  years  ago,  I  was  coming  home  on  the  Forty- 
seventh  Street  car  and  two  Negroes  were  standing  on  the  back.  It  was  pretty 
crowded.  A  man  swung  his  wife  on  board,  and  two  more  white  men  jiunped  on 
too.  He  got  her  through  into  the  car,  and  one  of  the  Negroes  said  to  her:  "I'm 
going  to  get  that  husband  of  yours."  I  went  up  and  stood  in  back  of  the  white  man 
and  told  him  I'd  stand  by  him,  if  anything  happened.  There  were  lots  of  whites  on 
the  car  but  about  half  Negroes,  I  guess.  I  think  the  Negroes  have  too  much  freedom. 
They  don't  know  how  to  act.  Some  of  those  Negroes  on  the  street  car  are  real 
uncivilized. 

The  South  Side  Elevated  Company,  in  answer  to  a  questionnaire  said: 
"  It  requires  constant  watching  to  prevent  Negroes  from  entering  and  leaving 
cars  through  the  windows."  The  followmg  incident,  reported  by  the  Com- 
mission's investigator,  who  traveled  over  all  the  lines  used  by  Negroes,  shows 
that  both  whites  and  Negroes  may  climb  through  the  windows  under  the  same 
conditions  of  crowding: 

I  was  transferring  from  the  Argo  car  to  the  Sixty-third  Street  car  with  a  nximber 
of  white  and  Negro  workmen  from  the  Corn  Products  Refining  Company.    The 


3o6  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

crowd  rushed  for  the  door,  and  the  doorway  soon  became  congested.  Two  white 
men  climbed  in  the  car  through  the  back  window,  followed  immediately  by  a  Negro. 
When  the  conductor  came  up,  a  white  woman,  who  was  standing  next  to  me  and  had 
seen  the  whole  performance,  said  to  the  conductor,  indicating  the  Negro,  who  had 
climbed  in  through  the  window:  "I  wouldn't  take  his  fare,  if  I  were  you.  He  came  in 
through  the  window." 

Selection  of  seats  by  white  and  Negro  passengers  often  provides  instances 
of  conduct  which  is  based  on  racial  prejudices.  These  seem  to  be  most  frequent 
on  lines  with  comparatively  light  travel  by  Negroes  and  where  there  is  thus  less 
opportunity  for  the  races  to  become  accustomed  to  contact.  Sometimes 
whites  show  plainly  their  avoidance  of  Negroes. 

Some  Negroes  have  timidly  offered  their  seats  to  women  standing,  and  have 
been  chagrined  by  the  refusal  of  the  white  women  to  accept  the  courtesy. 
The  superintendent  of  one  of  the  plants  where  Negroes  work  made  the  following 
comment: 

Negroes  seemingly  refrain  from  showing  courtesy  to  white  women,  such  as  offering 
them  their  seats,  because  of  two  facts.  Either  the  woman  to  whom  the  courtesy 
was  extended,  or  outsiders,  seem  to  the  Negro  to  place  a  wrong  construction  upon  his 
courtesy.  They  think  him  either  fresh  or  servile,  and  in  the  majority  of  cases  where 
a  Negro  would  extend  such  courtesies,  he  refrains  from  doing  so. 

A  few  Negroes  justified  themselves  by  pointing  out  that  white  men  did 
not  give  up  their  seats  for  Negro  women,  and  so  they  did  not  intend  to  give 
up  their  seats  for  white  women.  The  editor  of  a  Negro  newspaper  took  Negro 
men  to  task  for  their  disregard  of  white  women  and  also  women  of  their  own 
race,  as  follows: 

Do  you  know  that  there  is  a  growing  tendency  among  the  young  men  of  our  race 
to  show  disrespect  for  our  womanhood  ?  If  you  don't  think  so,  just  get  on  a  street 
car  or  visit  pubUc  amusement  places,  or  even  notice  their  actions  as  they  walk  along 
the  street.  It  is  nothing  to  see  himdreds  of  big  strong  young  men  sitting  on  our  cars, 
while  women  stand  until  they  become  almost  exliausted,  while  those  "fellows"  sit 
and  read  their  papers  or  gaze  out  of  the  car  windows. 

There  is  one  trait,  and  I  might  say  only  one,  that  I  take  off  my  hat  to  the  southern 
"Cracker"  for,  and  that  is  his  respect  and  high  regard  for  women.  While  he  hasn't 
any  for  the  other  fellow's  [the  Negro's]  wives  and  daughters,  yet  he  respects  his  own. 
We  must  set  a  good  example  for  him  and  respect  all  women,  regardless  of  race,  color, 
or  creed.  Then  you  will  win  the  admiration  of  aU  civilized  people.  ^len  who  do 
not  respect  and  honor  their  women  are  not  worthy  of  citizenship.  Do  you  get  me, 
brother  ? 

White  men  have  become  much  incensed  when  they  have  given  seats  to 
white  women,  and  Negro  men,  not  realizing  what  had  happened,  took  the  seats. 
The  timekeeper  at  a  large  industrial  plant  said: 

I  was  on  an  East  Chicago  Whiting  car.  Six  Negro  workmen  were  standing. 
The  car  was  fuU  about  one-third  with  Negroes.  A  man  got  up  to  let  a  white  woman 
sit  down.    A  Negro,  seeing  the  seat  vacated,  sat  down  before  the  woman  had  a  chance 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  307 

to  get  to  it.  The  man  who  had  proffered  the  seat  became  indignant,  cursed  the  Negro, 
yanked  him  out  of  his  seat,  and  proceeded  to  beat  him  up.  The  Negro  drew  out  a 
knife.  About  this  time,  it  became  a  general  race  clash.  One  of  the  Negro  workmen 
had  a  gun:  he  pulled  it  out  of  his  pocket  and  cleaned  out  the  car. 

The  following  incidents  were  reported  by  two  white  investigators: 
I  was  on  a  Cottage  Grove  Avenue  car  at  5 :  30  p.m.  The  car  was  crowded,  about 
one-third  colored  people.  A  yoimg,  well-dressed  colored  boy  of  about  twenty  was 
standing  in  the  aisle  beside  a  white  man  and  a  white  woman.  The  seat  directly  in 
front  of  this  colored  boy  was  vacated,  and  the  white  man  made  a  move  to  seize  it, 
but  the  boy  by  holding  his  arm  on  the  back  of  the  seat  barred  the  white  man's  way 
and  stepped  aside  to  allow  the  woman  to  sit  down.  The  woman  nodded  her  thanks 
to  the  boy,  and  the  white  man  went  on  reading  his  paper. 

I  was  on  an  eastbound  Oak  Park  elevated  train  at  about  10:30  a.m.  Several 
Pullman  porters  got  on  at  Campbell  Avenue  and  had  to  stand,  as  did  several  white 
women  and  men.  As  the  crowd  began  to  thin  out,  I  noticed  that  the  white  men  were 
apt  to  drop  into  a  vacant  seat  themselves,  while  the  Negro  porters  were  careful  to 
wait  until  the  women  sat  down  before  they  took  advantage  of  any  vacant  seats. 

A  white  woman  in  the  Hyde  Park  district  said  to  one  of  the  investigators: 
On  the  street  cars  I  would  rather  ride  with  Negro  gentlemen  than  with  many 
of  our  so-caUed  white  gentlemen.  A  Negro  man  who  has  the  slightest  training  is 
courteous  and  genuinely  so.  My  children  use  the  street  car  every  day  to  go  to  the 
Hyde  Park  High  School,  and  it's  not  the  Negro  men  on  the  street  cars  I  hate  to  think 
of;  it's  the  cheap  white  men.  A  very  rough  element  of  whites  congregate  every 
night  on  Lake  Park  near  Fifty-first  Street — hoodlums  that  the  colored  people  living 
there  must  fear. 

No  case  of  attempted  familiarity  by  a  Negro  man  toward  a  white  woman  on 
the  street  cars  was  reported  to  the  Commission.  Cases  were  reported,  however, 
of  accidental  contacts  between  Negro  men  and  white  women  which  might 
easily  have  been  misunderstood,  but  which  seemed  to  the  investigator,  a 
white  woman,  to  be  due  to  the  clumsiness  of  southern  rural  Negroes  in  crowded 
cars.    Two  such  cases  follow: 

I  was  on  a  Madison  car  going  west.  A  number  of  Negroes  got  on  at  the  North- 
western Station.  The  car  was  crowded,  and  I  felt  someone  in  the  aisle  leaning 
heavily  against  my  shoulder.  I  was  very  much  annoyed  and  glanced  up.  I  saw 
that  the  man  was  a  Negro  about  twenty  years  old.  He  was  with  a  girl,  obviously 
his  sister,  who  was  also  standing  in  the  aisle.  They  both  had  childlike  faces,  and 
I  could  see  that  he  was  quite  unaware  that  he  was  leaning  against  me.  I  didn't 
say  anything,  as  the  car  was  really  crowded. 

I  was  in  the  aisle  seat  of  an  lUinois  Central  suburban  car  about  5:00  p.m.,  waiting 
for  the  train  to  start.  A  Negro  man  standing  in  the  aisle  next  to  me  suddenly  leaned 
against  my  shoulder  so  hard  that  it  hurt.  I  looked  up  at  him  resentfvdly  but  he 
didn't  notice  me.  He  looked  as  though  he  had  been  picked  up  in  a  Uttle  western 
town  and  dumped  down  in  a  city  for  the  first  time.    He  had  a  wide  western  hat  on, 


3o8  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

and  his  face  was  lean  and  weatherbeaten.  I  take  it  he  was  about  fifty  years  old. 
He  was  in  animated  conversation  with  a  woman  in  a  seat  behind  me.  This  woman 
had  many  bundles.  Apparently  they  wanted  to  find  seats  together.  Soon  another 
man  joined  them  who  had  been  scouting  for  seats  in  the  car  ahead,  and  they  all  set 
out  together  for  another  car.  They  were  so  concentrated  on  this  problem  of  getting 
a  seat  that  they  didn't  know  there  was  anyone  else  in  the  car.  They  lunged  down 
the  aisle  knocking  against  people  as  they  went  along,  but  no  one  paid  any  particular 
attention  to  them. 

Another  case  of  accidental  contact,  showing  an  attitude  of  suspicion  on 
the  part  of  a  white  woman,  was  reported  by  a  Negro  Y.M.C.A.  secretary: 

I  was  on  a  street  car  going  west  through  the  "Loop"  on  Madison  Street.  A 
colored  man,  apparently  a  workman,  was  sitting  across  the  aisle  from  me,  looking 
out  of  the  window,  with  his  left  arm  stretched  along  the  back  of  the  seat.  A  white 
woman  came  in,  glanced  at  the  vacant  seat  beside  me,  and  sat  down  beside  the 
colored  man  across  the  aisle.  He  looked  around  and  saw  the  woman  sitting  in  the 
seat,  and  apparently  was  confused.  He  attempted  to  remove  his  arm,  and  in  doing 
so  his  arm  brushed  across  the  woman's  shoulder.  She  got  right  up  and  exclaimed: 
"How  dare  you  put  your  arm  around  me?"  The  man  looked  at  her  dumbly,  his 
face  the  picture  of  excitement  and  wonder.  I  said  to  the  lady,  "I  was  watching  this 
man  and  he  was  honestly  trying  to  remove  his  arm  from  the  back  of  the  seat.  I 
think  he  was  more  surprised  to  find  you  there  than  anything  else,  and  the  whole  thing 
was  sheer  accident."  She  wanted  to  know  what  I  had  to  do  with  it,  and  I  simply  said 
I  wouldn't  like  to  see  a  matter  of  that  kind  misunderstood.  She  resumed  her  seat 
beside  the  colored  man  and  nothing  further  happened. 

Many  cases  of  improper  advances  by  white  men  toward  Negro  women 
were  reported  to  the  Commission  by  Negro  women,  well  known  to  the  Com- 
mission, whose  character  is  beyond  question.    The  following  are  typical: 

Going  south  on  a  State  Street  car  to  Fifty-third  Street,  I  noticed  a  man  in  the 
aisle  staring  at  me.  He  kept  moving  down  nearer  and  nearer  to  my  seat  and  sat 
down  in  front  of  me.  He  handed  me  a  note  written  on  a  scrap  of  newspaper.  I 
opened  it  because  I  was  curious  to  know  what  his  motive  was.  He  was  a  young  man, 
in  his  twenties,  and  weU  dressed.  He  had  written  down  his  name  and  telephone 
number  and  the  words:  "Call  me  for  a  date." 

I  remember  one  man  especially,  because  I  used  to  ride  downtown  on  the  same  car 
he  took  every  morning.  The  first  time  I  ever  saw  him,  he  stared  at  me  a  great  deal 
and  when  I  got  off  the  car,  he  got  off  too.  As  he  got  off  he  said  to  me,  "Don't  take 
that  car,  wait  for  the  other  one."  I  noticed  then  that  he  went  over  to  the  corner  and 
took  a  car  going  in  the  opposite  direction  from  mine.  I  saw  him  lots  of  times  after 
that,  and  he  always  got  just  as  close  as  he  could  and  stared.  I  always  arranged  it  so 
that  he  could  not  sit  next  to  me. 

I  was  on  the  elevated  with  a  friend  the  other  day.  We  were  sitting  on  end  seats. 
A  man  got  up  to  give  a  white  woman  his  scat  and  then  came  over  and  stood  dose 
to  us.    He  stood  with  his  legs  against  my  friend's  knees,  until  she  jerked  around 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  309 

and  sat  facing  me.  Then  he  tried  standing  close  to  me.  He  had  me  so  hedged  in 
I  could  hardly  move,  and  I  had  to  make  a  very  abrupt  movement  to  get  away.  He 
moved  on  after  a  while. 

What  may  be  done  to  prevent  misunderstanding  and  check  in  its  incipiency 
trouble  which  might  easily  and  suddenly  become  serious,  is  illustrated  in  the 
action  of  a  white  woman,  a  resident  of  the  Chicago  Commons  Social  Settlement: 

One  evening,  soon  after  the  race  riot  in  July,  1919, 1  was  riding  on  a  State  Street 
car,  going  south  from  Grand  Avenue.  I  had  only  ridden  a  block,  when  there  was  a 
general  stir  in  the  car,  a  young  woman  fainted,  and  I  learned  that  the  conductor  had 
been  struck  and  his  cap  knocked  oflf.  Word  went  around  the  car  that  a  "nigger" 
did  it.  Ugly  remarks  were  being  made  and  I  feared  there  would  be  trouble.  I 
stepped  to  the  back  of  the  car  and  asked  two  colored  women  if  they  knew  who  struck 
the  conductor.  One  said,  "He  looked  like  a  colored  man,"  the  other  said,  "I  don't 
know."  Then  I  asked  the  conductor,  in  a  voice  loud  enough  so  that  the  rest  of  the  car 
could  hear  me,  whether  it  was  a  white  or  a  black  man  that  struck  him  and  why. 
He  said:  "It  was  a  white  man.  I  wouldn't  let  him  bring  his  big  drum  on  the  platform, 
it  was  too  crowded."  Having  learned  this,  I  turned  to  two  yoimg  couples  who  were 
stUl  showing  much  feeling  and  said,  "A  white  man  struck  the  conductor."  The  whole 
car  then  qmeted  down,  and  there  was  no  more  feeUng. 

Most  of  the  difficulties  in  transportation  contacts  reported  and  generally 
complained  of  seem  to  have  centered  around  the  first  blundering  eflforts  of 
migrants  to  adjust  themselves  to  northern  city  life.  The  efiforts  of  agencies 
interested  in  assisting  this  adjustment,  together  with  the  Negro  press,  and  the 
intimate  criticisms  and  suggestion  for  proper  conduct  of  Chicago  Negroes, 
have  smoothed  down  many  of  the  roughnesses  of  the  migrants,  and  as  a  result 
friction  from  contact  in  transportation  seems  to  have  lessened  materially. 

E.  CONTACTS  IN  OTHER  RELATIONS 

Here  are  included: 

I.  Contacts  in  public  places,  such  as  restaurants,  department  stores, 
theaters,  and  personal-service  places. 

II.  ''Black  and  tan"  resorts,  which  present  a  much-criticized  association 
because  of  the  vicious  elements  of  whites  and  Negroes  in  contact  there. 

III.  Cultural  contacts  which  indicate  associations  on  a  purely  intellectual 
basis. 

IV.  Contacts  in  co-operative  efforts  for  race  betterment,  which  includes 
most  of  the  social  organizations  working  among  Negroes. 

I.      CONTACTS   IN   PUBLIC  PLACES 

On  the  street,  in  public  conveyances,  stores,  restaurants,  and  commercial 
places  of  amusement,  contacts  of  races  and  nationalities  are  unavoidable 
and  have  not  the  supervision  that  is  common  in  schools  or  even  public  amuse- 
ment places. 


> 


J 


3IO  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Where  large  numbers  of  Negroes  live  there  are  theaters,  restaurants, 
stores,  barber  shops,  and  personal-service  places,  which  are  used  by  Negroes 
in  the  proportion  in  which  they  predominate  in  the  population  of  the  area. 
In  any  or  all  of  these  places,  however,  white  persons  are  served. 

The  business  district  along  State  Street  between  Twenty-sixth  and  Forty- 
seventh,  and  on  the  car-line  cross-streets,  is  maintained  partly  by,  and  largely 
for,  the  Negro  residents  in  the  general  neighborhood.  Since,  however,  about 
50  per  cent  of  the  population  is  white,  there  are  personal-service  places  which 
are  used  almost  exclusively  by  whites.  Barber  shops  are  wholly  exclusive, 
and  several  restaurants  attempt  to  make  themselves  so.     For  example: 

At  Thirty-first  Street  and  Indiana  Avenue,  in  the  heart  of  the  Negro  residence 
area,  a  restaurant  proprietor  maintains  an  L-shaped  establishment.  Fronting  on 
Thirty-first  Street  is  a  neatly  arranged  and  well-kept  dining-room,  with  tables  for 
ladies,  and  a  lunch  counter  with  white  waiters.  Fronting  on  Indiana  Avenue  is  a 
narrow,  dark  dining-room,  with  a  counter  served  by  colored  waitresses.  It  is  not 
kept  neatly,  and  is  not  so  weU  supplied.  Both  dining-rooms  are  served  from  the 
kitchen  in  the  comer  of  the  L,  and  patrons  in  either  dining-room  would  never  suspect 
that  there  were  two  dining-rooms  with  connection  through  this  kitchen.  At  the  time 
of  the  investigation,  the  dining-rooms  had  different  names. 

Negroes  entering  the  Indiana  Avenue  dining-room  are  given  prompt  service. 
If  they  enter  the  Thirty -first  Street  room  they  are  given  indifferent  service,  are  required 
to  wait  long  and  the  service  given  them  is  reluctant  and  discourteous. 

At  another  restaurant  in  the  same  neighborhood,  similar  means  are  used  to  dis- 
courage Negro  patronage.  Sometimes  in  addition  to  long  waiting  and  discourtesy, 
food  is  spoiled.  For  example,  egg  shells  are  placed  in  egg  orders,  and  salt  is  poured 
into  the  food. 

In  the  districts  where  whites  predominate,  the  measures  taken  to  exclude 
Negroes  are  very  definite.  In  a  lunchroom  near  Forty-third  Street  and 
Vincennes  Avenue,  a  well-educated,  well-appearing  young  Negro  had  the 
following  experience: 

I  went  into  the  restaurant  about  two  o'clock  June  13,  and  sat  about  four  seats 
from  the  front  at  a  counter.  After  about  ten  minutes  the  waiter  came  and  asked  me 
to  move  to  a  seat  at  the  rear  of  the  counter.  I  asked  him  why  and  he  told  me  he  could 
not  serve  me  where  I  was  sitting.  He  said  the  management  reserved  the  right  to 
seat  its  guests,  and  pointed  to  a  sign  on  the  waU  bearing  that  notice.  I  asked  him  if 
he  could  not  serve  me  just  as  well  where  I  was  sitting  as  on  the  rear  counter.  He 
said  maybe  he  could,  but  it  was  a  rule  of  the  house  not  to,  and  he  would  not.  I  left 
without  being  served. 

Another  Negro  experience  in  a  lunchroom  on  Forty-third  Street  near  the 
Elevated  is  thus  described:  "Service  given  was  very  poor.  When  protest 
was  made,  the  police  were  called  and  the  young  man  was  arrested  for  disorderly 
conduct.    The  case  was  dismissed." 

Fifty-ninth  and  Halsted  streets:  " Servic# refused  in  a  Swedish  oaf 6.  No 
witnesses." 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  311 

Near  Berwyn  and  Broadway  (North  Side):  "Service  refused,  and  investi- 
gator ordered  out." 

In  the  "  Loop, "  experiences  are  widely  varied.  In  all  of  the  following  cases, 
carefully  selected  investigators  were  sent  and  asked  to  report  in  detail  what 
happened.  It  is  possible  to  gather  large  numbers  of  personal  experiences, 
from  any  group  of  Negroes,  but  as  the  facts  cannot  be  verified  they  have  not 
been  used.  These  instances  usually  go  unnoticed  by  all  but  the  participants, 
except  where  the  parties  offended  may  secure  witnesses  among  the  guests 
present,  which  is  difficult. 

At  a  large,  popular,  general  restaurant  on  Randolph  Street,  two  women 
investigators  had  this  typical  experience  showing  how  a  manager  can  refuse 
service,  and  still  attempt  to  keep  within  the  law: 

Entered  about  7:30  p.m.  The  restaurant  was  well  filled;  I  counted  only  six 
vacant  tables.  A  woman  head  waitress  took  us  through  the  main  dining-room  to 
the  annex,  where  another  head  waitress  preceded  us  down  the  length  of  the  room  to 
a  comer  table  in  the  rear.  There  was  a  vacant  table  on  either  side  of  us.  We  waited 
almost  a  half  hour,  with  no  attention,  until  a  couple  was  seated  at  the  next  table- 
When  the  waitress  brought  water  to  them  she  also  brought  water  to  us.  She  took 
the  orders  for  both  tables.  Mrs.  H—  ordered  steak,  salad  and  tea.  I  ordered 
chicken  salad  and  tea.  Steak  and  potatoes  were  served  to  the  next  table  in  about 
ten  minutes.  The  waitress  came  to  me  and  said  the  chef  said  he  was  out  of  chicken. 
I  ordered  steak.  After  another  long  period  of  waitmg,  she  came  back  and  said, 
"The  chef  says  he  is  out  of  small  steaks."  I  asked,  "What  have  you?"  She  said 
she  would  go  and  see.  She  did  not  return,  but  after  about  fifteen  minutes  a  man  came 
to  our  table,  put  his  hands  on  it,  leaned  down  and  said,  "Do  you  want  to  see  me?" 
Although  I  suspected  he  was  the  manager,  he  had  not  said  so,  and  I  replied,  "Who 
are  you?  I  don't  know  anything  about  you.  No,  we  don't  want  to  see  you." 
He  then  said,  "I  am  the  manager.  What  do  you  want  ?  "  "I  came  to  be  served  with 
dinner."  He  replied,  "We  have  nothing  to  serve  you."  1  asked,  "Why,  what  is 
the  reason?"  He  repHed  "There  is  no  reason;  we  haven't  anything  to  serve  you." 
He  was  evidently  cautious  to  keep  within  the  letter  of  the  law,  but  was  determined 
that  we  should  not  be  served.  He  would  give  no  reason,  simply  repeating  his  former 
statement.    We  left  without  further  discussion,  and  without  being  served. 

Mrs.  T —  says  the  waitress  was  courteous,  and  evidently  regretful  of  the  embar- 
rassment of  repeated  refusal  to  serve.  None  of  the  patrons  sitting  near  made  any 
protest  at  their  presence.  It  has  been  her  experience  that  patrons,  waitresses,  ushers 
in  theaters  rarely  show  any  hesitancy  in  accepting  the  presence  of  colored  people  who 
are  orderly  and  self-respecting.  Almost  invariably  the  disagreeable  incidents  happen 
through  the  management,  or  through  the  carrying  out  of  orders. 

An  interview  with  the  manager  of  this  restaurant  was  willingly  given  to 
a  white  investigator  who  later  visited  the  place,  and  questions  were  answered 
freely  and  carefully.  He  said  he  had  a  number  of  Negro  friends  and  appreciated 
the  differences  in  them,  as  he  did  in  whites.  The  main  points  in  a  long  discus- 
sion of  restaurant  managemen^i^eeneral,  and  the  particular  problem  with 
reference  to  serving  Negroes,  he  summed  up  as  follows: 


/ 


^ 


312  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

In  the  past  five  years,  only  one  Negro  has  been  served  in  this  restaurant.  She 
came  in  with  a  southern  family  as  maid  to  a  smaU  child.  The  family  was  told  that 
she  could  be,  served  at  a  table  with  them,  or  in  a  side  room,  but  could  not  be  served 
at  an  adjoining  table,  even  with  the  child.  After  some  discussion,  the  maid  ate  at 
one  end  of  a  long  table  with  the  child,  while  the  family  sat  at  the  other  end. 

At  the  time  of  the  recent  instance,  when  the  two  Negro  women  came  in,  the 
manager  was  not  in  the  restaurant.  From  what  he  was  told  of  the  incident,  he 
thinks  he  should  have  asked  them  to  come  to  the  ofl&ce,  and  explained  the  situation 
to  them.  He  had  no  doubt  they  would  have  understood,  as  he  has  always  found 
intelligent  Negroes  readily  responsive  to  the  things  which  might  be  injurious  to  their 
relations  with  whites. 

Before  he  was  manager,  a  man  brought  in  two  Negroes,  seemingly  to  get  a  basis 
for  a  suit  and  damages.  The  manager  offered  to  serve  them  in  a  side  room,  but 
refused  service  in  the  main  dining-room.  They  left  without  being  served,  and  nothing 
further  was  heard  from  them. 

In  former  years  he  had  seen  dishes  broken  in  the  presence  of  Negroes  after  being 
used  in  high-grade  restaurants  where  their  patronage  was  not  wanted. 

Barring  Negroes  was  not  personal,  he  said.  A  successful  restaurant  must  watch 
closely  the  desires  of  its  patrons,  and  not  allow  anything  to  interfere  with  smooth 
running.  Complaints  are  made  after  each  appearance  of  Negroes.  He  did  not  know 
what  he  would  do  if  Negroes  insisted  on  being  served,  but  was  firm  that  no  Negro 
could  be  served  in  the  main  dining-rooms.  He  would  vary  procedure  to  suit  the 
circumstances. 

The  following  case,  illustrative  of  the  witnesses  and  testimony  necessary 
to  a  court  decision,  was  tried  before  Judge  Adams,  and  damages  of  $ioo  with 
costs  were  awarded: 

In  August,  1920,  Miss  Lillian  Beale,  Negro  secretary  to  Miss  Amelia  Sears, 
white,  superintendent  of  the  United  Charities,  went  as  the  guest  of  her  employer 
to  a  candy  shop  and  lunch  room  on  Michigan  Avenue.  They  seated  themselves  and 
remained  for  two  hours  without  service.  During  this  time  several  friends  of  Miss 
Sears  came  in,  were  served  and  left,  all  of  them  commenting  on  the  apparently  delib- 
erate oversight  of  the  party.  They  remained  for  some  time  and  left.  Suit  was 
brought  against  the  company,  supported  by  Miss  Sears  and  her  friends.  At  the  first 
hearing  it  was  stated  that  the  waitress  was  ill  at  a  hospital  in  Cincinnati.  The 
judge,  however,  was  insistent,  and  she  was  produced.  When  placed  on  the  stand 
she  admitted,  contrary  to  the  expectations  of  the  management,  that  she  had  been 
ordered  by  the  management  not  to  serye  any  colored  persons  at  any  time.  Miss 
Beale  was  awarded  and  collected  damages  of  $100  and  costs. 

Eight  months  later,  in  July,  1921,  a  test  was  made  of  the  same  restaurant. 
Two  Negro  women  went  together  to  ;he  restaurant,  and  a  white  woman 
observer  went  along  to  watch  what  might  happen.  Their  reports  agree  and 
are  as  follows: 

Time,  one  o'clock.  Restaurant  50  pet  cent  fiUed.  Mrs.  L —  and  Mrs.  S — 
came  in  and  seated  themselves  at  a  table  for  t^  vo  near  the  center  of  the  room.  Waitress 
followed  usual  routine  of  bringing  water,  taking  order,  etc.     Service  of  a  table  d'  h6te 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  313 

luncheon  was  prompt  and  courteous.  No  inattention  was  observed,  nor  any  dis- 
turbance on  part  of  neighbors.  Two  white  women  came  in  and  seated  themselves 
at  the  next  table,  though  there  were  several  others  vacant. 

Two  other  Negro  women  and  a  white  observer  were  sent  to  another  restau- 
rant operating  under  the  same  firm  name.  It  was  reported  by  the  white 
observer  as  follows: 

Restaurant  two  thirds  filled — 12  o'clock.  Mostly  women  patrons,  though  a 
fair  number  of  men  alone,  and  of  couples  use  this  restaurant.  Mrs.  T —  and  her 
friend  came  in  through  the  long  passage  by  the  candy  counter,  and  crossed  to  a  table 
for  two  in  the  middle  of  the  room.  The  manager,  who  is  a  young  women  of  consider- 
able poise  and  ability,  came  at  once  and  gave  them  water,  took  their  order,  and  later 
served  them.  Two  young  white  women  at  an  adjoining  table  moved,  but  it  may  have 
been  because  they  were  sitting  with  strangers  and  preferred  a  table  for  two.  After 
finishing  my  lunch,  I  joined  Mrs.  T — •  and  her  friend,  and  the  manager  kept  us 
under  observation,  but  nothing  was  said. 

In  a  subsequent  interview  with  the  manager  at  the  general  office  of  this 
chain  of  tea  rooms  cautiously  worded  replies  were  made  to  questions,  with 
constant  reiteration  of  the  statement,  "But  you  know  we  must  serve  them." 
In  general  it  was  said: 

Negro  patrons  are  infrequent,  and  there  has  been  no  noticeable  increase.  After 
many  cases,  complaint  is  made  by  white  patrons,  either  in  person  or  by  letter,  to 
the  effect  that  if  the  tea  room  caters  to  Negroes,  the  white  patrons  will  no  longer  use 
it.  They  had  never  known  of  a  case  of  objectionable  conduct  but  whites  simply 
objected  to  their  presence. 

No  instructions  were  given  waitresses,  but  each  case  was  handled  by  the  head 
waitress  as  it  occurred.  Some  girls  made  no  objections  to  waiting  on  Negroes,  and 
some  refused  to  do  it,  but  each  attitude  is  individual,  and  not  from  instructions. 
No  question  that  Negro  patronage  would  hurt  any  high-grade  place,  as  white  patrons 
woidd  be  likely  to  leave.  Rights  did  not  enter  into  the  problem — simply  a  matter 
of  profitable  business. 

Interviews  with  managers  of  tea  rooms  in  department  stores  brought  out 
uniformity  of  attitude  and  of  practice,  as  is  shown  in  the  following  reports : 

The  manager  of  one  tea  room  is  a  young  woman  of  considerable  experience. 
She  was  emphatic  in  saying  that  Negroes  were  not  wanted,  and  that  every  effort 
would  be  made  to  discourage  their  coming.  Considerable  personal  feeling  was 
manifested  in  her  statements. 

Not  enough  Negroes  can  afford  to  pay  the  prices  in  high-grade  restaurants  to 
make  them  a  real  problem,  and  stray  cases  are  handled  as  they  appear.  The  effort 
was  made  to  make  them  feel  uncomfortable  so  they  would  not  return.  Slow  service, 
indifferent  attention  were  given,  but  there  was  no  overcharging,  and  no  spoiling  of 
food. 

Had  never  observed  any  objectionable  conduct.  Objections  of  white  patrons 
was  only  reason.  Especially  difl^cult  in  summer,  when  many  southern  white  people 
come  to  Chicago  as  a  summer  resort. 


314  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Waitresses  are  largely  young  married  women  -nath  spare  time.  Manager  finds 
them  more  unwilling  than  regular  waitresses  to  give  service  to  Negroes. 

At  another  tea  room  practically  the  same  statements  were  made,  and  the 
following  instance  was  given:  "Last  winter  a  telephone  reservation  was  made 
for  a  large  luncheon  party — about  forty.  When  the  group  arrived,  it  was  a 
club  of  colored  women.  Screens  were  placed  around  the  tables,  and  luncheon 
served.  A  rule  was  then  made  and  enforced  that  no  telephone  reservations 
would  be  made." 

Following  are  reports  from  investigators  seeking  to  learn  at  which  restau- 
rants, tea  rooms,  and  lunch  coimters,  service  would  be  given  to  Negroes : 

We  had  been  shopping  down  town,  and  went  into 's  on  State  Street  to  get 

a  light  lunch.  There  were  vacant  tables  and  we  sat  down.  No  one  came  to  wait 
on  us.  After  waiting  until  several  persons  who  had  come  in  after  us  had  been  served, 
I  went  to  one  of  the  men  who  appeared  to  be  the  manager,  and  asked  him  why  we 
were  not  served.  He  did  not  respond  very  cordially,  but  sent  a  girl.  We  ordered 
several  dishes  from  the  card,  and  were  told  that  they  were  "just  out."  Although  orders 
were  being  served,  the  girl  stated  that  they  were  "just  out"  of  everything  we  ordered. 
To  cover  our  embarrassment,  we  practically  begged  her  to  serve  us  cups  of  chocolate. 
She  gave  us  the  chocolate  and  our  check;  we  paid  it  and  left. 

Mrs.  T —  and  Mrs.  —  were  served  promptly  and  without  incident  in  a  well- 
known  candy  store  in  the  shopping  district  on  State  Street.  Mrs.  T —  says  that 
for  many  years  this  place  has  been  known  for  its  courtesy  to  colored  people.  Soon 
after  it  was  opened,  about  World's  Fair  year,  Mrs.  — ,  a  Negro  woman,  was  refused 
service  by  a  waitress.  She  reported  the  fact  to  the  owner,  who  investigated,  and  find- 
ing her  statement  correct,  discharged  the  waitress.  He  made  the  rule  that  every 
patron  was  entitled  to  prompt,  courteous  service,  and  that  discharge  would  follow 
any  justified  complaint.  Although  the  store  has  been  vmder  other  management 
for  many  years,  later  adding  light  luncheons  to  candy  and  soft  drinks,  the  tradition 
has  continued.  Mrs.  T —  says  neither  waitress  nor  patrons  paid  any  attention 
to  the  serving  of  two  colored  women. 

This  case,  involving  three  races,  was  reported  from  one  of  the  Chinese 
restaurants  on  South  Wabash  Avenue: 

About  7 :  CO  p.m.  we  entered  a  Chinese  restaurant.  There  were  three  or  four  white 
couples  eating  in  the  main  dining-room,  and  two  in  booths.  A  Japanese  waiter 
ushered  us  toward  the  furthest  booth  at  the  rear  of  the  room.  "I  prefer  sitting  in 
the  main  dining-room,"  I  said.  He  replied,  "I  can't  serve  you  here."  "Why?" 
"These  seats  are  reserved.  I  will  serve  you  in  there  [pointing  to  the  booth]  but  not 
out  here."    We  left. 

One  of  the  largest  chains  of  cafeterias  in  Chicago  is  noted  for  the  fairness 
of  its  treatment  of  Negroes,  but  even  here  there  are  exceptions.  One  of  the 
Commission's  staff  observed  two  incidents  within  a  short  time  in  the  same 
cafeteria  of  this  system  and  reported  them  as  follows: 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  31S 

Just  in  line  before  me  was  a  small,  quiet,  well-dressed  colored  woman.  She  passed 
the  checker,  carried  her  tray  to  an  unoccupied  table,  and  then  counted  her  check. 
She  took  her  tray  back  to  the  checker,  and  made  complaint  of  overcharge.  The 
checker  did  not  recount,  or  explain,  simply  saying,  "That  is  our  price."  The  woman 
went  back  to  her  table,  ate,  paid,  and  went  out  without  further  protest. 

A  few  nights  later,  I  noticed  two  young,  well-mannered  colored  girls  at  a  nearby 
table.  As  I  went  out  I  met  the  manager  and  said  to  him,  "Do  many  Negroes  come 
here  to  eat?"  He  said,  "No,  occasionally  they  come  in,  but  they  don't  come  back 
more  than  once,  or  at  most  twice."  "  How  do  you  manage  it  ?  "  "Well,  under  the  law, 
we  can't  refuse  to  let  them  eat,  but  we  can  charge  them  any  price  we  like.  The  first 
time  we  charge  them  enough  to  keep  them  from  coming  back.  Then  if  they  persist 
and  come  again,  as  soon  as  they  go  down  the  line,  I  see  to  it  that  something  is  put  in 
their  food  which  makes  it  taste  bad — salt  or  Epsom  salts.  They  never  come  back 
after  that."  After  a  pause  he  added,  "You  know  we  are  within  the  law.  We  can't 
have  them  coming  here — it  would  ruin  our  trade." 

In  the  inexpensive  restaurants  on  the  edge  of  the  "Loop, "  various  practices 
are  followed,  as  indicated  by  the  following  reports: 

Miss  B.  S.  met  a  friend  and  went  into  the Cafeteria  on  Lake  Street,  near 

State,  upstairs.  They  were  served,  but  the  waiter  put  screens  aroimd  their  table 
while  they  were  eating. 

In  May,  192 1, 1  went  to  a  lunchroom  on  Van  Buren  Street  to  get  a  lunch  at  noon. 
Six  or  seven  men  were  at  the  counter,  and  were  served  as  fast  as  they  came  in.  Finally 
all  seats  were  filled  and  three  waiters  were  doing  nothing,  so  I  asked  to  be  served. 
The  waiter  pretended  not  to  hear  me,  then  said  roughly,  "What  do  you  want?" 
I  said,  "I  do  not  know  until  I  get  a  bill  of  fare."  He  pitched  it  at  me  and  I  asked  for 
some  baked  beans.  He  stuck  his  head  through  the  chef's  window  and  gave  my 
,x)rder.  He  brought  me  a  plate  on  which  were  fourteen  beans,  and  one  small  roll. 
I  asked  for  a  glass  of  water  and  he  brought  me  a  half-glass.  I  asked  for  butter 
(which  had  been  served  with  two  roUs  to  white  patrons)  and  he  said  it  would  cost 
me  a  nickel.  He  said  with  emphasis,  "It  will  cost  you  a  nickel."  I  said,  "You  give  me 
the  butter,  and  then  watch  me  and  see  if  I  pay  for  it."  I  asked  for  some  pie  and  he 
gave  me  a  piece  about  half  the  size  he  was  serving  the  others.  Then  he  said  again, 
"Remember  that  butter  will  cost  you  a  nickel  extra."  I  said,  "I  won't  pay  it."  He 
said,  "You  wiU  pay  for  that  dinner  before  you  eat  a  bite  of  it."  I  said,  "No  chance, 
because  I  am  not  going  to  pay  you  at  all,  either  before  or  after  I  eat.  After  I  have 
finished  I  wiU  pay  the  cashier  at  the  desk."  He  looked  at  me  hard  and  I  kept  on  eating. 
Then  he  threw  me  dovm  a  check  for  25  cents.  I  said,  "Brother,  you  are 
wrong.  My  bill  is  only  20  cents.  Your  menu  says  beans  are  15  cents  and  pie  is 
5  cents,  and  you  gave  me  only  one  roll  when  to  all  of  the  others  you  served  two." 
He  said  again,  "I  told  you  your  butter  would  cost  you  a  nickel."  I  said,  "Now,  you 
watch  me  right  close  when  I  go  out  and  see  if  I  pay  for  it."  I  told  the  cashier  that 
my  check  called  for  25  cents  when  it  should  be  20,  "beans  1 5,  pie  5,  and  if  you  can  make 
25  out  of  that  all  right."  She  said,  "You  know  I  have  to  collect  what  the  check  calls 
for,  or  else  make  good  myself."  I  told  her  I  appreciated  her  position  but  would  not  pay 
25  cents  for  a  20-cent  lunch.    Then  my  waiter  stepped  up  with  an  iron  tap  in  his  hand, 


3i6  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

and  said,  "I  told  you  that  butter  wovdd  cost  you  a  nickel,  and  now  you  pay  it  or  else 

."   I  said,  I  wUl  "else,"  and  laid  down  twenty  cents  and  walked  out.    At  the  door 

he  gave  me  a  push  but  did  not  strike  me. 

The  white  proprietor  of  a  drug-store  in  a  residence  neighborhood  volun- 
teered this  story  to  a  member  of  the  Commission's  staff: 

Several  years  ago,  there  was  a  fine  old  colored  man  who  used  to  come  in  frequently 
to  buy  drugs,  suppUes,  etc.  One  day  he  came  in  with  his  wife,  sat  down  at  one  of  the 
little  tables,  and  asked  for  soda  water.  My  clerk  refused  to  serve  them,  and  the 
idea  occurred  to  me  that  I  would  serve  them  myself  in  such  a  way  that  there  would 
be  no  possibility  that  they  woiild  ever  come  back.  I  compounded  a  vile  concoction 
and  served  it  to  them.  They  tasted  it,  paid  for  it,  thanked  me,  and  went  out  without 
making  any  complaint.  I  have  never  got  over  feeling  mean  about  it.  I  not  only 
humiliated  them,  and  insulted  them,  but  I  cheated  them  out  of  their  money. 

An  instance  of  unusual  absence  of  friction  in  contacts  under  conditions 
which  might  be  expected  to  produce  it  was  given  by  a  white  woman  who  visited 
a  restaurant  patronized  by  many  whites  and  Negroes: 

In  talking  with  Mr.  0 —  he  asked  me,  "Would  you  consider  it  possible  that 
you  would  voluntarily  go  into  a  restaurant  and  eat  your  lunch  where  you  might 
have  a  Negro  sitting  on  the  next  stool,  or  perhaps  one  on  either  side  of  you  at  a  table  ?  " 
I  answered  promptly,  "No,  I  can't  imagine  it."  He  said,  "A  year  ago  I  wouldn't 
have  imagined  such  a  thing  possible  myself,  but  now  I  do  it  quite  frequently.  There 
is  a  restaurant  across  the  street  from  my  office,  right  here  in  the  heart  of  the  Negro 
district,  which  a  few  years  ago  was  a  very  good  one,  with  regidar  table  service,  excellent 
food,  and  aU  the  rest.  Last  year  it  was  changed  into  a  sort  of  a  cafeteria,  with  a  Ivmch 
counter  down  one  side,  and  some  tables.  You  get  your  knife  and  fork,  go  to  the 
serving  counter,  and  a  man  gives  you  on  a  plate  whatever  you  order.  The  other  day 
I  found  myself  between  two  colored  men,  and  took  a  good  look  at  the  restaurant. 
There  is  absolutely  no  disturbance,  or  even  consciousness  of  any  reason  for  disturb- 
ance." 

Today  I  decided  I  would  try  it  myself.  The  restaurant  has  no  frills;  it  is  simply 
an  eating-place.  I  chose  a  comer  seat  at  a  table,  because  I  could  see  aU  over  the  room. 
As  I  sat  down,  a  courteous  arm  reached  across  the  table  to  shove  back  the  used  dishes. 
I  looked  up  to  say  "thank  you,"  and  found  a  good-looking  young  colored  man 
opposite.  No  further  attention  was  paid  to  me,  nor  was  there  any  consciousness 
in  his  face,  other  than  courtesy.  In  a  few  minutes,  two  young  white  truck  drivers 
took  the  other  places  at  my  table.  They  were  in  working  jeans,  and  except  that  the 
color  was  blue  instead  of  khaki,  looked  just  like  the  young  soldiers  in  transport  service 
who  used  to  come  into  my  canteen  in  France.  At  the  next  table  was  a  quietly  dressed 
young  colored  girl  eating  her  lunch  in  a  business-like  way.  A  young  white  father 
brought  in  his  httle  daughter.  At  the  long  lunch  counter  were  neighborhood  business 
men,  white  and  colored,  some  professional  men,  each  taking  whatever  stool  happened 
to  be  vacant.  Occasionally  a  truck  driver  or  roughly  dressed  working  man  came  in. 
Even  the  white  dandy,  immaculate  in  linen  and  with  a  cane  hooked  over  his  arm, 
took  his  cup  of  coffee  to  the  counter  and  sat  between  a  laborer  and  a  business  man. 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  317 

In  theaters,  as  in  restaurants,  there  are  petty  evasions  of  the  law,  disagree- 
able encounters,  and  small  but  insistent  snobberies.  A  colored  investigator 
reported  the  result  of  a  test  of  the  purchase  of  tickets  for  a  play  which  had 
had  a  long  run,  as  follows: 

On  July  5  I  went  down  to  the theater  and  asked  the  ticket  seller  if  I  could 

get  two  seats  for  Thursday  or  Friday  night  between  the  third  and  ninth  rows,  center. 
She  hunted  out  two  seats  in  the  ninth  row  for  Thursday.  I  said,  "If  you  have  them 
I  would  prefer  them  for  Friday."     I  asked  the  price,  paid  her,  and  she  thanked  me. 

Friday,  I  went  to  the  theater,  and  handed  the  doorman  my  tickets.  He  tore  off 
the  coupons,  and  directed  me  to  the  main-floor  door.  The  lady  usher  seated  us  three 
rows  from  the  back  on  the  aisle.  I  counted  and  found  that  I  was  in  the  seventeenth 
row.  I  went  to  the  usher  and  said,  "I  beg  your  pardon,  but  you  seated  me  in  the 
wrong  place."  She  took  the  coupons,  said,  "  Wait  a  second, "  and  started  out  with 
them.  I  foUowed  to  see  that  she  did  not  exchange  my  coupons.  She  went  to  the 
lobby  and  talked  with  the  manager.  He  looked  at  me  and  said,  "Well,  seat  them; 
there  is  nothing  else  to  do  now."  She  went  back,  gave  my  coupons  to  another  usher, 
who  asked  her  if  I  was  to  be  seated  in  the  seats  the  coupons  called  for.  She  answered, 
"I  guess  so."  Then  we  were  shown  to  the  correct  seats.  There  was  no  protest  from 
those  around  us. 

The  manager  of  this  theater  was  later  interviewed.  He  had  been  in  Chicago 
only  a  few  months  and  was  not  at  all  interested  in  the  general  question  of 
race  relations,  but  was  decided  in  his  opinion  that  the  attendance  of  Negroes 
in  any  high-class  theater  was  not  desirable.  His  views  were  about  as  follows: 
Not  many  Negroes  buy  seats  down  stairs.  Usually  the  ticket  seller  gives  them 
tickets  in  the  balcony  or  gallery  and  on  the  side  aisles.  Usually  had  complaints 
from  white  patrons  if  they  found  a  Negro  seated  near  them,  especially  if  there  were 
ladies  in  the  party.  It  was  not  that  the  conduct  of  the  Negroes  was  objectionable, 
but  their  mere  presence  was  objectionable.  If  Negroes  present  tickets  for  the  best 
main-floor  seats,  ushers  try  to  put  them  in  less  conspicuous  places.  If  they  insist 
on  taking  their  seats  as  shown  on  tickets,  nothing  can  be  done.  If  white  patrons 
object,  every  effort  is  made  to  change  their  seats.  Usual  objection  is  offensive  odor 
and  proximity. 

In  making  the  study  of  theaters,  certain  tests  were  established.  A  Negro 
would  ask  at  the  box-office  for  seats  on  the  main  floor  within  certain  rows 
and  on  the  aisle.  In  the  preceding  report  it  will  be  noted  that  seats  were  sold 
readily,  but  some  difficulty  was  found  in  using  them.  In  the  next  report, 
conditions  were  reversed : 

Mr.  J — ,  Negro,  asked  for  tickets,  and  was  told  that  there  was  nothing  on  the 
main  floor  further  in  front  than  the  twenty-third  row.  Miss  H— ,  white,  who  was 
standing  by  him  as  he  made  the  request,  and  heard  the  answer,  moved  up  to  the  win- 
dow and  was  immediately  and  without  any  remark,  sold  tickets  in  the  seventeenth 
row  on  the  aisle. 


3i8  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

These  tickets  were  presented  by  Mr.  and  Mrs.  S— ,  Negroes.  They  report: 
We  arrived  at  8:15,  five  minutes  before  the  opening  of  the  performance.  The 
ticket  taker  tore  off  our  stubs  and  returned  them  to  us  without  any  hesitancy.  The 
ushers,  who  were  women,  glanced  at  the  seat  numbers  and  directed  us  to  our  seats, 
which  were  in  a  very  conspicuous  location  on  the  first  floor.  They  were  in  the  seven- 
teenth row,  on  the  aisle.  The  people  around  us,  even  the  ones  immediately  next  to 
us,  were  not  in  the  least  concerned  at  our  presence.  The  treatment  accorded  us  in 
general  could  not  have  been  surpassed. 

A  different  report  comes  from  another  "Loop"  theater,  which  has  always 
been  rather  conservative  in  the  standard  of  plays  which  it  presents: 

My  husband  and  I  wished  to  see  a  play  at Theater,  and  bought  seats  several 

days  in  advance  that  we  might  have  a  choice.  When  we  were  shown  to  our  seats, 
however,  we  were  surprised  to  find  that  our  tickets  called  for  seats  in  the  gallery, 
and  in  a  corner  which  did  not  afford  a  view,  and  made  them  more  than  undesirable. 
We  noticed  that  there  were  several  vacant  seats  in  the  balcony,  also  on  the  first  floor. 
My  husband  went  to  the  box  ofl&ce  and  tried  to  exchange  the  seats.  The  ticket 
seller  refused  to  make  the  exchange  and  also  became  insiilting  in  his  remarks  to  us. 
Afterwards  we  made  the  attempt  to  secure  seats  on  the  first  floor  of  this  same  theater 
several  days  in  advance  of  the  performance  which  we  wished  to  attend.  We  were 
told  there  were  no  seats  on  the  first  floor  which  we  covdd  get. 

A  contrasting  experience  follows: 

On  Tuesday  I  went  to  the Theater,  and  applied  for  two  tickets  on  the  main 

floor,  center  aisle,  between  the  third  and  eleventh  rows.  The  ticket  seller  stated 
poUtely  that  he  had  two  tickets  in  the  ninth  row  on  the  left.  When  we  attended 
the  performance,  nothing  unusual  occurred.  Other  patrons  made  no  comment, 
and  in  no  way  cotdd  we  observe  any  objection  made  to  our  presence.  There  were 
no  other  Negroes  at  the  performance. 

Reports  of  investigators  indicate  that  the  managers  of  movies  are  convinced 
that  their  main  floors,  at  least,  should  be  guarded  against  Negroes.  In  most 
of  the  commercial  amusement  places,  Negroes  seldom  have  difficulty  if  they 
are  willing  to  sit  in  the  balcony,  though  attempts  are  frequently  made  to  seat 
them  on  the  aisles  next  to  the  walls,  even  when  there  are  center  seats  empty. 
It  is  rare  that  any  report  is  obtained  of  objections  by  white  patrons  to  the 
actual  presence  of  Negroes  when  they  are  well-mannered,  well-dressed,  and 
appreciative  auditors. 

As  a  rule  movie  theaters  do  not  sell  reserved  seats,  general  admission 
entitling  any  patron  to  any  seat  in  the  house.  But  the  following  detailed 
report  of  the  experience  of  two  intelligent,  well-dressed,  quiet-mannered  Negro 
women  at  a  new  movie  theater  on  State  Street  is  typical: 

Purchased  tickets,  and  entered  the  large  lobby  which  extends  across  the  front  of 
the  house.  From  this  lobby  there  are  closed  doors  at  the  entrance  of  several  aisles, 
so  that  patrons  are  directed  by  ushers  to  different  aisles,  supposedly  wherever  there 
are  vacant  seats.     We  followed  directions,  and  went  to  the  extreme  left  of  the  lobby. 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  319 

We  opened  the  door,  and  the  usher  in  charge  of  this  aisle  started  down  toward  the 
front  to  show  us  seats.  We  saw  at  once  that  the  narrow  section  of  seats  next  to  the 
wall  was  empty  except  for  one  colored  woman  sitting  about  the  middle  of  the  section. 
Instead  of  foUowdng  the  usher  down  the  aisle,  and  taking  seats  indicated  to  the  right 
of  this  section,  we  turned  through  a  row  of  empty  seats  on  the  left-hand  section,  and 
sat  next  to  a  woman  in  the  aisle  seat.  This  put  us  two  rows  from  the  rear  in  a  side 
middle  section,  instead  of  in  the  section  which  seemed  to  be  reserved  for  colored 
patrons,  next  to  the  wall.  As  the  usher  returned  to  his  station  he  said,  "We  have 
some  lovely  seats  in  the  balcony;  wouldn't  you  prefer  sitting  there  ?"  He  was  courte- 
ous, and  I  thanked  him,  telling  him  that  we  were  quite  satisfied  with  the  seats  we 
had  taken. 

Later,  seeing  two  vacant  seats  further  front  in  the  center  section  which  gave 
us  a  much  better  view  we  decided  to  take  them  and  see  what  would  happen.  As  we 
rose,  the  usher  tried  to  block  us  by  putting  his  hands  on  the  back  of  the  seat  in  front, 
and  saying,  "I  am  sorry  that  you  can't  take  those  seats."  I  brushed  by  him  and  took 
one  of  the  seats.  He  tried  the  same  thing  with  Mrs.  H — ,  and  she  also  brushed  by 
and  joined  me.  There  were  scattered  vacant  seats  both  in  the  section  we  left  and  the 
one  to  which  we  moved.  We  remained  until  the  end  of  the  show  without  embarrass- 
ment. 

The  manager  of  this  theater  has  had  many  years  of  experience  in  Chicago, 
and  was  quite  willing  to  discuss  race  contacts.  Nothing  in  his  words  would 
indicate  any  strong  prejudice  against  Negroes,  even  when  expressing  his 
conviction  that  they  should  keep  to  places  intended  especially  for  them.  He 
said,  in  substance: 

Not  many  Negroes  buy  tickets — ^perhaps  ten  or  a  dozen  a  day.  An  efifort  is 
made  to  seat  them  in  one  section  of  the  house,  preferably  the  balcony,  to  which  they 
are  directed  by  ushers.  Reason  is  the  complaint  by  white  patrons  who  object  to 
sitting  next  to  them  for  an  hoiu",  or  hour  and  a  half.  Offensive  odor  reason  usually 
given.  White  patrons  often  complain  to  manager  as  they  go  out  if  Negro  has  been 
sitting  near  them. 

Conduct  of  Negroes  is  not  often  objectionable — runs  about  the  same  as  all  patrons. 
Occasionally  one  tries  to  "start  something."  Recently  two  Negroes  came  to  manager 
in  crowded  lobby  after  they  had  attended  the  show  and  objected  to  their  seats  on 
the  balcony  to  which  they  had  been  sent  by  ushers,  saying  there  were  vacant  seats 
on  the  main  floor.  Wanted  to  know  why  they  were  discriminated  against.  Manager 
did  not  want  an  argument  in  the  presence  of  other  patrons,  and  told  them  that  as 
they  had  seen  the  show,  heard  the  music,  and  shared  everything  with  other  patrons, 
he  did  not  see  they  had  any  real  cause  for  complaint.  Called  attention  to  the  notice 
printed  on  almost  every  theater  ticket  in  some  form  or  other  to  the  effect  that  the 
management  reserves  the  right  to  revoke  the  Ucense  granted  in  the  sale  of  the  ticket, 
by  refunding  the  money  paid. 

The  same  two  women  bought  tickets  the  next  day  and  attended  a  movie 
in  an  older  and  very  popular  "Loop"  theater.  They  reported  that  they  had  no 
difficulty  of  any  kind. 


320  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

On  a  test  made  of  a  new  and  popular  movie  theater  in  an  outlying  section 
the  investigator  reported : 

There  were  four  of  us  in  the  party  on  June  5.  We  were  told  by  the  usher  that 
there  were  no  seats  on  the  first  floor,  and  that  we  would  find  seats  in  the  first  balcony. 
I  think  he  was  right,  for  there  were  white  people  also  sent  to  the  balcony.  We  were 
ushered  in  promptly,  but  another  usher  met  us  and  said,  "Right  on  up  to  the  second 
balcony."  We  said  we  preferred  seats  in  the  first  balcony,  and  walked  by  him. 
He  went  and  got  two  more  ushers  and  stood  in  front  of  us  to  prevent  us  from  going 
into  the  first  balcony,  insisting  that  there  were  no  seats  there.  One  of  the  young 
ladies  stepped  around  the  usher,  and  saw  three  vacant  seats.  She  called  them  to 
the  attention  of  the  usher,  and  he  then  said  he  meant  there  were  no  seats  for  four. 
Two  of  our  party  took  those  seats,  and  the  other  two  waited  about  twenty  minutes 
till  they  could  get  the  seats  they  wanted.  After  getting  into  the  first  balcony,  we 
saw  vacant  seats  in  at  least  four  rows,  two,  three,  and  four  seats  together  into  which 
we  might  quietly  have  gone  had  the  usher  been  courteous. 

On  June  18,  1920,  a  well-known  Negro  employed  in  the  City  Hall  was 
denied  admission  to  a  movie  theater  at  Halsted  and  Sixty-third  streets.  There 
is  a  small  but  long-established  Negro  colony  about  a  mile  west  of  this  location. 

In  business  places  of  various  kinds,  contacts  are  determined  largely  by 
the  kind  of  service  offered.  Department-store  managers  questioned  by 
investigators  concerning  their  Negro  patronage  and  the  use  of  Negro  girls  as 
clerks,  stated  that  the  public  had  definite  preferences,  and  probably  would 
not  willingly  tolerate  Negroes  either  as  patrons  or  as  clerks.  In  stores  selling 
general  merchandise,  courteous  treatment  is,  as  a  rule,  accorded  to  Negro 
patrons,  although  there  are  occasional  annoying  incidents.  The  attitude 
then  taken  is  determined  by  the  standing  and  influence  of  the  Negroes  dis- 
criminated against.     For  instance : 

At  one  of  the  largest  department  stores,  two  Negro  women,  both  school  teachers, 
were  refused  service  in  the  basement  shoe  department.  The  clerks  refused  to  fit 
shoes  for  them.  A  Negro  alderman  became  interested  in  this  case,  and  because  of 
refusal  of  service,  canceled  his  account. 

The  wife  of  a  prominent  Negro  attorney  went  into  a  State  Street  candy  store 
and  was  flatly  refused  service.    Her  husband  brought  suit  and  got  damages. 

Miss  V —  was  refused  service  at  a  large  State  Street  department  store  by  one 
of  the  clerks.  The  manager  was  interviewed  and  the  clerk  reprimanded  and  trans- 
ferred.   On  the  second  visit,  Miss  V —  received  attention. 

In  residence  areas  which  are  largely  white,  certain  stores  practice  a  peculiar 
subversion  of  the  law  in  the  effort  to  regulate  contacts.  A  Negro  resident  of 
Woodlawn  stated  that  his  seven-year-old  daughter  had  gone  to  the  store  to 
purchase  goods  for  a  costume  to  wear  at  a  school  entertainment.  She  was 
given  material  for  which  she  had  not  asked,  which  she  did  not  want,  and  for 
which  she  was  overcharged.  Frightened  at  the  manners  of  the  clerk,  she  took 
it.  When  it  was  returned,  the  clerk  was  extremely  abusive,  and  told  her  that 
colored  people  were  not  wanted  in  the  store.    The  little  girl  had,  according 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  321 

to  her  parents,  made  a  mistake  in  entering  the  store.  Her  parents  were 
acquainted  with  the  attitude  of  the  management  and  avoided  the  place. 
In  the  following  reports,  there  is  evident  the  sense  of  injustice  felt  by  both 
whites  and  Negroes  concerned  in  the  contacts: 

Miss  S.  T —  wrote  a  prominent  musical  college  and  made  arrangements  for 
taking  the  summer  normal-training  courses.  Her  tuition  fee  was  accepted,  and  the 
classes  arranged.  On  her  arrival,  the  manager  received  the  balance  of  her  money 
for  the  entire  course,  but  told  her  the  classes  she  wanted  were  full,  and  she  would  have 
to  take  private  lessons  with  another  teacher.  The  teacher  of  the  desired  classes 
told  her  the  manager  had  not  been  frank,  and  that  he  feared  the  objection  of  southern 
white  girls  in  the  classes.  Miss  T —  made  repeated  attempts  to  get  into  the  classes, 
but  each  time  was  told  to  apply  again.  This  she  did  until  it  was  too  late  to  catch 
up  with  her  back  work.    Other  pupils  were  given  prompt  admission  to  the  classes. 

Two  investigators  were  instructed  to  go  to  a  public  restroom  in  a  large 
ofl&ce  building  on  State  Street  where  there  are  many  small  shops  selling  women's 
wearing  apparel.     Their  experience  follows: 

On  Jvdy  6,  at  one  p.m.  with  Mrs.  H — ,  I  visited  the  pubUc  restroom  in  the 

building.  It  is  on  the  eleventh  floor,  on  the  main  hall,  and  the  door  to  the  suite 
of  rooms  stood  open.  On  one  side  of  the  entrance  hall  there  is  a  small  room  used 
for  a  shoe-shining,  with  a  Negro  in  attendance.  Next  on  the  same  side  is  a  large 
lavatory.  Facing  the  outside  door  is  the  entrance  to  the  restroom  proper,  which  is 
large  enough  for  ten  or  fifteen  women,  and  is  fitted  up  with  wicker  chairs,  lounge, 
table,  etc. 

As  we  were  about  to  enter  the  restroom,  the  woman  in  charge  stood  with  her  arm 
across  the  door,  and  said,  "You  are  not  to  go  in  there;  you  may  go  into  the  lavatory." 
We  asked  why,  and  she  said,  "Those  are  the  orders  of  the  office."     We  went  into ' 
the  restroom,  and  she  did  not  offer  any  opposition,  but  a  Uttle  later  came  to  us  and 
said,  "You  are  not  allowed  in  here.     You  will  have  to  see  the  manager." 

I  asked  the  attendant  for  the  manager's  name  and  room  munber,  which  she  gave 
me.  I  related  the  incident  to  him.  He  told  me  that  the  attendant  had  informed 
me  correctly,  that  the  eleventh-floor  restroom  was  reserved  for  "white  folks"  and  that 
"colored  folks"  were  not  allowed  to  use  it.  They  could  use  a  restroom  on  the  nine- 
teenth floor  set  aside  for  colored  employees  of  the  building,  and  for  any  "colored 
folks"  who  might  come  into  the  building.  He  said  it  was  one  of  the  "iron-clad  rules 
of  the  man  who  owned  the  building,"  and  that  "the  attendant  had  it  down  in  black 
and  white." 

Difficulties  of  this  sort  which  confront  Negroes  and  the  efforts  by  Negroes 
to  share  equal  treatment  in  public  accommodations  as  well  as  the  experiences 
met  with  when  cases  reach  the  courts  were  commented  upon  by  Judge  Cook, 
of  the  municipal  court,  in  testimony  before  the  Commission.     He  said: 

During  the  earlier  part  of  1918  I  sat  in  what  was  known  as  the  criminal  jury 
branch.  That  is  the  branch  to  which  were  assigned  all  criminal  cases  in  the  municipal 
court  where  the  defendants  demanded  a  trial  by  jury  and  were  not  tried  at  the  police 
station.  Among  them  were  cases  involving  violations  of  what  is  known  as  the 
civil-rights  law,  where  a  colored  man  had  a  druggist  or  the  proprietor  of  a  moving 


322  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

pictvire  or  legitimate  theater  arrested  for  refusing  to  serve  him  soda  water  or  refresh- 
ments at  the  drug  store  or  to  furnish  him  admission  by  ticket  at  a  movie  or  legitimate 
theater,  or  if  he  did  furnish  him  admission  by  selling  him  a  ticket,  limiting  the  ticket 
which  he  would  sell  to  some  undesirable  portion  of  the  house  or  to  the  gallery  and  not 
to  the  main  floor,  claiming  that  the  theater  was  crowded  downstairs  and  that  there 
were  no  seats. 

I  suppose  I  tried  during  the  early  part  of  1918  and  the  summer  of  1919  probably 
a  half-dozen  of  those  civil-rights  cases.  In  every  one  of  them  that  I  tried,  there  was 
virtually  a  clear  case  against  the  defendant.  The  jury  in  every  instance  was  practi- 
cally a  white  jury,  or  may  have  had  one  or  two  colored  men.  Notwithstanding  that 
I  gave  very  positive  and  clear  instructions  as  to  what  the  law  was — to  wit,  that  they 
were  entitled  to  equal  rights  and  privileges  in  pubhc  places  and  that  if  the  jury  believed 
from  the  evidence  that  the  plaintiff  was  not  accorded  such  right,  there  was  a  violation 
of  the  law  and  the  defendant  should  be  punished,  and  after  elaborate  argument  by 
counsel  for  both  the  prosecution  and  the  defendant  (and  by  parenthesis  I  may  say 
in  aU  of  these  cases  the  state's  attorney  prosecuted  vigorously),  the  jury,  notwith- 
standing the  plain  evidence  and  the  instructions  of  the  court,  went  out  and  in  about 
such  time  as  it  would  take  them  to  sign  the  verdict  and  return  to  court,  would  bring 
in  a  verdict  of  "Not  Guilty." 

Of  course  in  the  criminal  court  in  a  case  of  that  kind,  the  jury  is  the  judge  of  both 
the  law  and  the  fact.  Therefore,  I  was  not  in  a  position  to  grant  a  new  trial.  The  white 
jury  simply  say  that  law  was  not  the  law  in  Illinois  or  they  would  not  convict  under 
such  circumstances,  and  having  once  acquitted  the  man  the  court  and  the  state  were 
without  any  remedy.    Now  I  have  always  thought  that  was  unjust. 

It  was  his  opinion  that  those  Negroes  who  did  bring  cases  into  court  made 
a  mistake  in  prosecuting  them  from  a  criminal  standpoint.  It  seemed  to  be, 
in  his  opinion,  hopeless  for  Negroes  to  assert  their  rights  through  the  criminal 
courts. 

Another  judge  of  long  experience  in  the  Chicago  courts  expressed  the 
view  that  few  Negroes  brought  in  cases  involving  discrimination.  He  thought 
that  especially  the  better  class  of  Negroes  would  not  bring  them  because  of 
the  unpleasantness  involved  and  because  the  damages  obtained  in  most  cases 
would  not  pay  the  attorney's  charges.  "Most  Negroes,"  he  said,  "have  found 
out  by  experience  what  the  actual  feeling  is  and  act  accordingly,  trying  to 
avoid  unpleasant  experiences  as  much  as  possible.  Although  there  would 
be  no  trouble  in  getting  a  verdict  in  any  clear  case,  the  amount  obtained 
would  not  compensate  for  the  trouble  involved."  He  did  not  beUeve  that 
any  jury  would  convict  a  white  defendant  on  a  criminal  charge  of  discrimina- 
tion. A  prominent  Negro  attorney,  who  formerly  held  a  responsible  state 
office,  in  giving  his  general  experience  said: 

In  cases  involving  only  Negroes  on  each  side,  both  judges  and  juries  will  act 
squarely  between  them;  in  cases  involving  white  defendants  and  Negro  plaintiffs, 
the  tendency  is  to  give  considerably  less  credibility  or  weight  to  Negro  testimony; 
in  cases  involving  Negro  defendants  and  white  plaintiffs,  the  tendency  is  to  give  more 
weight  to  white  testimony. 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  323 

He  stated  further  that  in  discrunination  cases,  where  the  law  had  been 
clearly  violated,  there  was  usually  no  difficulty  in  getting  a  verdict  and  damages 
for  $25  and  up,  but  that  he  did  not  care  much  about  handling  such  cases  and 
Negroes  did  not  care  to  push  them,  because  they  were  unpleasant  and  expensive. 

II.     "black  and  tan"  resorts 

The  intimate  association  of  Negroes  and  whites  in  the  cabarets  of  the  South 
Side  has  occasioned  frequent  and  heated  protests.  Negro  men  are  there  seen 
with  white  women  and  white  men  with  Negro  women.  Although  mixed  couples 
constitute  somewhat  less  than  10  per  cent  of  the  patronage,  this  mingling  is 
used  to  characterize  all  of  the  association  there.  These  resorts,  with  their 
liquor  selling  and  coarse  and  vulgar  dancing,  are  highly  dangerous  to  morals 
and  established  law  and  order,  and  a  nuisance  to  the  neighborhoods  in  which 
they  are  located.  They  are  used  as  amusement  places,  both  by  white  couples 
living  in  other  sections  of  the  city  and  by  Negro  couples  who  live  near  them. 
In  fact,  although  many  of  the  resorts  are  patronized  by  an  equal  number  of 
whites  and  Negroes,  the  actual  mixed  couples  are  few.  The  habitues  of  these 
resorts  are  usually  of  an  irresponsible  type  of  pleasure  seekers,  and  frequently 
they  are  vicious  and  immoral.  Newspapers  and  several  of  the  civic  agencies 
have  violently  criticized  these  places  as  a  menace,  but  in  their  attacks  the 
emphasis  has  usually  been  shifted  from  the  menace  to  morals  to  that  of  arousing 
sentiment  against  the  mingling  of  races.  The  police  on  numbers  of  occasions 
have  been  urged  to  close  the  places  in  which  this  form  of  association  took  place. 
In  most  cases  they  have  not  done  so,  stating  as  their  reason  that,  although 
mingling  was  undesirable,  there  was  no  law  prohibiting  such  contacts,  and  that 
evidence  of  violations  of  such  laws  as  those  concerning  liquor  selling  or  decency 
woidd  be  necessary  to  warrant  their  closing. 

During  1920  the  Negro  press  began  a  series  of  attacks  on  violations  of  law 
and  against  the  immoral  resorts  in  the  Negro  residence  areas,  including  the 
so-called  "black  and  tan"  cabarets,  some  of  which  were  the  most  notorious 
violators.  This  was  followed  by  similar  attacks  from  the  white  local  news- 
papers. The  emphasis  in  the  white  papers,  however,  was  on  the  race  mingUng. 
An  extract  from  one  of  the  articles  in  a  white  paper  is  given: 

"Lid"  a  Joke  as  Pekin  Shimmies  Defiance  of  Law 

liquor,  sirens,  jazz,  race  rainbow  riot  in  cafe 

"Lawless  liquor,"  sensuous  "shimmy,"  solicitous  sirens,  wrangling  waiters,  all 
the  tints  of  the  racial  rainbow,  black  and  tan  and  white,  dancing,  drinking,  singing, 
early  Simday  morning  at  the  Pekin  cafe,  2700  South  State  Street 

"black  and  tan  and  white" 

The  crowd  began  to  arrive.  In  came  a  mighty  black  man  with  two  white  girls. 
A  scarred  white  man  entered  with  three  girls,  two  young  and  painted,  the  other  merely 
painted. 


324  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Two  well  dressed  youths  hopped  up  the  stairs  with  two  timid  girls.  Seven  young 
men — they  looked  like  back  o'  the  Yards — came  with  two  women,  one  heavy  footed, 
the  other  laughing  hysterically. 

Two  fur-coated  "high  yaller"  girls  romped  up  with  a  slender  white  man.  An 
attorney  gazed  happily  on  the  party  through  horn  rimmed  glasses.  The  waiters 
called,  shouted,  whistled  when  each  party  arrived — a  fuU  table  meant  big  tips. 

At  one  o'clock  the  place  was  crowded.     Meanwhile  a  syncopating  colored  man 

had  been  vamping  cotton  field  blues  on  the  piano.     A  brown  girl  sang All 

the  tables  were  fiUed  at  two  o'clock,  black  men  with  white  girls,  white  men  wdth 
yeUow  girls,  old,  young,  all  filled  with  the  abandon  brought  about  by  Ulicit  whisky 
and  hquor  music The  Pekin  is  again  the  Pekin  of  years  ago.     Only  more  so. 

The  reply  of  a  Negro  newspaper  to  the  series  of  articles  in  the  white  press 
on  these  resorts  expresses  the  reactions  of  Negroes  to  this  view: 

Black  and  Tans  and  Race  Riots 

It  is  an  established  conviction  that  the  so-called  "intermingling  of  races"  in  the 
cabarets  of  the  South  Side  is  a  fruitful  source  of  riots.  To  those  whose  minds  are 
bent  in  this  belief,  the  fact  that  no  riot  has  ever  yet  started  in  one  of  them  is  of  little 
importance.  Men  beheve,  as  a  rule,  most  readily  what  they  earnestly  wish  to  beUeve. 
It  matters  little  how  absurd  the  proposition,  if  it  expresses  a  desire  they  will  make 
of  it  an  everlasting  verity  even  though  it  costs  them  the  kingdom  of  heaven.  And 
so  it  happens  that  we  are  told  that  the  Abyssinians  burned  a  flag  and  almost  precipi- 
tated a  race  riot  because  they  happened  be  to  standing  in  front  of  the  Entertainers' 
Cafe  where  Negroes  and  white  persons  dance  on  the  same  floor  and  occasionally 
together. 

To  carry  further  these  deductions  the  United  Cigar  Store  also  should  be  closed 
because  one  of  the  fanatics  shot  into  it  and  kiUed  a  white  man.  The  connection 
of  both  of  these  places  with  the  incident  is  just  about  the  same,  if  not  a  little  worse 
for  the  cigar  store. 

The  fury  back  of  complaints  like  that,  for  instance,  of  one  Mr.  Farwell  of  the  Law 
and  Order  League  invites  suspicion.  In  all  seriousness  what  is  this  crime  of  associa- 
tion for  which  Mr.  FarweU  would  have  these  places  closed?  If  demoralization  of 
character  is  more  certain  in  mixed  places  or  liquor  sold  more  openly  can  it  be  urged 
that  race  contact  is  responsible  ?  It  cannot.  The  sore  point  is  the  contact.  These 
places  are  located  in  the  most  densely  populated  Negro  neighborhoods.  Attendance 
is  voluntary  and  so  is  whatever  amount  of  association  that  follows.  There  is  no 
manhandUng  of  white  innocents  to  force  them  into  the  society  of  Negroes.  Neither 
do  Negroes  go  snooping  around  the  high  lights  of  the  West  or  North  sides  seeking 
white  companionship.  But  that  is  not  the  point.  When  this  antipathy  is  analyzed 
it  becomes  apparent  that  there  is  a  well  defined  intention  to  prove  that  any  relation- 
ship varying  too  sharply  from  the  master  and  servant  type  is  wrong.  It  is  the  yelp 
of  tribal  jealousy.  It  is  the  gaunt  denial  of  a  fallacious  orthodoxy  which  proclaims 
that  certain  instincts  will  keep  certain  persons  eternally  apart.  It  is  that  complex 
of  emotion  into  which  all  discussions  of  race  relations  resolve  themselves. 

The  resentment  of  Negroes  at  the  poorly  veiled  thrusts  is  perfectly  justifiable. 
However  unwholesome  to  morals  these  places  may  be  they  refuse  to  join  in  the 


RACIAL  CONTACTS  325 

chorus  of  hate  against  amusement  places  just  because  they  put  no  restraints  upon  their 
associations.  They  feel  that  they  are  human  and  at  Uberty  to  seek  pleasure  if  they 
so  desire  where  contacts  are  mutually  agreeable.  Those  who  do  not  care  for  this 
contact  will  stay  away.  Because  a  white  woman  will  dance  with  a  colored  man  or  a 
white  man  with  a  colored  woman  there  is  no  argument  that  a  riot  will  follow.  Persons 
who  dance  together  are  not  so  likely  to  fight  as  persons  who  stand  at  a  distance  and 
call  each  other  bad  names 

Rationally  considered  there  is  no  ground  for  these  contentions.  They  are 
insulting.  If  danger  is  ahead  for  the  city  when  the  Irish  and  Italians  visit  the  same 
places  of  amusement  or  the  Swedes  and  Lithuanians,  then  some  thought  wiU  be  given 
by  Negroes  to  eliminating  their  dangers.  There  is  no  point  to  calling  the  patrol 
because  Mr.  FarweU  and  the  News  think  it  compUcates  the  race  question. 

This  paper  condemned  all  of  these  places  because  they  were  nuisances  to  the 
neighborhood — the  blacks,  the  black  and  tans  and  the  whites — it  did  not  by  this  con- 
demnation imply  that  color  affects  morals. 

III.      CULTURAL  CONTACTS 

Contacts  of  whites  and  Negroes  in  institutions  of  learning,  general  cultural 
agencies,  and  meetings  ordinarily  involve  no  friction  and  are  frequently  directly 
beneficial  to  race  relations.  Many  Negroes  visit  and  use  the  public  libraries. 
In  fact,  instances  of  objections  on  the  part  of  the  public  in  this  institution 
appear  to  be  extremely  few.  In  the  reading-rooms  Negroes  sit  where  they 
wish,  and  no  objections  to  their  presence  are  noted.  At  a  branch  library 
on  Oakwood  Boulevard  over  70  per  cent  of  the  patronage  is  of  Negroes,  and, 
the  director  says,  very  cordial  relations  exist.  The  civil-service  system  has 
made  a  number  of  Negroes  eligible  for  positions  in  the  direct  public-service 
branches  of  the  city  government.  No  apparent  difficulties  or  objections  have 
resulted. 

The  University  of  Chicago  and  Northwestern  University  have  for  many 
years  had  Negro  students.  There  were  in  19  21  more  than  sixty  at  the  Uni- 
versity of  Chicago,  and,  although  many  southern  white  students  attend,  there 
have  been  no  conspicuous  difl&culties  resulting  from  the  associations.  On 
the  contrary,  certain  individual  Negroes  have  been  very  popular  with  the 
student  body.  During  the  1920  football  season  two  Negroes  were  members 
of  the  football  squad,  and  for  several  years  the  favorite  of  the  "track"  was 
Binga  Dismond,  a  Negro  runner. 

There  is  no  Negro  member  of  the  City  Club  or  of  the  Woman's  City  Club, 
although  the  question  of  admitting  Negroes  has  occasionally  been  discussed. 
The  Chicago  Woman's  Club  has  two  Negro  members,  one  for  more  than 
fifteen  years.  Negroes,  however,  have  been  welcomed  to  meetings  and  in 
some  instances  have  themselves  held  meetings  there. 

A  few  white  churches  have  several  Negro  members,  usually  of  long  standing. 
There  are  instances  of  white  churches  accepting  particular  Negro  members, 
with  some  apprehension  that  they  might  bring  friends.  The  Catholic  and 
Christian  Science  churches  welcome  the  presence  of  Negroes  at  their  services. 


326  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

There  is  no  Christian  Science  church  exclusively  for  Negroes,  and  several 
hundred  Negroes  attend  the  various  services  of  this  church. 

Many  of  the  more  definitely  intellectual  agencies  like  the  Chicago  Ethical 
Society,  the  Chicago  Rational  Society,  and  the  Sunday  Evening  Club  have 
regular  Negro  attendance.  At  the  Chicago  Rational  Society  one  of  the 
yoimg  hostesses  is  a  Negro. 

In  these  forms  of  contact  it  is  seldom,  if  ever,  that  Negroes  are  discourte- 
ously received.  This  may  be  due  to  the  relatively  high  class  of  whites  and 
Negroes  who  share  these  associations. 

IV.      CONTACTS   IN   CO-OPERATIVE   EFFORTS  FOR   RACE   BETTERMENT 

Most  of  the  important  social  organizations  and  agencies  of  the  city  which 
aim  definitely  at  the  improvement  of  the  Negro  group  have  mixed  boards  of 
control  and  supervision.  The  philanthropy,  business  ability,  and  influence  of 
white  members  is  combined  with  the  influence  of  Negro  members  and  their 
intelligent  understanding  of  their  own  group  problems. 

The  Young  Men's  Christian  Association,  the  Young  Women's  Christian 
Association,  the  Chicago  Urban  League,  Community  Service,  the  National 
Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Colored  People,  and  the  Inter-racial 
Committee  organized  by  the  Chicago  Woman's  Club  are  examples  of  this  form 
of  joint  effort.  The  sentiments  of  both  groups  in  contact  may  be  discussed 
and,  on  the  basis  of  represented  group  conditions  and  sentiments,  programs 
are  formulated  and  carried  out.  This  association  and  exchange  of  sentiment 
provide  a  means  of  breaking  down  the  isolation  between  the  groups  and  at 
the  same  time  offer  a  means  of  extending  the  representative  thought  of  Negroes 
through  their  white  associates  to  circles  in  which  contacts  are  either  prohibited 
or  restricted  by  custom  and  tradition. 


CHAPTER  VII 

CRIME  AND  VICIOUS  ENVIRONMENT 

The  crime  rate  of  Negroes  is  so  largely  controlled  by  a  tangle  of  predisposing 
circumstances  that  it  is  hardly  possible  to  isolate  and  measure  its  factors. 
The  most  important  element  is  the  general  lawlessness,  crime,  and  vice  in  the 
whole  population,  irrespective  of  race. 

I.      GENERAL  CRIME   SITUATION 

During  1919  there  were  330  homicides  in  Chicago.  In  1920,  in  addition 
to  162  murders,  559  persons  were  slain  by  automobiles,  largely  through  careless- 
ness. According  to  the  Chicago  Crime  Commission's  report  for  1920  there  are 
10,000  professional  criminals  in  Chicago,  and  the  annual  loss  from  larcenies, 
robberies,  and  burglaries  aggregates  $12,000,000.  Chicago  pays  a  higher 
rate  for  burglary  insurance  than  any  other  American  city. 

Crime  conditions  in  Chicago  are  even  worse  than  is  indicated  by  these 
figures,  which  are  based  on  incomplete  poUce  records.  In  1919  the  poHce 
records  showed  1,731  burglaries  or  persons  arrested  for  burglaries,  while 
Bulletin  No.  g  of  the  Chicago  Crime  Commission  reported  5,509  burglaries 
during  the  first  eleven  months.  During  the  same  period  the  police  records 
showed  1,975  robberies  or  persons  arrested  for  robbery,  while  the  Crime 
Commission  bulletin  Usted  2,470  robberies.     This  bulletin  says: 

An  investigation  in  August,  19 19,  to  determine  whether  all  crimes  were  being 
reported  from  the  Eleventh  Precinct  and  the  Englewood  precinct  showed  that  in 
forty  instances  burglaries  and  robberies  committed  during  the  ninety  days  preceding 
had  not  been  reported.  A  detailed  statement  of  these  offenses  was  prepared  giving 
the  victim's  names,  addresses,  date  and  amount  of  loss,  and  presented  to  the  general 
superintendent  of  police.  The  list  was  checked  by  the  departmental  inspector  and 
found  correct. 

Another  investigation  by  the  Crime  Commission  showed  that  in  one  month 
a  certain  poUce  captain  reported  only  thirty-seven  of  the  141  criminal  complaints 
made  to  him  for  his  district. 

In  his  book,  Crime  in  America  and  the  Police,  Raymond  B.  Fosdick 
wrote  (1920): 

London  in  1916,  with  a  population  of  seven  and  a  quarter  miUion,  had  nine 
premeditated  murders.  Chicago,  one-third  the  size  of  London,  in  the  same  period 
had  105,  nearly  twelve  limes  London's  total.  In  1916  Chicago  with  its  2,500,000 
people  had  twenty  more  murders  than  the  whole  of  England  and  Wales  with  their 
38,000,000.  The  Chicago  murders  during  the  year  totalled  one  more  than  London 
during  the  five-year  period,  1910-14  inclusive. 

327 


328  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

In  191 7  Chicago  had  ten  more  murders  than  the  whole  of  England  and  Wales, 
and  four  more  murders  than  all  England,  Wales,  and  Scotland.  In  191 8  Chicago 
had  fourteen  more  murders  than  England  and  Wales,  and  in  1919  the  nimiber  of 
murders  in  Chicago  was  almost  exactly  six  times  the  number  committed  in  London. 

Chicago  in  1916  had  532  more  burglaries  than  London;  in  1917,  3,459  more; 
in  1918,  866  more,  and  in  1919,  2,146  more.  In  1918,  for  example,  Chicago  had 
twenty-two  robberies  for  every  robbery  in  London,  and  fourteen  robberies  for  every 
robbery  in  England  and  Wales. 

Chicago's  arrests  for  191 7  exceeded  London's  by  61,874. 

Thefts  of  automobiles  reported  in  1919:  New  York,  5,527,  Chicago  4,316 

London,  290,  Liverpool,  10.  Comparative  statistics  as  to  the  number  of  automobiles 
in  English  and  American  cities  are  impossible  to  obtain. 

It  is  apparent  that  this  reign  of  violence  and  lawlessness  must  have  a  potent 
effect  upon  the  crime  rate  of  Negroes  in  Chicago. 

n.      PREVALENT   IMPRESSIONS   REGARDING  NEGRO   CRIME 

In  its  inquiry  the  Commission  met  the  following  current  beliefs  among 
whites  in  regard  to  the  Negro  criminal: 

That  the  Negro  is  more  prone  than  the  white  to  commit  sex  crimes,  particu- 
larly rape;  that  he  commits  a  disproportionate  number  of  crimes  involving 
felonious  cuttings  and  slashings;  that  the  recent  migrant  from  the  South  is 
more  likely  to  offend  than  the  Negro  who  has  resided  longer  in  the  North; 
and  that  Negroes  willingly  tolerate  vice  and  vicious  conditions  in  the  midst 
of  their  residence  districts.  These  and  similar  impressions  are  compared  with 
the  facts  as  found  by  the  Commission. 

in.      CRIMINAL  STATISTICS 

In  its  effort  to  secure  information  regarding  Negro  crime  the  Commission 
sought  the  only  available  records  kept  of  all  crimes — the  police  records, 
especially  the  annual  report  of  the  Department  of  Police.  On  examination 
these  records  were  found  to  be  of  questionable  value  for  any  accurate  presenta- 
tion of  Negro  crime,  or,  in  fact,  of  general  crime.  In  1913  the  City  Council 
Committee  on  Crime  made  a  study  of  crimes  in  Chicago  and  encountered 
the  same  difficulty.  Says  the  report  of  this  Committee:  "The  police  and 
criminal  judicial  statistics  in  Chicago  are  wholly  incomplete  and  are  not  even 
assembled  or  published  by  any  authority."  Further  commenting  on  this 
inadequacy,  it  says: 

Unfortunately,  there  is  in  Illinois  no  central  bureau  of  criminal  statistics  through 
which  statistics  from  the  police  department,  the  courts,  the  jails,  prisons,  and  the 
probation  department  are  collected  and  correlated.  A  state  bureau  of  criminal 
statistics  does  exist  on  our  statute  books,  for,  by  a  law  approved  June  11,  1912, 
the  State  Charities  Commission  was  directed  to  establish  such  a  bureau  with  the 
secretary  of  the  Commisson  as  director  in  charge.  This  proposed  bureau  was  charged 
with  the  duty  of  collecting  and  publishing  annually  the  statistics  of  lUinois  relating 


CRIME  AND  VICIOUS  ENVIRONMENT  329 

to  crime,  and  all  courts  of  Illinois,  police  magistrates,  justices  of  the  peace,  clerks 
of  aU  courts  of  record,  sheriffs,  keepers  of  aU  places  of  detention  for  crime  or  mis- 
demeanors or  violations  of  the  criminal  statutes  are  to  "furnish  said  bureau  annually 
such  information  on  request  as  it  may  require  in  compiling  such  statistics."  Up 
to  the  present  time,  however,  owing  chiefly  to  the  fact  that  no  appropriation  has  been 
made  to  cover  the  expenses  of  this  work,  no  steps  have  been  taken  by  the  executive 
secretary  of  the  Commission  towards  putting  this  law  into  effect.  Moreover,  there 
has  never  been  in  Chicago  any  attempt  at  an  annual  "stock-taking"  in  which  the 
statistics  furnished  by  the  various  departments  and  agencies  dealing  with  the  problem 
of  crime  might  be  brought  together  and  examined  with  the  hope  of  determining 
how  far  the  problem  is  being  adequately  met. 

Because  there  has  been  no  systematic  handling  of  criminal  statistics,  no 
method  has  been  developed  for  accurately  measuring  the  prevalence  of  crime. 
The  Crime  Commission  expressed  its  difficulty  here  in  this  manner : 

It  is  very  important  to  note  that  the  number  of  arrests  is  not  synonymous  with 
number  of  crimes,  among  others  reasons  because  (i)  a  large  number  of  persons  may 
be  arrested  for  complicity  in  a  single  crime;  (2)  many  innocent  persons  are  arrested 
through  misapprehension  and  later  discharged;  and  (3)  the  vast  majority  of  arrests 
are  for  petty  offenses  that  are  not  serious  enough  to  be  called  "crimes"  at  all.  Some 
consideration  should  be  given  to  the  question  of  "new  crime."  When  laws  are  passed 
creating  new  offenses,  there  may  be  an  increase  in  arrests  without  any  corresponding 
increase  in  criminality.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  however,  the  new  offenses  are  chiefly 
those  involving  misdemeanors  and  violations  of  ordinances.  New  felonies  are  rarely 
created.  In  Chicago  the  police  classification  does,  however,  include  two  new  offenses 
improperly  classed  as  felonies,  "contributing  to  delinquency"  and  "pandering." 

To  the  difficulties  experienced  by  the  City  Council  Crime  Committee  in 
determining  the  extent  of  general  crime  may  be  added  the  even  greater  difficulty 
of  comparing  the  crime  record  of  Negroes  with  that  of  other  racial  groups. 
The  sources  of  the  police  statistics  are  the  bookings  by  the  desk  sergeant  in 
the  police  station.  These  are  taken  from  arrest  slip  notations  made  by  police- 
station  desk  sergeants,  before  whom  persons  arrested  are  brought.  The  ability 
of  these  desk  sergeants  correctly  to  ascertain  the  prisoner's  race  or  nationality 
is  open  to  question.  Reports  from  the  Immigrants'  Protective  League  show 
that  the  foreigners  arrested  are  often  given  wrong  racial  designations.  On 
the  other  hand  the  classffication  of  Negroes,  even  of  half  blood,  is  never  in 
doubt.  This  fact  should  be  remembered  in  interpreting  the  figures,  for  the 
Negro  will  be  debited  with  all  the  crimes  he  commits,  while  figures  for  other 
groups  will  probably  not  indicate  the  full  extent  of  their  criminality.  Added 
to  this  is  the  disposition,  conscious  or  unconscious,  to  arrest  Negroes  more 
freely  than  whites,  to  book  them  on  more  serious  charges,  to  convict  them  more 
readily,  and  to  give  them  longer  sentences. 

This  bias  does  not  appear  in  the  bare  figures,  which  thus  seem  to  sub- 
stantiate the  already  existing  belief  that  Negroes  are  more  criminal  than 


330  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

other  racial  groups.  An  example  of  this  is  found  in  the  bookings  in  murder 
cases.  For  the  six-year  period  1914-19  inclusive,  1,121  whites  and  193 
Negroes  were  booked  for  murder,  while  501  whites  and  only  twenty-one 
Negroes  were  booked  for  manslaughter.  While  Negroes  were  charged 
with  17. 1  per  cent  of  the  murders,  they  were  charged  with  only  4.1  per  cent 
of  the  cases  of  manslaughter.  This,  of  course,  takes  into  account  bookings 
before  trial.  On  the  other  hand,  according  to  the  testimony,  they  are 
more  easily  convicted  on  the  charges  on  which  they  are  booked.  This  fact 
introduces  another  element  in  the  figures,  which,  although  not  representing 
the  actual  criminality  of  Negroes,  yet  gives  plausibihty  to  records.  These 
situations  presented  such  obvious  dangers  that  the  Commission  considered 
it  best  to  avoid  giving  currency  to  figures  which  carried  such  clear  evidence 
of  their  own  inaccuracy  and  misrepresentation.  Since  it  is  necessary  to  employ 
some  of  these  figures  despite  their  inaccuracies,  the  effort  has  been  made 
to  use  them  only  where  clear  comparisons  are  possible. 

The  Commission  is  aware  that  statistics  have  been  prepared  giving  the 
relative  crime  rates  of  different  national  groups,  and  has  inquired  into  the 
sources  of  such  statistics.  In  one  case,  for  example,  population  estimates 
were  based  on  1910  census  figures,  arbitrarily  increased  by  one-third.  But 
when  the  abnormal  situation  with  respect  to  immigration  caused  by  the  war, 
to  mention  only  one  important  disturbing  factor,  is  taken  into  consideration,  it 
will  be  appreciated  that  any  estimate  is  of  doubtful  value  for  careful  calculation. 

After  much  study  and  experimentation,  and  particularly  after  the  counsel 
of  statistical  authorities  had  been  obtained,  the  Commission's  plan  to  work 
out  comparative  racial  crime  tables  was  abandoned. 

Aside  from  the  striking  discrepancies  between  the  crime  figures  of  the 
Police  Department  and  those  of  the  Chicago  Crime  Commission,  it  is  doubtful 
whether  a  rehable  index  to  Negro  crime  as  a  separate  item  could  be  obtained 
even  if  the  poHce  figures  showed  the  whole,  instead  of  one-fifth  or  one-half, 
of  the  crimes  committed.'' 

It  was  brought  out  in  the  testimony  of  judges  and  other  authorities  that 
Negroes  are  more  easily  identified  and  more  Hkely  to  be  arrested,  and  it  is 
reasonably  certain  that  a  smaller  proportion  of  Negroes  who  commit  crimes 
escape  than  whites.  But  there  is  absolutely  no  means  of  determining  what 
proportion  of  crime  unrecorded  by  the  police  or  other  authorities  is  committed 
by  whites  or  Negroes. 

Adequate  comparison  of  criminal  statistics  requires  at  least  comparable 
units.  This  is  rarely  taken  into  account  in  comparing  Negro  and  white 
crime.  For  example:  a  true  comparison  of  relative  crime  rates  between  the 
two  groups  would  require  that  the  age  distribution  in  each  should  be  the  same. 
For,  although  the  population  figures  include  children,  women,  and  old  persons, 

'  See  Report  of  Chicago  Crime  Commission,  p.  8. 


CRIME  AND  VICIOUS  ENVIRONMENT  331 

the  greatest  proportion  of  crimes  is  committed  by  persons  within  what  is  known 
to  criminologists  as  the  "violent  ages, "  or  between  eighteen  and  thirty.  If  the 
population  is  overbalanced  in  these  ages  the  crime  rate  will  be  exaggerated. 
Such  an  overbalance  exists  in  the  Negro  population  because  of  the  migration 
to  Chicago  of  more  than  50,000  Negroes,  mainly  adults.  Besides,  a  greater 
proportion  of  these  adults  were  men  without  families,  another  factor  known 
to  overweight  crime  figures.  It  is  a  curious  fact,  however,  that,  although 
the  Negro  population  of  Chicago  increased  from  2.1  per  cent  of  the  total  in 
1914  to  4.5  per  cent  in  1919,  an  increase  of  more  than  100  per  cent,  the  Negro 
crime  rate  during  the  same  period  increased  50  per  cent,  or  less  than  half  as 
rapidly  as  the  Negro  population. 

The  court  cases  studied  intensively  by  the  Commission  show  that  the  major- 
ity of  Negro  criminals  are  recruited  from  the  lowest  economic  class  of  the 
Negro  group.  The  frequency  with  which  these  persons  are  taken  to  the  Bureau 
of  Identification;  their  inabihty  to  provide  bonds;  their  lack  of  means  to 
employ  attorneys,  and  their  commitment  on  account  of  inability  to  pay  fines, 
all  tend  to  emphasize  the  relation  between  poverty  and  crime.  The  economic 
factors,  as  well  as  the  actual  commission  of  crime,  determine  largely  the  size 
of  groups  eligible  for  arrest  and  conviction.  For  example,  laborers  are  likely 
to  contribute  more  crimes  proportionate  to  the  total  than  salaried  men,  and 
salaried  men  more  than  professional  men.  The  proportion  of  white  laboring 
men  to  the  total  white  population  is  considerably  smaller  than  the  proportion 
of  Negro  laboring  men  to  the  total  Negro  population.  As  a  consequence,  the 
"eligibles"  for  arrest  and  conviction  are  fewer  in  the  white  group  than  in  the 
Negro  group. 

The  reports  of  the  City  Council  Committee  on  Crime,  known  as  the 
"Merriam  Report,"  and  of  the  Chicago  Vice  Commission,  both  indicate  that 
the  economic  factor  is  an  important  cause  of  both  vice  and  crime.  The  follow- 
ing is  from  the  Vice  Commission  report: 

Among  the  reasons  why  women  or  girls  enter  the  life  of  prostitution,  the  econoniic 
question  plays  a  more  or  less  conspicuous  part.  The  low  wages  paid,  the  long  hours 
of  standing,  insanitary  conditions  under  which  girls  work  in  factories — all  these  have 
a  powerful  effect  on  a  woman's  or  girl's  nerves  or  physical  force. 

First  among  these  causes  [for  prostitution]  should  be  named  unfavorable  home 

conditions Often  when  the  home  is  not  entirely  degraded  there  are  conditions 

of  crowding  and  poverty  which  lead  to  misfortime.  Working  all  day,  the  girls  are 
often  obliged  to  work  at  home  in  the  evening,  and  if  they  live  in  a  crowded  house 
they  must  go  on  the  street  to  receive  their  friends.  They  are  thus  practically  forced 
on  the  streets  for  social  life. 

Among  the  economic  conditions  contributing  to  the  social  evU  are  the  follow- 
ing: low  wages,  insanitary  conditions,  too  long  hours  and  high  pressure  of  work; 
the  over-crowding  of  houses  upon  lots;  of  families  in  the  house,  and  of  persons  in 
single  rooms. 


332  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

The  Merriam  report  similarly  said: 

The  pressure  of  economic  conditions  has  an  enormous  influence  in  producing 
certain  types  of  crime.  Unsanitary  housing  and  working  conditions,  imemployment, 
wages  inadequate  to  maintain  a  himian  standard  of  living,  inevitably  produce  the 
crushed  or  distorted  bodies  and  minds  from  which  the  army  of  crime  is  recruited. 
The  crime  problem  is  not  merely  a  question  of  poUce  and  courts;  it  leads  to  the 
broader  problem  of  public  sanitation,  education,  home  care,  living  wages  and  indus- 
trial democracy. 

The  greater  liability  of  Negroes  to  unemployment  introduces  another 
factor.  A  plant  official  told  the  Commission  that  his  plant  had  dismissed  more 
than  500  Negro  girls  for  business  reasons.  These  girls,  it  was  stated,  could  not 
easily  find  re-employment  and  were  therefore  probably  exposed  to  certain 
necessities  and  temptations  from  which  white  girls  of  comparable  status  are 
exempt. 

Ratio  of  convictions  to  arrest. — Police  statistics  of  the  relation  of  convictions 
to  arrests  do  not  involve  the  question  of  faulty  source  and  bias  and  can  therefore 
be  used.  They  show  that  Negro  defendants  are  more  frequently  convicted 
than  whites,  and  this  difference  is  even  more  pronounced  in  the  more  serious 
crimes.    This  excess  ranged  from  3  to  8  per  cent  during  the  period  1914-19. 

The  Negro  and  sex  crimes. — Examination  of  the  records  of  sex  offenders 
brought  into  the  criminal  court  in  the  two-year  period  191 7-18  showed  a  total 
of  253,  of  whom  thirty- two,  or  12.6  per  cent,  were  Negroes.  This  was  lower 
than  the  Negro  rate,  according  to  poUce  statistics,  for  felonies  in  general. 
The  sex  ofifenses  of  Negroes  were  committed  for  the  most  part  only  against 
Negroes,  and  the  specific  charges  were  rape,  attempted  rape,  accessory  to 
rape,  crimes  against  children,  indecent  liberties,  contributing  to  delinquency, 
incest,  adultery,  murder  by  abortion,  bigamy,  crimes  against  nature,  seduction, 
and  bastardy.  Of  crimes  against  children  two  out  of  forty-six  were  committed 
by  Negroes,  or  about  5  per  cent,  substantially  the  proportion  of  Negroes  to 
the  total  population.  The  figures,  however,  are  not  a  reHable  index  either 
for  white  or  Negro  crime  because  they  include  only  cases  passing  through  the 
social-service  department  of  the  criminal  court. 

rV.      THE   NEGRO   IN  THE   COURTS 

During  the  Commission's  inquiry  an  effort  was  made  to  ascertain  conditions 
in  some  of  the  various  courts  into  which  Negroes  are  brought;  to  learn  the 
comparative  attitudes  of  judges,  prosecutors,  and  poHcemen  toward  Negro 
and  white  offenders,  and  to  learn  some  of  the  pertinent  facts  in  tlie  social 
history  of  Negroes  brought  into  these  courts. 

In  all,  703  cases  were  studied,  538  white  and  165  Negro.  The  social 
histories  showed  a  conspicuous  lack  of  schooling  in  the  Negroes  arrested,  more 
than  half  of  whom  had  left  school  before  reaching  the  age  of  twelve.  This 
is  two  years  below  the  minimum  age  for  children  in  Illinois.    Only  eight  had 


CRIME  AND  VICIOUS  ENVIRONMENT  333 

gone  beyond  the  fifth  grade.  More  than  76  per  cent  were  engaged  in  unskilled 
work,  and  more  than  70  per  cent  had  incomes  of  less  than  S25  a  week.  Few 
were  property  owners.  More  than  50  per  cent  were  locked  up  because  of 
inabihty  to  furnish  bonds. 

Compared  with  white  prisoners  there  was  httle  difference  in  economic 
class,  abihty  to  provide  bonds,  or  legal  representation.  There  was  some 
noticeable  difference  in  the  character  of  offenders,  varying  with  the  type  of 
neighborhood,  but  no  general  comparisons  were  possible  because  the  courts 
were  selected  in  a  manner  to  get  the  greatest  number  of  Negro  cases. 

While  judges  in  most  courts  treated  Negro  defendants  as  considerately 
as  they  did  whites,  conditions  in  other  courts  were  quite  different.  One  judge 
frequently  assumed  an  attitude  of  facetiousness  while  hearing  Negro  cases. 
The  hearings  were  characterized  by  levity  and  lack  of  dignity.  In  one  instance 
the  judge  was  shaking  dice  during  the  hearing  of  the  case. 

I.     JUVENILE  COURT 

Between  1913  and  1919,  inclusive,  the  number  of  Negro  boys  brought  into 
the  juvenile  court  increased  from  123  to  288,  and  the  number  of  Negro  girls 
from  71  to  112.  The  proportion  of  Negro  boys  to  the  total  during  this  six-year 
period  decreased  from  9  to  6.8  per  cent;  and  the  proportion  of  Negro  girls 
increased  from  5.6  to  14.8  per  cent.  The  proportion  for  Negro  boys  represents 
a  httle  over  twice  the  proportion  of  the  Negroes  to  total  population,  and  for 
Negro  girls  about  three  and  one-hah  times.  Although  the  proportion  for  both 
Negro  boys  and  girls  increased  from  7.9  per  cent  in  1913  to  9.9  per  cent  in  1919, 
the  Negro  population  for  the  same  period  increased  over  100  per  cent.  The 
constant  disproportion  in  the  number  of  Negro  boys  and  girls  coming  into 
the  juvenile  court  points  again  to  infective  environment  and  to  other  circum- 
stances heretofore  mentioned  involved  in  the  crime  rate  for  Negroes. 

Northern  and  southern  Negro  delinquents. — Miss  Mary  Bartelme,  assistant 
to  Judge  Arnold,  before  whom  all  cases  of  delinquent  girls  are  tried,  said: 
"  In  recent  years  we  have  had  a  large  number  of  colored  girls  who  have  come  up 
from  the  South  to  Chicago  because  their  fathers  sent  for  them.  Their  education 
has  not  been  equal  to  the  education  of  white  girls  and  their  mental  development 
has  not  been  the  same." 

Joseph  L.  Moss,  chief  probation  officer  in  the  juvenile  court,  believed  that 
Negro  girls  might  be  more  affected  by  the  war  situation,  the  abnormal  excite- 
ment, the  lure  of  the  uniform,  than  white  girls. 

Mr.  Moss  further  said: 

My  impression  is  that  southern  Negroes  contribute  just  about  their  portion  to 
the  total  number  of  delinquents.  If  any  difference  could  be  noted  I  might  say  that 
the  deUnquencies  of  the  southern  Negro  might  be  more  often  classed  as  misdemeanors 
than  as  the  more  serious  offenses.  One  noted  at  times  a  sort  of  irresponsibility  on 
the  part  of  southern  Negro  delinquents  which  seemed  to  me  to  be  traceable  to  the 
difference_in  standards  between  former  environment  and  the  present  one. 


334  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Differences  in  delinquency  of  Negro  and  white  children. — No  information 
could  be  secured  to  show  that  the  conduct  for  which  Negro  children  are  brought 
into  court  is  in  any  way  different  from  the  conduct  of  all  delinquent  children. 
On  this  point  Miss  Bartelme  testified:  "I  get  all  offenses  committed  by  girls 
under  eighteen  years  of  age.  I  want  to  say  that  the  offenses  of  white  and 
colored  are  very  much  the  same  as  far  as  those  offenses  come  before  me." 
Mr.  Moss  testified  before  the  Commission:  "From  my  experience  I  would 
say  that  there  is  no  significant  difference  between  acts  for  which  colored 
delinquent  boys  are  brought  into  court,  and  the  acts  for  which  white  delinquent 
boys  are  brought  into  court,  with  this  exception:  that  larceny,  as  an  offense, 
seems  to  have  a  considerable  lead  over  other  offenses." 

Comparative  environment. — Since  many  of  the  delinquent  children  who 
come  into  the  juvenile  court,  particularly  first  offenders,  are  placed  on  proba- 
tion, comparative  environment  of  white  and  Negro  children  is  important.  This 
subject  does  not  lend  itself  to  statistical  presentation,  but  Miss  Bartelme  said : 

Negro  girls  have  not  the  same  supervision  that  many  of  the  white  girls  of  their 
same  class  have,  because  in  so  many  instances  both  parents  are  working,  and  the 
girls  are  left  alone.  They  come  home  from  school  to  a  house  that  is  closed.  There 
is  no  one  to  receive  them,  and  that,  with  a  child,  is  always  a  very  serious  matter. 
The  environment  in  which  they  live  is  not  equal  to  the  environment  of  the  white 
girls.  In  these  homes  lack  of  privacy  is  greater  than  in  the  homes  of  the  same  class 
of  white  girls,  therefore  making  life  much  more  difficult  and  temptations  more  numer- 
ous. These  conditions  are  much  worse  on  account  of  the  recent  congestion,  but  they 
have  existed  right  along.    Negro  children  have  been  allowed  to  live  in  worse  quarters, 

more  crowded  quarters,  than  the  other  children We  feel  that  in  placing  the 

children  on  probation,  especially  colored  girls,  they  are  placed  in  a  home  which  often 
is  not  a  home  because  the  mother  is  away  at  work. 

Mr.  O.  J.  Milliken,  for  many  years  a  public-school  principal  in  Chicago, 
and  now  superintendent  of  the  Chicago  and  Cook  County  School  for  Boys, 
to  which  the  milder  delinquent  cases  are  committed,  testified: 

I  should  not  hke  to  be  recorded  as  giving  a  criticism  of  the  Board  of  Education, 
because  I  know  that  the  present  Board  of  Education  believes  in  what  I  have  to  say 
now,  but  this  is  true:  the  colored  boys  are  in  the  district  that  has  practically  been 
abandoned  by  the  white  people  and  the  schools  are  only  boxes  for  them  to  go  to 
school  in.  You  don't  find  any  of  the  $900,000  school  buildings  in  the  colored  popula- 
tion district,  and  I  think  that  the  time  is  approaching  when  the  old  system  will  be 
changed  and  we  will  have  the  vocational  work,  etc.,  thoroughly  organized  in  the  schools 
in  these  districts  where  most  needed."  In  dealing  with  boys  I  think  more  complaints 
come  along  that  line  than  in  any  other,  and  I  have  made  a  report  to  the  superintendent 
of  schools  on  that  at  different  times. 

Boys  who  are  "trusties"  in  the  above  school  are  allowed  to  secure  jobs 
in  Chicago.  Their  difficulties  were  outlined  by  Mr.  Milliken  as  follows: 
"After  a  boy  has  been  committed  by  the  Juvenile  Court,  he  is  known  by  tlae 

'  See  "Racial  Contacts" — "Physical  Equipment  of  Schools,"  p.  241. 


CRIME  AND  VICIOUS  ENVIRONMENT  335 

police,  and  I  have  four  or  five  colored  boys  today  who  are  carrying  letters 
from  me  asking  the  police  to  please  allow  these  boys  to  go  to  work,  and  if  the 
boys  are  in  trouble  to  notify  our  institution." 

Mr.  MilHken  told  how,  when  the  boys  are  seen  on  the  streets,  they  are 
picked  up  by  the  pohce.  He  referred  to  "one  of  the  finest  lads  we  have  had" 
and  said,  "I  think  probably  within  the  last  three  months  I  have  had  to  get 
him  out  of  the  hands  of  the  police  by  calling  up  the  police  department  twenty 
times,  to  get  him  to  work."  This  difficulty,  in  Mr.  MilHken's  opinion,  was 
more  common  in  regard  to  Negro  than  white  deUnquents. 

2.      BUREAU   OF  IDENTIFICATION 

While  only  11. 5  per  cent  of  all  persons  arrested  in  Chicago  in  1919  were 
Negroes,  more  than  21  per  cent  of  all  persons  held  on  criminal  charges  in  19 19 
and  taken  to  the  Detective  Division  Identification  Section  were  Negroes. 
In  proportion  to  total  arrests  about  twice  as  many  Negroes  as  whites  were  taken 
to  the  Identification  Bureau.  Explanations  of  this  disproportion  by  ofl&cials 
indirectly  connected  with  this  branch  of  the  department  and  famiUar  with  its 
methods  are  illuminating. 

Judges  of  the  criminal  court  have  stated  that  ''Negroes  look  alike,"  and 
that  it  is  "more  difficult  offhand  to  place  them  than  it  is  to  identify  a  white 
criminal";  that  Negroes  are  frequently  taken  to  the  Bureau  for  identification 
when  white  men  would  not  be  arrested  or  would  be  at  once  recognized,  picked 
up,  and  booked. 

Again,  it  is  explained  that  it  is  unquestionably  safer  "to  pick  up  and 
mug"  a  Negro  than  a  white  person,  because  there  is  less  fear  of  an  unpleasant 
"comeback."  Negroes  have  fewer  resources  and  less  influence  with  which 
to  insure  their  fair  treatment,  and  so  are  more  likely  to  be  subjected  to 
annoyance. 

The  fundamental  reason,  however,  is  perhaps  more  economic  than  racial. 
The  City  Council  Crime  Committee  Report,  or  "Merriam  Report,"  says: 

The  department  of  police  maintains  a  bureau  of  identification  with  a  system  of 
photographs  and  finger  prints,  but  it  is  largely  a  matter  of  chance  as  to  who  is  photo- 
graphed, and  as  to  whether  the  record  of  criminality  is  asked  for  before  he  is  sentenced, 
the  judge  relying  largely  on  the  statement  of  the  prisoner  and  the  memory  of  the  officer. 
In  general,  all  prisoners  who  are  held  to  the  Grand  J\uy  and  are  not  released  on  bail 
are  taken  to  the  bureau,  photographed,  and  their  finger  prints  are  taken.  This  seems  a 
very  unfair  and  illogical  arrangement.  If  there  is  a  reason  for  photographing  a  man 
before  he  is  tried  and  while  he  is  still  only  a  suspect,  the  reason  should  apply  equally 
to  those  in  jail  and  those  on  bail.  The  practice  of  taking  the  finger  prints  and  photo- 
graphs of  only  the  men  and  women  who  cannot  afiford  bail,  seems  hard  to  justify.' 

3.      PROBATION  AND  PAROLE 

It  appears  from  the  testimony  of  officials  and  others  interested  in  the  care 
of  offenders  that  the  Negro  on  probation  or  parole  is  handicapped  by  his  color. 
'  City  Council  Crime  Committee  Report,  pp.  40-41. 


336  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

He  is  more  likely  to  be  interrogated  as  a  suspect;  is  more  frequently  arrested, 
and  perhaps  "mugged,"  and  is  in  more  danger  of  being  molested  even  while  on 
legitimate  business.     The  principal  sources  of  information  on  this  subject  were : 

1.  Statistics  from  the  Municipal  Department  of  Adult  Probation. 

2.  Statistics  from  state  institutions. 

3.  Testimony  of  John  L.  Whitman,  state  superintendent  of  prisons; 
John  M.  Houston,  head  of  the  Municipal  Department  of  Adult  Probation; 
and  Dr.  F,  Emory  Lyon,  superintendent  of  the  Central  Howard  Association. 

The  figures  provided  from  institutions  are  probably  accurate,  since  they 
are  based  on  actual  count,  and  do  not  involve  any  of  the  factors  overweighting 
crime  statistics. 

Number  admitted  to  probation. — From  191 1  to  January  i,  1920,  27,252 
whites  and  1,917  Negroes  were  admitted  to  probation  after  conviction  in 
the  municipal  and  criminal  courts.  Negroes  were  thus  sHghtly  less  than  7 
per  cent  of  the  total.  For  the  six-year  period  ended  January  i,  1920,  Negro 
arrests  for  misdemeanors,  according  to  pohce  records,  averaged  8.20  per  cent 
and  for  felonies  11. 13  per  cent.  On  convictions  for  misdemeanors,  Negroes 
average  about  8.5  per  cent  of  the  total,  and  for  felonies,  over  13  per  cent. 
The  percentage  of  Negroes  among  all  offenders  placed  on  probation  is  thus 
less  than  the  percentage  of  Negroes  among  those  convicted  in  either  group. 
In  other  words,  the  convicted  white  man  seems  more  likely  to  be  put  on  proba- 
tion than  the  convicted  Negro. 

Probation  depends  largely  upon  the  attitude  of  the  judges.  The  total 
number  of  persons  placed  on  probation  has  remained  virtually  the  same  from 
year  to  year.  In  fact,  164  fewer  persons  were  put  on  probation  in  1920  than 
in  1919;  so  that  the  migration  of  southern  Negroes  does  not  seem  to  have 
affected  this  situation. 

Extent  to  which  probationers  "make  good.'' — There  are  no  exact  figures 
showing  the  relative  degree  to  which  white  and  Negro  probationers  justify 
the  leniency  shown  them,  but  Judge  Houston  testified  before  the  Commission: 
"I  do  not  think  there  is  any  difference.  I  am  satisfied  that  the  results  are 
equally  as  good  in  the  colored  cases  as  in  the  white.  I  don't  see  any  material 
difference  between  a  colored  man  and  a  white  man,  so  far  as  their  truthfulness 
and  reliabiHty  are  concerned." 

Institutional  figures. — Official  reports  were  submitted  by  the  following 
state  correctional  and  penal  institutions:  Chester  State  Hospital  for  the 
Criminal  Insane,  Pontiac  Reformatory,  Southern  Illinois  Penitentiary  at 
Menard,  and  Joliet  Penitentiary.  No  prisoners  are  paroled  from  Chester 
State  Hospital. 

Pontiac  reported  that  last  year  45  Negroes  and  294  whites  had  been  paroled. 
Of  the  Negroes  88  per  cent,  and  of  the  whites  80  per  cent,  had  "made  good. 

Menard  reported  that  50  Negroes  and  168  whites  had  been  paroled.  Of  the 
Negroes  76  per  cent,  and  of  the  whites  81  per  cent,  had  "made  good." 


CRIME  AND  VICIOUS  ENVIRONMENT  337 

Joliet  reported  that  6i  Negroes  and  223  whites  had  been  paroled.  Of  the  Negroes 
69  per  cent,  and  of  the  whites  74  per  cent,  "made  good." 

Totals  for  all  the  above  institutions  show  that  the  percentages  of  Negro 
and  white  paroled  who  "make  good"  are  nearly  the  same,  the  Negro  rate 
being  76.9  per  cent  and  the  white  78.2  per  cent. 

John  L.  Whitman,  state  superintendent  of  prisons,  who  has  had  a  continu- 
ous experience  covering  more  than  twenty-six  years  in  correctional  and  penal 
institutions,  testified  before  the  Commission: 

If  there  is  a  consistent  effort  being  made  to  prepare  inmates  of  prisons  for  good 
citizenship  when  they  are  released,  the  colored  man  responds  as  readily  as  the  white, 
but  it  is  a  question  in  my  mind  whether  the  colored  man  can  profit  as  much  by  it 
when  he  gets  out  as  the  white  man  can.    That,  however,  is  not  due  to  a  natural 

inclination;  perhaps  his  opportunities  on  the  outside  are  not  as  good I  think 

if  the  reports  of  those  on  parole  from  the  state  institutions  now  are  closely  studied, 
it  wiU  be  found  that  they  have  more  difficulties  to  surmoimt  on  the  outside  than  the 
whites.  If  you  assumed  the  white  and  colored  ex-convicts  on  a  par  when  they  get 
out,  the  colored  ex-convict  would  find  it  more  difficult  to  lead  the  "straight  and 
narrow" — on  account  of  the  forces  set  against  him  he  is  more  greatly  handicapped. 

Dr.  F.  Emory  Lyon,  superintendent  of  the  Central  Howard  Association, 
an  organization  which  for  twenty  years  has  been  dealing  with  ex-convicts, 
testified: 

We  have  found  this  greater  difl&culty  in  dealing  with  colored  men — in  finding 
suitable  rooming  places  within  their  means.  Of  coxurse  we  could  always  find  rooms 
recommended  by  the  colored  Y.M.C.A.,  or  some  such  source  as  that,  but  generally 
for  desirable  places  charges  were  beyond  their  means. 

My  experience  in  dealing  with  the  colored  and  white,  and  in  getting  them  employ- 
ment, and  in  observing  their  satisfactory  fulfilment  of  their  paroles,  is  that  possibly 
a  little  larger  percentage  of  colored  men  make  good  on  their  paroles.  They  take  any 
kind  of  employment  by  which  they  can  make  an  honest  hving.  I  notice  in  our  report 
of  this  year  that  out  of  972  assisted,  discharged  and  paroled  men,  ninety-two  were 
colored  men.  This  would  be  just  about  10  per  cent.  I  think  that  is  probably  a  fair 
proportion  each  year  in  the  history  of  the  Association. 

Colonel  C.  B.  Adams,  managing  officer  of  St.  Charles  School  for  boys, 
said:  "We  have  seven  farm  cottages  ....  but  we  rarely  send  a  Negro  boy 
to  the  farm  cottage  for  the  reason  that  it  is  almost  impossible  for  him  to  secure 
employment  on  the  farms.  The  farmers  in  northern  Illinois  ....  are  pre- 
judiced against  colored  help,  and  it  is  almost  impossible  for  us  to  secure 
employment  on  the  farm  for  a  colored  boy." 

Dr.  Clara  Hayes,  managing  officer  of  the  State  Training  School  for  Girls 
at  Geneva,  said:  "I  think  the  proportion  of  the  colored  girls  who  are  returned 
for  one  cause  or  another  is  practically  the  same  as  the  proportion  of  white 

girls I  think  the  proportion  of  those  recurring  from  misconduct  is 

practically  the  same." 


338  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Mr.  O.  J.  Milliken,  of  the  Chicago  and  Cook  County  School  for  boys,  said 
that  Negro  boys  equaled  white  boys  in  fulfilling  satisfactorily  the  requirements 
for  those  paroled. 

4.      INSTITUTIONAL  INQUIRY 

Through  the  co-operation  of  John  1..  Whitman,  state  superintendent  of 
prisons,  information  was  secured  regarding  comparative  treatment  and  conduct 
of  white  and  Negro  inmates  of  Illinois.  The  data  covered  the  State  Peniten- 
tiary at  JoUet,  Southern  IlUnois  Penitentiary  at  Menard,  State  Reformatory 
at  Pontiac,  and  State  Hospital  for  the  Criminal  Insane  at  Chester. 

Total  number  of  prisoners. — In  the  total  number  of  inmates  in  those  institu- 
tions, the  percentage  of  Negroes  is  much  larger  than  the  percentage  convicted 
of  felonies  in  Chicago.  The  percentage  of  Negroes  among  all  persons  convicted 
of  felonies  in  Chicago  for  a  six-year  period  averaged  13. i  per  cent,  whereas 
their  proportion  among  all  inmates  of  these  prisons  is  about  23  per  cent. 
Omitting  the  Southern  lUinois  Penitentiary,  the  proportion  is  about  20  per  cent. 
This  disproportion  is  in  part  explahied  by  facts  brought  out  elsewhere  showing 
that  Negroes  receive  much  longer  sentences  and  fewer  paroles  (see  p.  330). 

AU  these  institutions  reported  that  in  no  cases  were  Negro  and  white 
prisoners  kept  in  the  same  cells.  Mr.  Whitman  stated  that  this  arrangement 
was  preferred  by  both  whites  and  Negroes.  Negro  and  white  prisoners  are 
not  segregated  in  separate  cell  sections  but  occupy  adjoining  cells  in  the  same 
block.  "They  are  all  in  the  same  ceU  house;  they  are  together  in  the  shops; 
in  cottages;  in  the  farm  where  there  are  dormitories." 

Negro  and  white  prisoners  eat  in  the  same  dining-room  at  the  same  time 
and  at  the  same  table.  "The  tables  are  for  six  or  eight  and  there  will  be 
colored  and  white  at  the  same  table."  They  also  attend  public  meetings 
together.  Mr.  Whitman  also  stated  that  in  all  the  institutions  Negroes  and 
whites  mingled  without  distinction,  and  that  the  result  had  been  satisfactory. 
There  was  no  difference  in  food,  clothing,  employment,  cells,  or  disciphne  for 
Negro  prisoners  as  a  group  from  that  of  white  prisoners  because  of  the  Negro's 
character  or  deportment.  In  no  case  was  racial  discrimination  in  such  matters 
used  as  a  means  of  discipline  or  punishment. 

Conduct  in  prison. — There  is  no  exact  system  for  appraising  conduct 
within  the  prison,  but  at  Mr.  Whitman's  request  persons  were  appointed  in 
each  institution  to  examine  the  record  of  each  inmate  as  to  conduct  and 
tabulate  the  results.  These  and  other  data  secured  by  Superintendent  Whit- 
man indicate  that  Negroes  are  less  amenable  to  prison  discipline  than  whites, 
but  that  their  violations  of  rules  are  not  so  grave. 

The  percentage  of  Negro  inmates  whose  conduct  was  marked  "  satisfactory  " 
was  smaller  in  all  institutions  than  the  percentage  of  whites.  At  Pontiac 
the  difference  in  conduct  was  neghgible.  The  greatest  disparity  was  in  Menard 
(in  the  southern  part  of  the  state),  where  the  difference  amounted  to  more 
than  20  per  cent. 


CRIME  AND  VICIOUS  ENVIRONMENT  ^39 

5.      OTHER   CORRECTIONAL  INSTITUTIONS 

St.  Charles  School  for  Boys  receives  delinquent  boys  between  ten  and  seven- 
teen years  of  age  from  the  whole  state.  Negro  and  white  boys  are  accepted 
up  to  the  capacity  limit.  Negro  boys  i,re  12.5  per  cent  of  the  total,  or  slightly 
above  the  proportion  which  the  Cook  County  Juvenile  Court  report  shows  Negro 
boys  bear  to  the  total  of  delinquent  boys.  Since  1915,  the  Negro  population 
at  St.  Charles  has  increased  from  8  pe.  cent  to  12.5  per  cent  of  the  total,  or 
approximately  half  as  rapidly  as  the  Negro  population  in  Chicago.  St.  Charles 
is  conducted  on  the  cottage  plan,  there  being  twenty-two  cottages.  Negro 
and  white  boys  Hve  in  the  same  cottage  at  in  the  same  dining-room,  and  use 
the  same  playground. 

Four  out  of  the  twelve  cadet  coinpaiiies  have  Negro  captains,  and  these 
have  more  white  than  Negro  boys  under  them.  There  are  no  racial  difficulties 
in  regard  to  emplo3anent  or  discipline,  and  the  general  conduct  of  Negro  and 
white  boys  was  reported  to  be  the  same.  Colonel  C.  B.  Adams,  managing 
officer,  said:  "I  really  think  mentally,  and  I  am  sure  physically,  the  colored 
boys,  such  as  come  into  the  institution  today,  are  superior  to  the  white  boys. 
We  make  much  of  athletics  in  the  school  and  the  best  athletes  we  have  are 
colored  boys." 

Geneva  State  Training  School  for  Girls  had  417  girls  in  1917,  475  in  1918, 
and  445  in  1920.  The  increase  over  1917  is  proportionately  the  same  for 
white  and  Negro  girls.  In  1920,  out  of  445  girls,  eighty-three,  or  about  18.5 
per  cent,  were  Negro.  Conditions  at  Geneva  are  substantially  similar  to  those 
at  St.  Charles,  with  the  exception  that  in  one  cottage,  Negro  and  white  girls 
eat  at  different  tables.  This,  the  managing  ofl&cer,  Dr.  Clara  B.  Hayes, 
says  is  mutually  agreeable.  No  difficulties  exist  with  regard  to  employment 
or  discipHne.  As  to  conduct  on  probation  and  parole,  Dr.  Hayes  thought  there 
was  no  material  difference  between  Negro  and  white  girls. 

Chicago  and  Cook  County  School  for  Boys.  This  school  is  located  in  River- 
side, just  west  of  Chicago,  on  a  farm  belonging  to  the  City  of  Chicago.  The 
county  feeds  and  clothes  the  boys;  the  city  erects  the  buildings,  and  the 
Board  of  Education  manages  the  school  and  pays  all  salaries.  There  are 
three  buildings  holding  forty  boys  each.  About  600  boys  go  through  the 
institution  in  a  year.  It  is  a  "  testing  out "  school  and  working  boys'  institution 
to  which  first  offenders  between  the  ages  of  ten  and  eighteen  are  committed 
through  the  juvenile  court.  In  19 19  the  Negro  boys  were  15  per  cent  of  the 
total;  in  1920,  less  than  7  per  cent.  This  dechne  Mr.  Milliken,  the  managing 
officer,  thought  to  be  due  to  the  cessation  of  Negro  migration. 

The  treatment  accorded  Negro  boys  in  cottages  and  at  meals,  play,  and 
work  is  identical  with  that  given  white  boys.  There  is  no  difference  in  disci- 
pline. Race  prejudice  is  not  prominent,  and  the  boys  are  said  to  be  most 
democratic  with  each  other  regardless  of  color.  The  director  says:  ''They 
work  together,  beautifully;    the  idea  [of  prejudice]  never  enters  into  their 


340  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

heads.  I  think  it  is  the  outside  influence  that  brings  about  these  condi- 
tions [of  prejudice]." 

Chicago  Parental  School.  To  this  school,  situated  on  the  North  Side  of  the 
city,  truants  from  the  pubUc  schools  of  Chicago  are  committed  by  the  juvenile 
court.  The  total  number  of  pupils  last  year  included  993  boys  and  eighteen 
girls.     The  Negro  boys  numbered  eighty  and  the  Negro  girls  five. 

The  treatment  accorded  white  and  Negro  children  is  the  same.  No 
difference  in  regard  to  discipline  or  punishment  exists.  Race  prejudice  is 
not  apparent,  and  the  children's  attitude  toward  each  other  seems  not  to  be 
influenced  by  color.  The  deportment  of  Negro  and  white  children  is  reported 
to  be  the  same. 

House  of  Correction.  To  this  institution  adult  misdemeanants  are  com- 
mitted. Information  concerning  conditions  was  furnished  by  Joseph  Siman, 
superintendent. 

The  total  number  of  inmates  in  19 19  was  5,723,  and  1,151,  or  more  than 
20  per  cent,  were  Negroes.  This  percentage  is  larger  than  the  percentages 
of  Negroes  among  persons  arrested  on  misdemeanor  charges  and  among  those 
convicted. 

Negro  inmates  are  not  put  in  the  same  cells  with  whites,  but  are  frequently 
lodged  in  the  same  tier  of  cells.  There  are  separate  blocks  of  cells,  but  no 
separate  tiers  for  whites  and  Negroes. 

The  prisoners  eat  together  in  the  same  dining-room.  They  march  from 
their  cells  or  work  to  meals,  meetings,  and  church  services  and  usually  sit  in 
the  same  order  as  that  in  which  they  march. 

No  race  prejudice  is  noticeable  among  prisoners,  and  no  racial  clashes 
or  unpleasant  experiences  have  occurred  in  the  institution. 

Cook  County  Jail.  The  greatest  discrimination  noted  in  the  course  of  the 
institution  inquiry  was  at  the  Cook  County  Jail,  where  segregation  has  been 
carried  out  in  nearly  every  department.  The  statements  below  are  based  on 
interviews  with  Chief  Deputy  Sheriff  Laubenheimer  and  with  Mr.  King  of 
the  sheriff's  ofiSce,  who  was  chief  clerk  at  the  jail  at  the  time  of  this 
study. 

Negroes  are  completely  segregated  in  cells  on  the  first  two  floors  in  the  new 
jail.  Sometimes,  when  the  jail  is  crowded,  a  few  Negroes  are  put  in  among 
the  whites,  but  whites  are  not  often  put  in  the  part  of  the  jail  where  Negroes 
are  segregated.  A  condemned  Negro  murderer  is  placed  with  white  condemned 
murderers  in  the  section  set  apart  for  condemned  murderers.  Similarly  Negro 
boys  are  placed  with  white  boys  in  the  boys'  section  of  the  jail. 

Meals  are  served  to  all  prisoners  in  their  cells.  The  Negroes  have  a  separate 
"bull  pen"  for  exercise  but  are  given  the  same  faciUties  as  the  whites.  They 
have  separate  church  services.  Negro  guards  have  charge  of  the  Negro 
prisoners.  The  conduct  of  Negroes,  according  to  the  observation  of  Mr. 
King,  is  practically  the  same  as  that  of  the  whites. 


CRIME  AND  VICIOUS  ENVIRONMENT  341 

Out  of  a  total  of  8,616  inmates  in  the  county  jail  in  1919  there  were  1,655 
Negroes,  or  about  19  per  cent.  This  is  larger  than  the  proportion  of  Negroes 
among  all  arrested  or  convicted.  The  report  of  the  City  Council  Crime 
Committee  showed  that  irmiates  of  the  county  jail  were  confined  there  to  a 
large  extent  on  account  of  poverty. 

V.      NEGRO   CRIME  AND  ENVIRONMENT 

Housing. — Housing  must  be  considered  as  an  important  element  in  the 
environmental  causes  of  crime.  Elsewhere  this  report  presents  a  more  detailed 
study  of  housing  and  it  will  suffice  here  to  call  attention  to  the  prevalence  of 
taking  lodgers  which  is  economically  necessary  in  many  Negro  homes,  and  the 
consequent  danger  to  the  integrity  of  the  family;  to  the  laxity  of  law  enforce- 
ment in  certain  sections;  to  the  condition  of  streets  and  alleys;  and  to  frequent 
instances  of  defective  housing  which  have  the  effect  of  driving  the  children 
into  the  streets  or  to  questionable  places  of  amusement. 

Recreation. — A  comprehensive  inquiry  into  the  relations  between  recreation 
and  delinquency,  made  by  the  Cleveland  Foundation  in  19 17,  showed  that  the 
use  of  leisure  time  had  a  relation  to  deUnquency  in  75  per  cent  of  the  cases 
observed,  and  that  51  per  cent  of  the  leisure  time  of  the  dehnquent  child  was 
spent  in  ways  that  were  aimless  and  undirected;  while  in  the  case  of  the 
"wholesome"  child,  only  seven-tenths  of  i  per  cent  of  the  spare  time  was  thus 
spent.  Local  studies  made  by  T.  J.  Szmergalski,  of  the  West  Chicago  Park 
Commission,  show  that  the  establishment  of  a  supervised  park  or  playground 
tends  to  decrease  complaints  of  deUnquency  from  30  to  40  per  cent  within 
the  range  of  its  usefulness — a  radius  of  about  three-quarters  of  a  mile.  With 
these  facts  as  a  background  it  is  significant  that  there  is  no  recreation  center 
and  only  a  few  small  playgrounds  freely  available  for  Negro  children  within 
the  congested  Negro  district.  In  many  of  the  crowded  areas  inhabited  by 
foreign  colonies  are  well-equipped  recreation  centers  with  model  field  houses, 
used  by  thousands  of  persons  from  these  districts.  The  facilities  available 
to  Negro  children  and  young  people  in  this  respect  are  much  less  adequate.' 

Bathing-beaches,  which  are  a  sunmier-time  boon  to  Chicago  residents, 
foreign  and  native,  are  not  freely  accessible  to  Negroes.  The  tragic  incidents 
in  which  the  riot  of  19 19  began,  illustrate  the  discriminatory  attitude  fre- 
quently observed  when  Negroes  attempt  to  enjoy  some  of  these  recreational 
faciUties. 

The  importance  of  these  recreation  opportunities  is  further  emphasized 
in  the  Annual  Report  of  the  Crime  Commission  in  its  section  on  recreation. 

The  answer  to  the  lack  of  a  sufficient  number  of  well-ordered  places  of  recreation 
and  amusement  is  to  be  found  in  the  thriving  condition  of  Chicago's  cheap  dance 
halls,  underworld  cabarets,  unsupervised  movie  theatres  of  the  cheaper  class  and 
the  large  number  of  pool-rooms  scattered  throughout  the  city.    These  estabUsh- 

»  See  "Recreation,"  p.  272. 


342 


THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 


ments  are  the  worst  breeders  of  crime  with  which  this  community  has  to  contend 
and  they  should  be  subjected  to  rigid  police  regulations  on  the  part  of  the  municipal 
authorities. 

The  chief  counteracting  influences  of  such  places  of  amusement  are  the  parks, 
playgroimds  and  other  municipal  recreation  centers,  and  there  is  a  great  need  for  the 
establishment  of  more  of  these,  particvilarly  in  the  congested  districts. 

J  iychological. — It  is  the  opinion  of  criminologists  that  a  "warped"  mind 
is  K  sponsible  for  many  crimes.  This  general  condition  is  true  of  Negroes  as 
well  as  whites.  But  another  factor  appears  in  many  crimes  of  Negroes. 
The  traditional  ostracism,  exploitation  and  petty  daily  insults  to  which  they 
are  continually  exposed  have  doubtless  provoked,  even  in  normal-minded 
Negroes,  a  pathological  attitude  toward  society  which  sometimes  expresses 
itseK  defensively  in  acts  of  violence  and  other  lawlessness.  A  desire  for  social 
revenge  might  well  be  expected  to  result  from  the  facetious  and  insulting 
manner  in  which  Negroes  are  often  treated  by  officers  of  the  law. 

"Infective"  environment. — Much  of  what  is  said  in  the  Annual  Report  of 
the  Crime  Commission  for  1920  regarding  the  relation  of  infective  environment 
to  crime,  can  be  fairly  applied  to  the  congested  South  Side  areas  of  Negro 
residence: 

Infective  environment  as  a  cause  of  crime  is  classified  separately  from  problems 
of  home  environment  because  where  the  latter  may  be  conducive  to  the  proper 
rearing  of  children  into  manhood  and  womanhood,  the  influence  immediately  outside 
the  home  may  be  exactly  the  opposite.  There  are,  in  a  great  city  like  Chicago, 
certain  neighborhoods  in  which  influences  are  at  work  continuously  to  produce 
criminals.  While  the  production  of  criminals  is  by  no  means  confined  to  any  one 
section  of  the  city  but  is  widespread  throughout  the  community,  still  there  are  sections 
in  which  conditions  are  such  that  the  growing  child  is  indeed  fortunate  if  he  can  attain 
manhood  without  being  led  to  commit  some  offense  against  society. 

In  Chicago  our  chief  district  of  this  character  is,  or  was  until  recently  at  least, 
"Canaryville"and  much  of  the  other  territory  immediatelyadjacent  to  the  Stock  Yards. 
It  was  this  section  which  produced  "Moss"  Enright,  "Sonny"  Dunn,  Eugene  Geary, 
the  Gentlemen  brothers  and  many  others  of  Chicago's  worst  type  of  criminals.  It  is 
in  this  district  that  "athletic  clubs"  and  other  organizations  of  young  toughs  and 
gangsters  flourish,  and  where  disreputable  poolrooms,  hoodlum-infested  saloons  and 
other  criminal  hangouts  are  plentiful. 

Often  it  has  been  the  case  that  public  officials  having  such  constituencies  have 
utilized  these  conditions  to  further  their  own  political  advantages  without  making 
the  slightest  effort  to  bring  about  improvements,  in  some  instances,  actually  assisting 
their  constituents  to  violate  the  law  in  order  to  aid  the  building  up  of  their  political 

machines Improvement  of  districts  of  this  character  and  the  elimination  of 

such  conditions  within  them  is  highly  essential  if  organized  crime  is  to  be  reduced. 

Vice. — Vice  districts  and  Negro  residence  districts  are  now  and  have  long 
been  close  together.  As  late  as  1905  a  segregated  vice  district  was  tolerated 
on  the  West  Side,  on  Green,  Peoria,  Sangamon,  Morgan,  Curtis,  Carpenter, 


fi-M 


rii  1^ 


ENVIRONMENT  OF  THE   SOUTH  SIDE  NEGRO 

NO.l 

HOUSES  or  PROSTITUTION 

1916 

DEALT  WITH  BY  THE  MORALS  COURT  AND 
THE  COMMITTEE  OF   FIFTEEN 
THE  AREA  OUTLINED  IN  BLACK   SHOWS 
THE  BOUNDARIES   OF  THE  RECOGNIZED 
SEGREGATED  VICE  DISTRICT  WHICH  WAS 
IN  EXISTENCE    UP  TO  NOVEMBER.  1912. 


-..^■_.-^-_.-'ia.!^.^-te^-J*t^--: -^^yji 

-15— ■;  -;«^lif^r^;-  T  IPV  \   ",    '\     V'tS 


jJmmlsjJjjddML 


ttm 


iujDtix 


eTinriimmiiiDmDnrxp 
[t^Gmmnnynnnann[fi 


DmLlDanDlJuGD 

uLULjuariiima.] 

[BCDttB" 


initTlii 


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HDnoDDnnnDDnf 


nnnnnriijiant 
]DDDa_Ljy.ilJDn[ 


ir^'fn'r^  rn"rTrn'rnT°Tf 


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E^fVlRONMENT  OF  THE  SOUTH  SIDE  NEGRO 

NO.  2 

HOUSES  or  PROSTITUTION 


DEALT  WITH  BY  THE  MORALS  COURT  AND 
THE  COMMITTEE  OF  FIFTEEN 
THE  AREA  OUTLINED  IN  BLACK   5M0W5 
THE  BOUNDARIES  OF  THE  RECOGNIZED 
SEGREGATED  VICE  DISTRICT  WHICH  WAS 
IN  EXISTENCE    UP  TO  NOVEMBER.  I9i2. 


MSMU 


CRIME  AND  VICIOUS  ENVIRONMENT  343 

and  Randolph  streets,  and  Washington  Boulevard.  Just  north  of  this  district 
on  Lake,  Walnut,  and  Fulton  streets,  lived  Negroes,  segregated  by  public 
sentiment.  Another  vice  district  was  along  Custom  House  Place,  now  Federal 
Street,  near  which  Negroes  lived,  similarly  segregated  by  public  sentiment. 
When  this  vice  district  was  moved  southward  to  Twenty-second  Street  it  had 
a  fringe  of  Negro  residence.  Later  this  district  was  aboUshed,  and  now  vice 
of  this  kind  is  scattered  and  more  clandestine  and  is  to  be  found  farther  south, 
largely  between  Thirty-first  and  Fifty-fifth  streets.  More  than  75  per  cent 
of  the  Negro  population  of  the  city  hves  in  this  area. 

Concerning  the  proximity  of  Negro  residence  areas  to  vice  areas,  the 
Chicago  Vice  Commission  report  in  191 1  said: 

The  history  of  the  social  evil  in  Chicago  is  intimately  connected  with  the  colored 
population.  Invariably  the  large  vice  districts  have  been  created  within  or  near  the 
settlements  of  colored  people.  In  the  past  history  of  the  city  every  time  a  new  vice 
district  was  created  downtown  or  on  the  South  Side,  the  colored  families  were  in 
the  district,  moving  in  just  ahead  of  the  prostitutes.  The  situation  along  State  Street 
from  Sixteenth  Street  south  is  an  illustration. 

So  whenever  prostitutes,  cadets  and  thugs  were  located  among  white  people  and 
had  to  be  moved  for  commercial  or  other  reasons,  they  were  driven  to  undesirable 
parts  of  the  city;  the  so-called  colored  residential  sections. 

The  chief  of  police  in  19 12  warned  prostitutes  that  so  long  as  they  confined 
their  residence  to  districts  west  of  Wabash  Avenue  and  east  of  Wentworth 
Avenue,  they  would  not  be  disturbed.  This  area  contained  at  that  time  the 
largest  group  of  Negroes  in  the  city,  with  most  of  their  churches,  Sunday 
schools,  and  societies. 

The  Vice  Conmiission  report  further  said: 

In  addition  to  this  proximity  to  immoral  conditions  young  colored  girls  are 
often  forced  into  idleness  because  of  prejudice  against  them  and  they  are  eventually 
forced  to  accept  positions  as  maids  in  houses  of  prostitution. 

Employment  agents  do  not  hesitate  to  send  colored  girls  as  servants  to  these 
houses.  They  make  the  astounding  statement  that  the  law  does  not  allow  them  to 
send  white  girls,  but  they  will  furnish  colored  help. 

In  summing  up,  it  is  an  appalling  fact  that  practically  all  of  the  male  and  female 
servants  connected  with  houses  of  prostitution  in  vice  districts  and  in  disorderly 
flats  in  residence  sections  are  colored 

The  apparent  discrimination  against  colored  citizens  of  the  city  in  permitting 
vice  to  be  set  down  in  their  very  midst  is  imjust  and  abhorrent  to  aU  fair-minded 
people.  Colored  children  should  receive  the  same  moral  protection  that  white 
children  receive. 

The  prejudice  against  colored  girls  who  are  ambitious  to  earn  an  honest  living 
is  unjust.  Such  an  attitude  eventually  drives  them  into  immoral  surroundings. 
They  need  special  care  and  protection  on  the  maxim  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  strong 
to  help  the  weak.  Any  effort,  therefore,  to  improve  conditions  in  Chicago  should 
provide  more  wholesome  surroundings  for  the  families  of  its  colored  citizens  who 
now  live  in  communities  of  colored  people. 


344  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

That  many  Negroes  live  near  vice  districts  is  not  due  to  their  choice  nor 
to  low  moral  standards,  but  to  three  causes:  (i)  Negroes  are  unwelcome  in 
desirable  white  residence  locaUties;  (2)  small  incomes  compel  them  to  live  in 
the  least  expensive  places  regardless  of  surroundings;  while  premises  rented 
for  immoral  purposes  bring  notoriously  high  rentals,  they  make  the  neighbor- 
hood undesirable  and  the  rent  of  other  Hving  quarters  there  abnormally 
low;  and  (3)  Negroes  lack  sufficient  influence  and  power  to  protest  effectively 
against  the  encroachments  of  vice. 

The  records  of  convictions  in  the  morals  court  and  the  evidence  of  the 
Committee  of  Fifteen  show  the  gradual  drift  of  prostitution  southward  coinci- 
dentally  with  the  expansions  of  the  main  area  of  Negro  residence. 

Between  1916  and  1918  houses  of  prostitution  decreased  from  forty-eight 
to  twenty-five  in  number  in  the  territory  between  Twelfth  and  Twenty-second 
streets,  and  from  130  to  107  between  Twelfth  and  Thirty-first  streets.  Between 
Thirty-first  and  Thirty-fifth  streets,  the  number  had  slightly  increased, 
while  there  was  an  increase  of  nearly  80  per  cent  between  Thirty-fifth  and 
Thirty-ninth  streets.  In  the  combined  districts  between  Thirty-first  and 
Thirty-ninth  streets  the  number  increased  from  sixty-two  to  eighty-four; 
and  between  Thirty-ninth  and  Fifty-fifth  streets  the  increase  was  from  eleven 
to  fifty-four. 

These  are  probably  only  a  fraction  of  the  number  that  really  exist  there, 
and  while  they  are  too  few  to  be  conclusive,  they  are  significant  when  con- 
sidered in  relation  to  the  movement  of  the  Negro  population.  The  accompany- 
ing maps  show  that  the  figures  coincide  substantially  with  the  expansion  of 
Negro  residence  areas  southward  and  eastward. 

Further  evidence  of  this  movement  of  vicious  resorts,  and  an  abnormally 
large  nimiber  of  them,  into  the  Negro  areas  was  obtained  from  the  state's 
attorney's  office,  the  Commission's  investigations,  and  from  confidential 
reports  submitted  by  other  organizations.  Most  of  these  places  are  maintained 
by  white  persons,  because  in  this  district  there  is  less  likelihood  of  effective 
interference,  either  from  citizens  or  public  authorities. 

Cabarets  and  gambling. — In  close  relation  to  the  disorderly  houses  are  the 
vicious  cabarets  in  the  Negro  areas  on  the  South  Side.  Their  reputation  and 
the  conditions  existing  in  them  have  been  given  much  publicity  by  the  local 
press. 

Gambling  was  found  to  be  prevalent  at  many  places  in  this  section,  and 
only  sUght  effort  was  made  to  conceal  violations  of  the  law.  Under  the  guise 
of  "clubs"  some  places  were  being  operated  as  gambling  houses  with  dice  and 
card  games  predominating.  Other  places,  apparently  with  Uttle  fear  of  the 
police,  both  conducted  and  permitted  gambling  with  cards  and  on  pool  games. 
Baseball  pools  and  "policy,"  as  well  as  betting  on  horse-race  returns,  were 
prevalent. 


CRIME  AND  VICIOUS  ENVIRONMENT  345 

VI.      VIEWS   OF  AUTHORITIES   ON   CRIME   AMONG  NEGROES 

Much  information  was  secured  from  conferences  with  numerous  authorities 
on  crime:  judges  of  the  juvenile,  municipal,  circuit,  superior  and  criminal 
courts;  the  general  superintendent  of  pohce  and  poHce  captains,  former  high 
poUce  ofl5cials;  heads  of  correctional  and  penal  institutions;  the  state's 
attorney;  experts  on  probation  and  parole,  representatives  from  the  sheriff's 
ofl5ce;  and  social  workers  having  intimate  knowledge  of  crime  conditions. 

The  views  of  those  authorities  are  an  important  aid  in  giving  proper 
interpretation  to  the  factors  which  cause  crime  among  Negroes,  and  to  the 
circumstances  connected  with  crime  prejudicial  to  Negroes  as  compared  with 
whites.  For  example,  the  testimony  is  practically  unanimous  that  Negroes 
are  much  more  hable  to  arrest  than  whites,  since  pohce  ofl&cers  share  in  the 
general  pubhc  opinion  that  Negroes  "are  more  criminal  than  whites,"  and 
also  feel  that  there  is  httle  risk  of  trouble  in  arresting  Negroes,  while  greater 
care  must  be  exercised  in  arresting  whites. 

The  Negro  crime  rate  is  exaggerated  quite  as  much  by  the  fewer  arrests 
of  whites  than  Negroes,  in  comparison  with  the  number  of  crimes  committed, 
as  by  the  ease  with  which  many  Negroes  may  be  arrested  for  one  crime.  We 
have  aheady  noted  the  remarkable  discrepancy  between  the  poUce  reports 
of  crimes  committed  and  the  actual  crimes  hsted  by  the  Crime  Commission. 
Fewer  Negroes  than  whites  escape  arrest  and  prosecution.  When  compari- 
sons are  made  on  the  basis  of  statistics  for  arrests  and  convictions,  there  is 
presented,  unless  proper  explanations  of  the  statistics  are  made,  an  exagger- 
ated picture  of  Negro  crime. 

The  views  of  many  of  these  authorities  on  various  branches  of  this  inquiry 
are  here  given: 

I.      FEWER  PROFESSIONAL  AISTO  BANDED   CRIMINALS  AMONG  NEGROES 

Judge  Edmimd  Jarecki,  municipal  court: 

I  know  of  no  built-up  organization  of  Negroes  that  would  have  any  particular 
control  over  criminals. 

Judge  Daniel  P.  Trude,  municipal  court: 

I  think  Negro  criminals  are  more  isolated.  My  experience  in  the  boys'  court 
was  with  the  colored  boys  who  would  go  out  and  steal  clothes,  a  new  shirt  or  some 
socks,  or  something  of  that  sort  that  they  could  pick  off  the  back  porch.  I  found 
that  there  was  considerable  of  that,  but  they  are  very  partial  and  take  from  their 
own  people. 

Judge  Charles  M.  Thomson,  criminal  court: 

Negro  crime  is  not  organized,  but  individual,  I  should  say,  almost  without 
exception. 

Judge  Kickham  Scanlan,  criminal  court: 

In  May,  1920,  I  was  assigned  to  the  North  Side  to  try  some  unbailable  murder 
cases.    It  was  found  that  there  were  over  500  homicide  cases  ....  these  were 


346  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

nearly  all  cases  in  which  gangs  of  young  white  men  confederated  together  to  go  out 
and  hold  up  places,  and  they  made  a  business  of  it,  and  some  of  these  gangs  have 
committed  any  number  of  hold-ups,  and  one  member  of  the  gang  explained  that 
he  had  killed  as  many  as  twenty  victims.  The  evidence  showed  that  they  killed 
when  they  didn't  have  to  kill,  just  recklessly  and  wantonly.  In  none  of  the  cases  of 
the  character  I  have  talked  about  were  there  any  colored  defendants.  They  were 
all  white  men  ....  there  were  some  of  the  most  vicious  cases  I  know  anything  about 
in  my  thirty-four  years  of  experience. 

I  just  want  to  make  that  one  point  to  this  Commission,  that  never  in  the  history 
of  this  community  has  the  white  race  stood  so  low  from  the  standpoint  of  crime  as 
it  does  at  the  present  time.  White  young  men  are  banding  together  in  gangs  and 
deliberately  going  out  and  holding  people  up,  right  and  left,  and  shooting  them  down. 
I  notice  that  there  are  a  few  colored  imitators  of  the  white  men,  but  the  bad  man  of 
the  city  of  Chicago  at  the  present  time  is  the  young  white  man. 

General  Leroy  T.  Steward,  former  chief  of  police: 

I  think  generally  speaking  that  the  Negro  criminals  work  as  individuals.  I  only 
recall  one  instance  where  there  was  a  gang  of  colored  men  that  came  to  my  attention, 
but  I  know  of  many  white  gangs. 

Dr.  Herman  Adler,  state  criminologist: 

You  asked  a  question  in  regard  to  gangs — whether  there  is  a  combination  among 
Negroes.  There  are  not  many.  They  are  more  individual,  but  on  the  other  hand 
the  lower  grade  of  Negroes  are  likely  to  be  the  tools  of  the  others  at  times;  they  have 
been  used  that  way.  Where  you  are  dealing  with  murder,  with  sex  crimes,  with 
certain  forms  of  burglary,  larceny,  you  are  usually  dealing  with  individual 
criminals 

Now  there  is  here,  in  Chicago,  professional  organized  crime.  The  colored  people 
as  a  whole  are  less  engaged  in  professional  crime  and  they  are  more  the  accidental, 
casual  criminal  or  the  low-grade  person  with  a  strong  temper  and  a  strong  physique 
etc.,  who  slips  into  crime  by  following  the  line  of  least  resistance. 

Major  L.  M.  C.  Funkhouser: 

Negro  criminals  are  not  organized. 

Professor  Charles  E.  Merriam: 

My  belief  is  that  the  Negro  criminals  are  not  so  well  organized  as  the  white. 
They  don't  go  much  in  bands;  furthermore,  they  are  not  so  much  in  the  class  of 
professional  criminals  as  they  are  in  the  class  of  occasional  criminals.  It  seems  to 
me  that  the  colored  offender  is  the  individual  offender;  his  crimes  are  more  of  haste 
or  passion.    He  is  in  the  occasional  offender  class. 

2.      SEX  CRIME  AMONG  NEGROES  AS  COMPARED   WITH   WHITES 

Judge  Edmund  Jarecki: 

So  far  as  sex  crimes  are  concerned,  during  the  time  I  have  been  there  [in  the 
boys'  court]  I  have  not  noticed  anything  that  would  indicate  any  difference  between 
colored  and  white  boys. 


CRIME  AND  VICIOUS  ENVIRONMENT  347 

Judge  Charles  M,  Thomson: 

In  my  work  with  the  crimmal  court,  I  was  astonished  at  the  large  number  of 
criminals  involvmg  the  sexual  abuse  of  children,  but  I  remember  no  case  in  which 
a  colored  defendant  was  charged  with  that  crime.  Almost  all  races  were  represented, 
but  I  don't  remember  one  colored  man  charged  with  the  abuse  of  a  child.  There 
were  many,  however,  accused  of  adultery. 

Judge  Hugo  Pam,  criminal  court: 

I  have  had  more  serious  rape  cases  against  white  than  against  colored  people. 
The  most  serious  case  I  had  was  about  ten  days  ago,  and  I  sentenced  the  man  to  life 
imprisonment.    I  never  had  such  a  case  involving  a  Negro. 

Judge  Kickham  Scanlan,  criminal  court: 

I  do  not  think  Negroes  are  more  liable  to  sex  crimes  than  whites.  I  tried  a 
colored  man  sk  or  eight  years  ago  for  rape.  He  founded  an  alleged  orphan  asylum. 
The  evidence  showed  that  he  had  held  a  number  of  young  children  in  that  place. 
He  got  life  in  the  penitentiary.  He  was  the  only  colored  man  ever  tried  before  me 
with  any  offense  of  that  character.  The  children  in  that  case  were  colored  children. 
But  I  have  tried  a  number  of  white  men  for  rape,  and  while  I  have  had  ten  or  a  dozen 
cases  of  crimes  against  children,  in  my  twelve  years'  experience  on  the  bench,  I  have 
never  had  a  case  of  a  colored  man  charged  with  crime  against  children. 

3.      OFFENSES  AGAINST  MORALS 

Judge  Arnold  Heap : 

The  number  of  colored  cases  in  the  morals  court  is  largely  disproportionate  to 
the  number  of  Negroes  in  the  total  Chicago  popixlation.  There  are  more  colored 
cases  now  in  the  morals  court  than  formerly  because  in  the  past  the  houses  kept  by 
white  people  with  colored  inmates  were  alone  held  responsible.  Since  colored  people 
are  now  doing  business  on  their  own  responsibility,  they  are  at  present  brought  in 
the  same  as  white  people.  At  first  the  Negro  newcomers  were  strangers  to  our 
surroundings  and  were  not  such  frequent  offenders,  but  as  that  strangeness  wore  off 
they  became  familiar  with  vice  as  it  exists  among  us  today.  The  offenses  of  these 
new  comers  are  about  the  same  as  those  of  the  northern  Negroes.  Some  persons 
think  that  the  immoraUty  of  the  colored  is  more  gross  than  that  of  the  whites,  but 
I  have  my  doubts  about  it.  One  factor  in  the  problem  is  that  colored  people  of  the 
poorer  class  crowd  together  in  smaller  quarters  than  whites,  and  this  tends  to  a  lesser 
type  of  morality  because  they  are  so  crowded. 

Judge  WeUs  M.  Cook,  municipal  court: 

Prostitution  among  the  white  people  in  Chicago  in  191 8  was  more  or  less  clan- 
destine, in  flats  and  cheap  hotels  and  in  private  homes,  and  more  or  less  under  cover. 
The  colored  people,  hving  largely  in  one  section  of  the  city,  and  being  naturally  of  a 
social,  emotional  temperament,  are  apt  to  congregate  in  places  and  in  resorts  where 
the  police  could  more  easily  raid  them,  and  are  much  more  easily  apprehended. 
That  is  about  the  only  reason  I  can  see  for  the  disproportionate  number  of  colored 
defendants  brought  into  the  morals  court.  It  is  not  that  there  is  any  greater  percent- 
age of  immorality,  but  prostitution  among  whites  was  more  clandestine. 


CRIME  AND  VICIOUS  ENVIRONMENT  347 

Judge  Charles  M.  Thomson: 

In  my  work  with  the  criminal  court,  I  was  astonished  at  the  large  number  of 
crimmals  involving  the  sexual  abuse  of  children,  but  I  remember  no  case  in  which 
a  colored  defendant  was  charged  with  that  crime.  Almost  all  races  were  represented, 
but  I  don't  remember  one  colored  man  charged  with  the  abuse  of  a  child.  There 
were  many,  however,  accused  of  adultery. 

Judge  Hugo  Pam,  criminal  court: 

I  have  had  more  serious  rape  cases  against  white  than  against  colored  people. 
The  most  serious  case  I  had  was  about  ten  days  ago,  and  I  sentenced  the  man  to  life 
imprisonment.     I  never  had  such  a  case  involving  a  Negro. 

Judge  Kickham  Scanlan,  criminal  court: 

I  do  not  think  Negroes  are  more  liable  to  sex  crimes  than  whites.  I  tried  a 
colored  man  six  or  eight  years  ago  for  rape.  He  foimded  an  alleged  orphan  asylum. 
The  evidence  showed  that  he  had  held  a  number  of  young  children  in  that  place. 
He  got  life  in  the  penitentiary.  He  was  the  only  colored  man  ever  tried  before  me 
with  any  offense  of  that  character.  The  children  in  that  case  were  colored  children. 
But  I  have  tried  a  number  of  white  men  for  rape,  and  while  I  have  had  ten  or  a  dozen 
cases  of  crimes  against  children,  in  my  twelve  years'  experience  on  the  bench,  I  have 
never  had  a  case  of  a  colored  man  charged  with  crime  against  children. 

3.      OFFENSES  AGAINST  MORALS 

Judge  Arnold  Heap : 

The  number  of  colored  cases  in  the  morals  court  is  largely  disproportionate  to 
the  number  of  Negroes  in  the  total  Chicago  popidation.  There  are  more  colored 
cases  now  in  the  morals  court  than  formerly  because  in  the  past  the  houses  kept  by 
white  people  with  colored  inmates  were  alone  held  responsible.  Since  colored  people 
are  now  doing  business  on  their  own  responsibility,  they  are  at  present  brought  in 
the  same  as  white  people.  At  first  the  Negro  newcomers  were  strangers  to  our 
surroundings  and  were  not  such  frequent  offenders,  but  as  that  strangeness  wore  off 
they  became  familiar  with  vice  as  it  exists  among  us  today.  The  offenses  of  these 
new  comers  are  about  the  same  as  those  of  the  northern  Negroes.  Some  persons 
think  that  the  immoraUty  of  the  colored  is  more  gross  than  that  of  the  whites,  but 
I  have  my  doubts  about  it.  One  factor  in  the  problem  is  that  colored  people  of  the 
poorer  class  crowd  together  in  smaller  quarters  than  whites,  and  this  tends  to  a  lesser 
type  of  morality  because  they  are  so  crowded. 

Judge  Wells  M.  Cook,  municipal  court: 

Prostitution  among  the  white  people  in  Chicago  in  191 8  was  more  or  less  clan- 
destine, in  flats  and  cheap  hotels  and  in  private  homes,  and  more  or  less  under  cover. 
The  colored  people,  hving  largely  in  one  section  of  the  city,  and  being  naturally  of  a 
social,  emotional  temperament,  are  apt  to  congregate  in  places  and  in  resorts  where 
the  police  could  more  easily  raid  them,  and  are  much  more  easily  apprehended. 
That  is  about  the  only  reason  I  can  see  for  the  disproportionate  number  of  colored 
defendants  brought  into  the  morals  court.  It  is  not  that  there  is  any  greater  percent- 
age of  immoraHty,  but  prostitution  among  whites  was  more  clandestine. 


348  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

O.  J.  Milliken,  superintendent,  Chicago  and  Cook  County  School  for  Delin- 
quent Boys: 
I  don't  think  that  homosexual  relations  are  a  racial  matter  with  the  boys.    The 

sex  problem,  I  think,  doesn't  manifest  itself  between  races  as  much  as  it  does  in  the 

lower  classes  of  whites  that  come  in. 

4.      LYING  AND   STEALING 

Judge  Daniel  P.  Trude: 

"I  think  the  colored  man,  if  he  is  not  a  desirable  citizen,  is  undesirable  because 
he  has  not  been  given  a  chance;  he  has  not  been  given  the  advantages  that  a  white 
fellow  has  from  birth."  Judge  Trude  agreed  with  the  view  expressed  in  a  question 
that  if  the  Negro  were  found  careless  as  to  the  truth  and  as  to  his  promises,  it  was  due 
to  his  heredity  and  lack  of  training  rather  than  anything  inherently  bad  in  him. 

Judge  Wells  M.  Cook: 

I  think  there  is  a  great  deal  of  nonsense  in  the  talk  about  the  colored  man  being 
more  apt  to  he  or  steal  than  the  white  man.  I  think  that  is  largely  a  question  of 
environment  and  training.  He  is  not  more  inclined,  in  my  judgment,  to  tell  a  lie 
or  steal  than  a  white  man. 

Judge  Charles  M.  Thomson: 

I  would  say  there  is  a  far  larger  niunber  of  larceny  cases  involving  the  white 
than  the  colored  man,  even  in  proportion  to  the  population.  The  larger  proportion 
of  cases  involving  the  colored  is  in  having  to  do  with  fights,  involving  murder  in  some 
instances. 

Judge  Edmund  Jarecki: 

No,  I  don't  think  Negroes  are  more  likely  to  be  guilty  of  theft  than  whites; 
that  is  not  usually  the  case. 

5.      TYPES  OF  NEGRO  CRIMES 

Judge  Hugo  Pam: 

The  colored  man  is  frequently  charged  with  robbery  with  a  gun,  and  a  great 
many  have  gvms.    Relatively  speaking,  more  colored  men  have  guns  than  white  men. 

Judge  Kickham  Scanlan: 

The  most  prevalent  crimes  or  types  of  crimes  amongst  Negroes,  according  to 
my  observation,  are  gambling,  assault  cases,  caused  by  drinking  or  women,  petty 
theft. 

F.  Emory  Lyon,  superintendent,  Central  Howard  Association: 

My  experience  in  dealing  with  colored  offenders  would  indicate  a  shghtly  larger 
proportion  of  crimes  of  violence  than  in  the  case  of  white  men. 

Dr.  Clara  Hayes,  Geneva  School  for  Delinquent  Girls: 

I  think  there  is  a  httle  more  tendency  on  the  part  of  colored  inmates  toward 
violence  than  there  is  among  white  girls.  I  mean  such  misconduct  as  attacks  on 
other  girls,  etc. 


CRIME  AND  VICIOUS  ENVIRONMENT  349 

6.      MENTAL 

Judge  Daniel  P.  Trude: 

I  today  received  a  letter  from  a  young  colored  man  who  has  been  in  the  boys' 
court  several  times.  His  father  is  a  mental  defective,  and  he  is  a  mental  defective. 
That  is  the  reason  he  keeps  committing  these  crimes.  He  is  in  the  Dixon  Home  for 
Feeble  Minded.  There  are  a  number  of  colored  boys  that  come  up  from  the  South 
that  way,  and  it  is  my  judgment  that  southern  institutions  are  turning  them  loose. 
I  think  lUinois  does  as  well  as  other  states.  They  all  discharge  mental  defectives 
as  cured,  and  they  wander  all  over  the  face  of  the  earth,  in  and  out  of  other  institu- 
tions. 

Judge  Charles  M.  Thomson: 

As  a  rule  the  mentality  of  colored  offenders  was  not  high.  I  had  a  few  cases 
where  the  reverse  was  true,  and  one  which  involved  a  man  who  was  as  smart  a  man 
as  I  ever  tried. 

Mary  Bartelme,  associate  judge  of  the  juvenile  court: 

As  to  mentaUty,  I  would  say  that  in  recent  years  we  have  had  a  large  number 
of  girls  who  have  come  up  to  Chicago  from  the  South  and  their  educations  have  not 
been  equal  to  the  educations  of  the  white  girls  and  their  mental  development  has  not 
been  the  same. 

Dr.  Herman  Adler: 

At  Pontiac  we  find  in  general  that  the  average  of  intelligence  in  the  colored 
people  is  rather  less  than  in  the  whites.  Take  the  white  people  separately  and  you 
win  find  about  the  same  proportion  of  low  grades  as  in  the  colored  race.  In  actual 
group  comparison,  the  colored  race  is  somewhat  below  that  of  the  whites.  That  is, 
in  general  the  distribution  is  about  the  same,  but  there  is  always  a  sHght  lag  of  the 
colored  below  the  white.  The  lower  the  intelligence,  on  the  whole,  the  more  likely 
it  is  that  the  individual  is  in  the  institution  for  a  crime  of  violence  or  a  sex  crime  or 
incendiarism;  the  higher  the  intelligence,  the  more  likely  that  the  crime  is  forgery  or 
some  crime  involving  fraud. 

7.      CHANGE   IN   CHARACTER   OF   CRIME    OR   INCREASE   IN   CRIME 
DUE    TO    MIGRATION 

Judge  Hugh  Stewart: 

I  am  of  the  impression  that  the  colored  men  from  the  South  are  in  the  courts  in 

larger  numbers  than  are  those  who  have  lived  here  a  long  time A  great  many 

of  the  colored  people  from  the  South  are  very  dark  skinned,  and  there  is  a  larger 
proportion,  in  my  estimation,  of  offenses  among  dark-skinned  colored  people  than 
among  those  of  the  fight  color.  I  sometimes  try  to  trace  out  where  they  come  from. 
I  find  a  great  many  of  these  cases  come  from  the  South. 

I  think  there  is  a  difference  between  offenses  committed  by  colored  persons  from 
the  South  and  colored  persons  who  have  resided  for  a  long  time  in  the  North.  I  think 
there  are  more  hold-ups  and  burglaries  committed  by  men  who  come  from  the  South 
than  by  the  colored  population  before  the  influx. 

I  am  of  the  opinion  that  Negroes  who  have  recently  come  from  the  South  and 
find  their  way  into  the  police  courts  do  not  typify  or  reflect  the  general  character  of 


350  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

the  southern  Negroes  as  a  class,  any  more  than  the  white  people  who  find  their  way 
into  the  police  courts  typify  other  whites  who  manage  to  keep  out  of  them. 

Judge  Daniel  P.  Trude : 

It  was  frequently  true  that  the  boys  would  jimip  freights  from  down  South  and 
come  up  here  and  be  picked  up  and  brought  into  court  and  be  left  in  jail  for  a  while 
with  nobody  to  keep  after  them,  or  furnish  bail.  The  South  has  never  given  the 
Negro  adequate  educational  advantages,  so  they  come  up  here  more  or  less  uneducated , 
many  of  them,  and  they  are  not  given  a  helping  hand  as  they  should  be. 

In  the  boys'  court  the  munber  of  southern  boys  recently  arrived  in  Chicago 
was  startling.  While  I  was  in  the  boys'  court,  I  made  it  a  practice  to  give  every 
one  of  them  a  card  to  the  Urban  League,  so  that  they  would  know  where  to  go  to 
get  advice  on  any  difficulty. 

Judge  Wells  M.  Cook: 

I  would  say  that  of  the  colored  men  and  women  brought  into  court  in  the  summer 
of  1918,  the  greater  percentage  were  colored  people  who  had  recently  come  to  Chicago. 
In  most  instances  the  colored  man  brought  in  had  money;  he  was  receiving  more 
wages  than  in  the  South;  the  city  was  "wet";  he  had  come  from  districts  in  the 
South  where  he  could  not  get  whiskey;  in  a  great  many  instances  he  had  not  brought 
his  wife  and  family  with  him,  so  he  was  easy  prey  for  those  engaged  in  commercial 
sexual  vice.  In  consequence  he  would  be  arrested  in  these  raids,  made  usually  by 
the  poUce  on  the  night  when  the  imderworld  was  supposed  to  be  the  busiest,  usually 
Saturday  and  Sunday  nights.  I  do  not  think  there  are  any  more  vicious  colored 
men  than  there  are  vicious  white  men,  but  the  colored  man  who  was  brought  in  largely 
was  a  newcomer.  There  had  been  no  particular  increase  in  vice  that  I  observed 
among  the  native-born  colored  people  or  the  man  who  had  come  to  Chicago  a  reason- 
able munber  of  years  back-  As  to  the  women,  they  were  almost  entirely  typical 
southern  prostitutes,  who  had  come  here  from  New  Orleans,  Memphis,  Nashville, 
Atlanta,  Galveston,  and  other  large  cities  in  the  South,  attracted  to  Chicago  by  reason 
of  the  fact  there  were  a  lot  of  colored  men  up  here  who  were  making  good  money. 
I  would  say  that  so  far  as  the  colored  women  of  Chicago  were  concerned,  there  was 
no  noticeable  increase  in  immorality  among  them. 

Mr.  O.  J.  Milliken: 

In  1919,  we  ran  up  to  15  per  cent  colored.  This  year,  1920,  it  is  less  than  7 
per  cent.  The  reason  is  foimd  in  the  boys  from  the  South.  They  have  stopped 
coming  now  and  we  are  getting  back  to  normal.  The  boys  from  the  South  have 
been  very  illiterate.  We  have  received  a  number  who  could  not  write  their  own  names 
and  would  almost  be  counted  subnormal  on  first  examination  but  are  often  found  to 
be  very  bright.  A  great  many  asked  to  come  back  or  asked  to  remain  in  the  institution 
imtil  they  could  get  some  education.  I  never  noticed  any  difference  as  to  color  in 
the  handling  of  the  boys  in  any  department. 

8.      LIABILITY   OF   THE    NEGRO   TO   ARREST 

Judge  Daniel  P.  Trude: 

I  think  that  at  the  time  of  the  riot  there  was  more  disposition  on  the  part  of  the 
officers  to  make  arrests  of  colored  offenders,  frequently  for  protection.     I  think  it 


CRIME  AND  VICIOUS  ENVIRONMENT  351 

was  due  to  what  Dr.  Shepardson  used  to  call,  out  at  the  University,  "the  mind  of 
the  mob" — a  disturbed  view  of  things  which  makes  one  likely  to  go  too  far  one  way 
or  the  other.  These  people  were  that  way.  They  had  to  arrest  a  certain  number 
and  try  to  check  the  riot,  and  they  went  too  far  in  many  cases. 

Judge  Charles  M.  Thomson: 

I  have  seen  cases  where  Negroes  were  arrested  on  suspicion;  I  would  not  say  there 
was  any  large  proportion.  I  remember  one  case  was  a  young  colored  fellow  arrested 
purely  on  suspicion.  The  jury  disagreed  the  first  time.  The  next  time  he  was  tried 
before  me,  and  the  jury  found  him  guilty.  Because  it  was  a  second  trial,  and  because 
of  the  disagreement,  I  watched  it  very  carefully  as  the  evidence  went  in,  and  I  became 
convinced  that  it  was  a  pure  case  of  the  officers  having  had  some  trouble  with  this 
fellow  before.  A  crime  occurred  in  their  district,  and  they  pounced  on  this  chap. 
I  felt  pretty  sure  he  was  not  guilty.  The  state's  attorney  called  the  trial  off.  He 
became  convinced  himself. 

Mr.  O.  J.  Milliken: 

After  a  boy  has  been  committed  by  the  juvenile  court,  he  is  known  to  the  police, 
and  I  have  four  or  five  colored  boys  today  who  are  carrying  letters  from  me  asking 
that  the  police  will  please  allow  these  boys  to  go  to  work.  Prejudice  on  the  part  of 
the  poUce  in  picking  up  alleged  offenders  is  more  apt  to  occur  against  Negroes  than 
whites. 

Judge  Kickham  Scanlan: 

Negroes  are  more  likely  to  be  arrested  on  suspicion  than  white  persons.  If 
you  will  teU  me  why  race  prejudice  exists  in  this  world,  I  will  tell  you  why  this  is  so. 
I  don't  think  the  police  are  quite  as  careful  with  reference  to  the  rights  of  the  colored 
man  as  with  the  white  man.  I  think  they  hesitate  a  little  longer  when  a  white  man 
is  involved;  I  am  certain  that  it  is  so. 

State's  Attorney  Maclay  Hojme: 

In  the  race  riots,  the  police  arrested  almost  exclusively  Negroes,  and  practically 
no  white  men. 

General  Leroy  T.  Steward: 

Recently  there  have  come  to  Chicago  from  the  South  large  numbers  of  colored 
men  who  have  formerly  lived  in  the  country  and  are  not  accustomed  to  city  environ- 
ments. These  men  have  largely  been  employed  at  the  Stock  Yards  and,  being 
unknown  to  the  police,  there  is  concerning  them  naturally  a  greater  suspicion  than 
would  attach  to  the  white  man  who  had  lived  for  a  greater  length  of  time  in  the  same 
district,  and  who  also  would  be  more  easily  identified  and  traced,  if  need  be,  and  he 
would  not,  therefore,  perhaps,  be  arrested  but  simply  be  observed,  while  the  police 
would,  no  doubt,  feel  if  they  permitted  the  colored  man  to  pass  on  at  the  time,  they 
would  lose  him  completely.  This  would  seem  to  me  to  be  the  real  basis  of  the  feeling 
that  has  maintained  on  the  part  of  these  men,  that  they  are  discriminated  against 
as  compared  with  the  whites. 

Another  matter  in  this  same  connection  that  no  doubt  has  a  bearing  on  the 
subject  is  that  these  same  men  who  have  been  accustomed  to  rather  close  surveillance 


352  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

in  the  South,  seem  to  feel  that  when  they  come  to  the  North  they  must  conduct 
themselves  in  a  manner  to  evidence  to  aU  concerned  that  they  have  equal  rights 
of  every  kind  and  character,  with  the  result  that  they  sometimes  are  guilty  of  unneces- 
sarily accentuating  these  matters,  and  thus  bringing  on  disputes  which  occasion  bad 
feeling  and  perhaps  lead  to  disturbances  resulting  in  arrest. 

Dr.  Herman  C.  Adler: 

Repeatedly  colored  men  have  been  convicted  on  evidence  which  I  know  perfectly 
well  would  not  have  been  satisfactory  in  white  cases.  I  know  that  was  so  in  the  case 
of  the  East  St.  Louis  riot  where  a  colored  man  was  sent  down  to  the  Southern  Illinois 
Penitentiary  for  participating  in  the  riots  on  the  charge  of  murder.  Even  the  prose- 
cuting office,  on  reviewing  the  facts,  a  year  later,  admitted  he  did  not  believe  the 
evidence  sufficient.  If  that  had  been  a  white  man  the  chances  are  that  he  would 
not  have  been  convicted  upon  that  evidence. 

We  had  the  same  thing  here  in  Chicago:  a  colored  man  sent  to  the  penitentiary 
on  a  charge  of  attempted  rape  where  the  identification  was  made  by  a  child  of  six  or 
eight  years  who  picked  him  out  of  a  crowd  under  suspicion.  No  such  evidence  ought 
to  be  accepted.  We  know  there  is  prejudice,  and  when  there  is  prejudice  we  know 
the  person  against  whom  the  prejudice  is  directed  has  a  hard  time. 

9.      DISCRIMINATION  IN  THE   COURTS 

Judge  Daniel  P.  Trude: 

I  think  in  the  main  the  Negro  gets  as  good  a  show  as  the  white  man  when  he  gets 
before  the  judge.    Whether  the  other  forces  before  he  gets  up  to  that  point  treat 

him  right  or  not,  I  cannot  say A  certain  number  of  poUcemen  have  "got  it 

in"  for  him  and  are  going  to  "take  a  crack"  at  him  because  he  is  a  colored  man. 

Judge  Hugo  Pam: 

In  a  murder  case  lawyers  will  challenge  a  Negro;  if  there  were  a  colored  man 
in  the  box  he  would  soon  be  put  out. 

Judge  Charles  M,  Thomson: 

Take  for  example  a  gun  case,  with  twelve  men  in  the  box,  and  one  a  colored  man, 
and  suppose  that  the  lawyer  challenged  the  Negro.    If  you  went  to  the  lawyer  and 

said,  "Give  me  your  reason,"  I  don't  think  he  would  give  you  any  reason 

If  you  had  a  case  where  the  defendant  was  colored  that  juror  would  stay  in  the 
box  so  far  as  the  defendant  was  concerned. 

Judge  Kickham  Scanlan: 

Of  course  there  is  another  thing  about  the  colored  man  in  the  criminal  court 
that  must  be  kept  in  mind.  It  is  a  peculiar  thing  about  human  nature,  that  no 
man  wants  to  admit  that  he  has  prejudices.  He  will  talk  loosely  on  the  outside 
that  he  doesn't  like  the  Negro,  or  doesn't  like  the  Jew,  or  doesn't  like  this  person  or 
that  person,  but  you  get  him  under  oath  in  the  jury  box  and  in  my  twelve  years  on 
the  bench  I  never  knew  a  juror  to  admit  that  he  was  prejudiced  against  anybody. 
It  goes  without  saying  that  in  such  a  state  of  affairs  you  will  probably  get  men  on 


CRIME  AND  VICIOUS  ENVIRONMENT  353 

the  juries  that  try  colored  men  who  have  some  prejudice  against  Negroes.  I  would 
say  that  when  there  is  a  colored  defendant  and  white  prosecuting  witness  there 
would  be  grave  danger  that  the  jury  might  unconsciously  favor  the  white  side  of  the 
case.  Juries  will  convict  a  colored  man  with  less  hesitation  than  they  wiU  convict 
a  white  man  on  the  same  kind  of  evidence.  For  that  reason,  in  the  many  cases  in 
which  the  colored  man  is  involved,  I  watch  the  evidence  like  a  hawk.  The  verdict 
has  got  to  pass  me. 

10.      EASE   WITH  WHICH  NEGROES  ARE   CONVICTED 

Judge  George  Kersten,  criminal  court: 

There  is  ujjfortunately  a  difference  in  the  ease  or  difficulty  with  which  white  and 
colored  persons  brought  into  court  are  convicted,  and  the  misfortune  operates 
adversely  towards  colored  people.  In  many  cases  jurors  have  been  excused  from 
service  because  upon  examination  under  oath  to  test  their  qualifications  to  act  as 
jurors  they  said  they  could  not  give  a  colored  person  a  fair  trial.  In  my  experience 
I  have  known  verdicts  to  be  set  aside  by  the  presiding  judge,  because  he  was  convinced 
that  the  jury  was  influenced  by  color  prejudice.  As  to  the  prosecution  of  colored 
offenders  by  white  plaintiffs  and  white  offenders  by  colored  plaintiffs,  I  believe  that 
the  influence  of  color  prejudice  is  sometimes  felt  in  our  courts.  I  think  it  is  easier 
under  similar  facts  and  circumstances  in  evidence  to  convict  a  colored  defendant 
than  a  white  one.  And  for  the  same  reason,  a  white  person  on  trial  is  less  liable 
to  conviction  if  the  prosecuting  witnesses  are  all  colored.  Perhaps  an  enlightening 
phase  of  the  whole  situation  is  to  be  found  in  the  fact  that  colored  offenders,  on  being 
brought  in  for  trial,  usually  ask  to  be  tried  by  the  judge  instead  of  a  jury. 

Judge  Hugo  Pam: 

In  light  cases  involving  pocket-picking,  larceny,  stealing  a  bag  of  sugar,  a  barrel 
of  flour,  clothing,  etc.,  I  think  the  races  stand  on  an  equality,  but  in  a  serious  offense 
I  think  the  colored  man  has  the  less  chance.  I  feel  that  the  colored  man  starts  with 
a  handicap.  I  haven't  any  question  about  it  in  my  mind.  In  the  more  serious  crimes, 
where  a  hold-up  is  committed  or  guns  are  used,  I  think  there  is  great  prejudice.  I  think 
very  few  white  or  colored  men  are  convicted  that  shouldn't  be;  no  judge  would 
allow  such  a  case  to  stand  if  he  thinks  there  has  been  unfair  trial,  but,  for  instance, 
where  a  white  man  will  be  found  guilty  of  manslaughter,  a  colored  man  will  be  found 
guilty  of  murder.  A  white  man  might  escape  with  three  to  twenty  years  in  the  peni- 
tentiary, whUe  the  colored  man  would  get  ten  years  to  life. 

I  think  the  colored  man  would  not  be  convicted  if  he  is  not  guilty,  but  I  am  not 
certain  that  the  white  man  would  be  convicted  if  he  is  guilty. 

I  see  colored  men,  very  resigned  men,  very  often  feeling  that  most  people  are  not 
interested  in  them.  They  come  and  take  their  medicine,  and  go  away.  I  feel  that 
they  are  being  disposed  of  without  the  interest  being  shown  that  should  be. 

II,   LEGAL  REPRESENTATION  FOR  NEGRO  DEFENDANTS 

Judge  Daniel  P.  Trude: 

My  experience  in  court  work  is  that  Negro  lawyers  in  the  main  lack  education 
such  as  is  necessary,  but  there  are  among  the  members  of  the  bar  some  very  good 


354  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

colored  attorneys.  Many  Negroes  cannot  afford  to  pay  the  attorney's  fees  necessary 
to  obtain  these,  so  that  they  are  handicapped  in  court  by  lack  of  competent  counsel, 
and  it  becomes  necessary  for  the  judge  to  give  them  more  careful  hearings  and  more 
careful  consideration  to  protect  their  interests. 

Judge  WeUs  M.  Cook: 

The  handicap  that  the  colored  man  seems  to  be  under  in  the  severe  cases  is  that 
he  frequently  does  not  get  a  good  lawyer.  As  a  rule  he  is  not  represented  by  as  good 
a  lawyer  as  the  white.  Of  course  there  are  capable  Negro  lawyers  in  Chicago,  but 
there  were  few  such  retained  in  the  cases  tried  before  me. 

Judge  Hugo  Pam: 

I  do  not  think  that  Negroes  have  as  able  lawyers  as  whites.  I  had  a  case  of  a 
colored  man  who  I  felt  was  misrepresented  instead  of  represented.  He  was  convicted 
of  murder  and  sentenced  to  life  imprisonement.  I  felt  that  the  sentence  was  too 
severe.  I  set  it  aside  and  granted  a  new  trial  and  it  resulted  in  a  verdict  of  man- 
slaughter which  was  the  thing  that  should  have  been  done. 

Judge  Kjckham  Scanlan: 

The  Negro  hasn't  the  money  to  employ  proper  attorneys,  competent  attorneys. 
In  two  out  of  three  cases  tried  before  me  in  which  there  were  colored  defendants, 
I  have  appointed  attorneys  to  defend  them.  I  appointed  white  attorneys.  I  asked 
the  defendants  whom  they  wanted.  They  told  me  and  I  appointed  the  white  lawyers 
mentioned  and  made  them  serve. 

1 2 .      IDENTIFICATION 

Judge  Daniel  P.  Trude: 

I  did  find  where  certain  of  the  police  were  going  into  Negro  clubs  and  arresting 
Negroes  they  found  there,  bringing  them  into  court  without  a  bit  of  evidence  of  any 
offense.  Somebody  would  tip  off  the  police  that  there  was  gambling  going  on  so 
they  would  raid  the  place,  locking  up  all  the  men  they  found  there  for  the  night  and 
send  them  to  the  Bureau  of  Identification,  but  that  was  all.  Some  policemen  take 
many  people  to  the  Bureau  of  Identification  who  absolutely  should  not  be  taken  there, 
but  the  judge  only  knows  about  it  after  they  have  been  taken  there,  when  they  are 
brought  into  court  after  the  damage  has  been  done. 

13.      PROBATION   ON  PAROLE 

Dr.  F.  Emory  Lyon,  superintendent,  Central  Howard  Association: 

In  dealing  with  colored  men  on  parole,  our  experience  has  been  that  fully  as 
large  a  proportion  have  completed  their  parole  with  credit  as  in  the  case  of  white 
men  under  parole.  I  should  say  that  the  task  of  securing  employment  has  been  less 
difficult  because  colored  men  as  a  rule  have  been  less  critical  as  to  the  kind  of  employ- 
ment they  would  accept.  They  have  been  willing  to  make  an  honest  living  at  any 
work  that  is  offered. 

John  L.  Whitman,  superintendent  of  state  prisons: 

I  have  seen  many  colored  men,  young  men  or  boys,  who  gave  every  evidence  of  a 
sincere  desire  to  do  well  on  the  outside.    They  meet  with  disappointment  that  they 


CRIME  AND  VICIOUS  ENVIRONMENT  355 

did  not  expect,  hardships,  difficulty  in  securing  work  as  well  as  homes,  and  they  fall. 
The  desire  was  there  just  the  same.  The  opportunities  were  not.  But  when  the 
employer  gives  him  a  chance,  the  Negro  appreciates  it  and  he  sticks — and  we  have 
had  employers  say  during  the  last  year  many  times,  "If  you  have  got  such  colored 
men  as  you  have  sent  before,  give  them  to  us  in  preference  to  the  whites,  because 
there  is  a  lack  of  appreciation  on  the  part  of  white  men." 

14.    environment:   vice  in  negro  residence  areas 
General  Leroy  T.  Steward: 

Where  Negroes  have  come  in  and  as  a  result  white  people  have  moved  out 
and  the  neighborhood  has,  plainly  speaking,  deteriorated,  there  is  a  great  tendency 
to  permit  infractions  of  the  law,  as  in  any  neighborhoods  which  are  regarded  as  not 
as  important  as  high-class  residence  neighborhoods.  For  instance,  Calumet  Avenue 
from  Thirty-first  to  Thirty-ninth  streets  is  entirely  colored.  Fifteen  years  ago  it 
was  entirely  white.  Now  it  woiild  be  much  easier  to  establish  vice  there  than  it  would 
have  been  fifteen  years  ago  when  a  lot  of  well-known  people  lived  in  the  neighborhood. 

Major  L.  M.  C.  Funkhouser: 

Most  of  the  Negroes  found  in  disorderly  houses  are  employees.  There  was  one 
notorious  place  down  there  that  we  closed  where  they  were  all  colored.  That  was 
the  most  notorious  one  we  had. 

Professor  Charles  E.  Merriam: 

I  think  there  is  this  to  be  said  about  the  colored  side  of  it  there  [on  the  South 
Side] :  I  am  asked  whether  the  colored  protest  against  disorderly  resorts  woiild  be  as 
effective  as  a  protest  made  by  an  equal  number  of  white  men.  Making  allowance 
for  the  fluctuating  conditions  in  a  long  period,  I  don't  beUeve  it  would  be  quite  as 
effective.  Not  only  that,  but  I  don't  think  the  colored  people  are  so  well  organized 
to  fight  these  evils  as  a  class  of  men  ....  they  have  not  the  wealth.  In  the  territory 
upon  the  North  Side  or  in  any  territory  where  there  are  many  lawyers  and  people 
of  some  means,  if  they  found  a  place  like  that  they  would  never  rest  until  they  got 
it  out.    They  would  just  keep  at  it  with  time  and  money  until  they  forced  it  out. 

Dr.  F.  Emory  Lyon,  superintendent,  Central  Howard  Association: 

Our  observation  would  indicate  that  the  Negro  delinquent  has  suffered  under 
the  handicap  of  unsatisfactory  home  conditions.  Owing  to  the  general  public  dis- 
crimination, fewer  opportunities  have  been  offered  him.  In  addition  to  adverse 
conditions  in  the  home,  some  opportunities  in  public  places  have  been  denied  him. 
Some  of  the  discrimination  and  ostracism  on  the  part  of  his  associates  has  been  uncon- 
scious in  many  instances.    The  colored  boy  has  especially  few  recreational  facilities. 

Mr.  O.  J.  Milliken: 

It  is  up  to  us  to  give  them  the  best  that  there  is,  and  we  can  clean  up  those  dis- 
tricts. I  don't  believe  the  question  of  color  is  going  to  enter  into  the  matter  at  all 
if  we  once  clean  up  the  districts  where  they  are  obliged  to  Uve. 

Myron  Adams,  former  pastor  of  the  First  Baptist  Church : 

North  of  my  church  for  a  block  or  two  along  Thirty-first  Street  at  the  time 
I  went  there  was  almost  exclusively  a  white  residence  district.     The  moral  conditions 


356  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

could  not  have  been  worse.  I  had  a  list  in  my  church  study  of  the  houses  of  prostitu- 
tion and  other  lawless  agencies  gathered  by  the  police  and  the  Committee  of  Fifteen. 
I  don't  know  of  a  district  in  Chicago  where  there  were  more  gunmen,  more  high-class 
criminals,  more  high-class  prostitutes  than  there  were  within  three  blocks  of  the  First 
Baptist  Church  when  I  came  there  as  pastor. 

Speaking  from  my  observation  I  think  that  any  colored  community  is  hable  to 
be  imposed  upon  by  white  men  who  are  vicious,  and  the  colored  people  get  no  encour- 
agement when  they  themselves  endeavor  to  rout  out  that  vice.  White  prostitutes 
and  white  gamblers  and  vicious  resorts  come  into  the  "Black  Belt"  because  it  is 
black;  they  operate  with  more  safety  than  they  do  in  the  white  belt.  That  is  true 
of  every  American  city  that  I  know  of  personally. 

15.      ECONOMIC  AND  INDUSTRIAL  ASPECTS   OF  NEGRO   CRIME 

Judge  Charles  M.  Thomson: 

Colored  people  who  were  up  before  me  in  the  criminal  court  were  mostly  men 
who  did  not  have  steady  employment My  experience  was  that  the  environ- 
mental conditions  out  of  which  the  colored  defendant  arose  were  an  environment  of 
idleness,  very  largely.  I  would  say,  as  to  the  economic  factors,  that  I  don't  remember 
a  case  that  I  had  involving  a  colored  defendant  whom  I  would  call  prosperous,  whereas 
there  were  many  white  defendants  who  were  very  prosperous.  Most  of  the  colored 
people  tried  were  in  stringent  circumstances  and  poverty. 

Judge  Kickham  Scanlan: 

My  experience  in  the  criminal  court  is  that  the  colored  defendant,  even  in  bailable 
cases,  is  imable  to  give  bail.  He  has  to  stay  in  jail,  and  therefore  his  case  is  very 
quickly  disposed  of  by  the  prosecutor.  Defendants  locked  up  are  usually  tried  first. 
The  colored  man  is  more  apt  to  be  out  of  work  than  the  white  man,  and  that  is  a 
possible  reason  for  the  large  number  of  arrests  of  Negroes.  His  sphere  is  very  limited, 
and  if  there  is  any  let  up  in  the  industry  that  is  involved  in  that  sphere,  he  is  a  vic- 
tim. I  have  often  wondered  if  you  could  change  the  skins  of  a  thousand  white  men 
in  the  city  of  Chicago  and  handicap  them  the  way  the  colored  man  is  handicapped 
today,  how  many  of  those  white  men  in  ten  years'  time  would  be  law-abiding 
citizens. 

Professor  Charles  E.  Merriam: 

This  problem  as  I  see  it  is  very  complicated.  We  have  to  deal  first  with  the  matter 
of  economic  class  which  is  at  the  bottom  of  a  good  deal  of  it,  then  with  the  matter  of 
race,  which  is  at  the  bottom  of  a  good  deal  more  of  it,  although  perhaps  not  as  much 
as  class;  then  there  is  the  matter  of  politics  or  a  system  which  has  grown  up  for 
thirty  or  forty  years  back,  which  makes  the  class  and  race  relations  a  good  deal 
more  difiEicult  to  deal  with. 

If  every  man  had  good  housing  conditions  and  a  steady  job,  at  a  living  wage,  a 
good  opportunity  for  education,  there  woidd  not  be  very  much  crime Particu- 
larly in  the  case  of  the  colored  people,  the  crime  is  on  the  part  of  the  community, 
on  the  part  of  the  city  that  allows  bad  conditions  to  exist.  Negroes  ought  to  be 
protected.  They  don't  get  protection  for  the  same  reason  that  it  is  always  hard  to 
protect  the  economically  weak  against  the  strong.  There  is  not  any  use  of  making 
a  lot  of  fine  phrases  about  it — that  is  largely  where  the  trouble  lies. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY 
A.    EMPLOYMENT  OPPORTUNITIES  AND  CONDITIONS 

I.      INTRODUCTION 
I.     NEGRO  WORKING  POPULATION  IN  1920 

Between  1910  and  1920  the  Negro  population  of  Chicago  increased  from 
44,103  to  109,594.  Of  this  number  it  is  estimated  that  about  70,000  were 
engaged  in  industries  in  1920  as  compared  with  about  27,000  in  1910.' 

Questions  which  naturally  suggest  themselves  for  answer  in  connection 
with  this  great  increase  in  the  Negro  working  population  in  Chicago  are: 
How  did  this  large  number  of  Negroes  fit  into  the  industrial  life  of  the  city  ? 
What  were  and  are  the  opportunities  open  to  them  ?  Have  they  given  satis- 
faction to  employers?  Are  they  discriminated  against  by  employers  or 
fellow- workers  ?  Has  racial  friction  developed  because  of  competition  between 
white  and  Negro  workers?  Were  the  riots  of  1919  in  any  sense  the  result  of 
labor  troubles?  What  part  have  the  Negroes  taken  in  strikes?  What  is 
the  relation  of  the  Negro  to  organized  labor?  What  is  the  outlook  for  the 
Negro  in  industry?  These  and  other  questions  guided  the  inquiries  and 
investigations  of  the  Commission  in  the  industrial  field. 

2.   OPPORTUNITIES  CREATED  BY  THE  WAR 

The  Negro's  position  in  the  industrial  life  of  Chicago  is  so  intimately  con- 
nected with  the  changes  due  to  the  war  that  a  brief  reference  to  certain  facts 
of  common  knowledge  in  connection  with  the  war  will  be  helpful.  With  the 
beginning  of  the  war  in  1914  came  an  abnormally  large  demand  by  the  bellige- 
rent countries  for  American  munitions,  food  products,  clothing,  leather,  iron 
and  steel  products,  and  other 'manufactured  goods.  Existing  establishments 
were  enlarged  and  new  ones  were  erected  in  response  to  the  demand  for 
increased  production.  It  was  not  imcommon  for  a  plant  to  double  or  treble 
its  labor  force.  A  typical  case  was  one  of  the  large  packing-plants  in  the 
Chicago  "Yards"  which  increased  its  workers  durmg  the  war  from  8,000  to 
17,000. 

The  war  stimulated  the  demand  for  goods,  and  therefore  for  labor,  and  at 
the  same  time  decreased  the  avaOable  labor  supply.  Immigration  from  the 
belligerent  nations  immediately  ceased,  and  there  was  a  marked  decrease  in 

'  In  1910  the  number  of  Negroes  gainfully  occupied  was  27,317,  or  61.94  per  cent  of  the 
total  Negro  population.  The  percentage  gainfully  occupied  in  1920  would  be  higher  because 
of  the  large  number  of  men  without  families  who  migrated  from  the  South. 

357 


358 


THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 


immigration  from  other  countries;   aliens  in  large  numbers  departed  to  join 
the  fighting  forces  of  their  native  lands. 

The  labor  shortage  became  acute  soon  after  the  United  States  entered  the 
war  in  191 7,  and  enlistments  withdrew  hundreds  of  thousands  of  men  from 
northern  industries.  An  unprecedented  demand  for  Negro  workers  was  the 
result.  The  migration  from  the  South  was  mainly  a  response  to  the  call  of 
larger  opportunity  and  higher  wages  in  the  North. 


3.      IISTDUSTRIAL  BACKGROUND   OF  NEGRO  WORKERS 

For  the  United  States  as  a  whole  in  1910  the  industrial  condition  of  the 
gainfully  occupied  Negro  population  is  shown  in  Table  XVIII: 

TABLE  XVIII 

Gainfully  Occupied  Negro  Population  Ten  Years  of  Age  and  Over 
IN  THE  United  States  in  19 10 


Industry 

Both  Sexes 

Percentage 

Male 

Female 

Agriculture 

2,893,674 

1,074,543 

657,130 

276,648 

132,019 

69,471 

26,295 

62,755 

55-7 

20.7 

12.6 

5-3 

2.5 

1-3 
o.S 
1-4 

1,842,537 
234,063 

575,845 

274,565 

123,635 

39,400 

25,838 

62,671 

1,051,137 

Domestic  and  personal  service 

Manufacturing  and  hand  trades. . . . 
Transportation 

840,480 

81,285 

2,083 

Trade 

8,384 

Professional  service 

30,071 

Public  service 

457 

Others 

84 

Total  United  States* 

5,192,535 

100. 0 

3,178,554 

2,013,981 

*  Census  Bureau,  Negro  Population  in  (he  United  States,  lygo  to  1915,  p.  503. 

In  1910,  more  than  three-fourths  of  the  gainfully  occupied  Negroes  in 
the  United  States  were  engaged  in  two  forms  of  industry — agriculture  and 
domestic  and  personal  service.  In  the  South  at  that  time  78.8  per  cent  of  the 
Negro  population  lived  in  rural  communities^  and  62  per  cent  of  those  employed 
were  engaged  in  agriculture.^  It  is  evident,  therefore,  that  the  northward 
migration  involved  a  sudden  transition  of  the  southern  Negro  from  farms  or 
small  towns  to  the  highly  specialized  industries  of  northern  cities,  with  marked 
changes  in  modes  of  living. 

On  many  southern  plantations  the  Negroes  were  required  to  buy  food  and 
clothing  on  credit  at  such  high  prices  that  their  shares  of  the  return  were 
usually  spent  before  the  crops  were  harvested.^  This  system  encouraged 
careless  spending  and  did  nothing  to  induce  habits  of  thrift.  Even  the  hardest- 
working  Negroes  frequently  found  themselves  in  debt  to  their  landlords  at  the 

'  Negro  Population  in  the  United  States,  1790  to  191  St  P-  90. 

'Ibid.,  p.  503.  Negroes  gainfully  occupied  in  the  South,  4,592,353;  in  agriculture, 
2,845,163. 

3  Emmett  J.  Scott,  Negro  Migration  during  the  War,  p.  92.  "  Carnegie  Economic  Studies," 
No.  16. 


THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY 


359 


end  of  the  year.*  Incentive  to  sustained  effort  and  regular  work  was  lacking 
in  the  hand-to-mouth  existence  under  this  prevailing  system  of  share  rent  and 
credit.  It  naturally  produced  habits  such  as  drawing  against  wages  and  work- 
ing irregularly  under  the  spur  of  temporary  need.  Men  handicapped  by  such 
habits  joined  the  migration  in  great  numbers.  Though  ill-fitted  for  the  keen 
competition,  business-like  precision,  and  six-day-week  routine  of  northern 
industry,  the  southern  Negro,  in  spite  of  these  handicaps,  has  succeeded  in 
Chicago. 

II.      THE  NEGRO   IN   CHICAGO   INDUSTRIES   IN    I9IO  AND    I920 

Of  the  Negro  population  of  44,103  in  Chicago  in  1910  the  gainfully 
occupied  numbered  27,317.  The  distribution  of  this  number,  according  to 
industrial  classification,  is  given  in  Table  XIX,  which  shows  that  60  per  cent  of 
all  such  Negroes  were  engaged  in  domestic  and  personal  service,  as  compared 
with  15  per  cent  in  manufacturing  and  3  per  cent  in  clerical  occupations, 

TABLE  XIX 

Negroes  Gainpully  Occupied  est  Chicago  in  1910* 


Industries 

Both  Sexes 

Percentage 

Male 

Female 

Manufacturing  and  mechanical .... 
Transportation 

4,071 

1,852 

1,241 

224! 

963/ 

934 

16,389 

1,643 

IS 

7 
5 

4 

3 

60 

6 

3,073 
1,849 
1,148 

|224 

1640 

771 

9,426 

1,306 

998 

Trade 

0^ 

Public  service 

0 

Professional 

333 

Clerical  occupations 

163 

Domestic  and  personal  service 

Agriculture,  mining,  and  unclassified 

6,963 
337 

Totals 

27,317 

100 

18,437 

8,880 

*  Thirteenth  Census,  igio,  Vol.  IV,  Table  VIII,  pp.  344-47. 


I.      METHOD  AND   SCOPE   OF  INVESTIGATION 

To  discover  the  industries  in  Chicago  which  were  employing  Negroes  in 
appreciable  numbers  in  1920,  preliminary  questionnaires  were  sent  to  850 
employers  compiled  from  lists  furnished  by:  (i)  the  Chicago  Association  of 
Commerce  (covering  591  establishments,  with  a  total  of  350,000  employees); 
(2)  the  Employment  Department  of  the  Chicago  Urban  League;  (3)  the 
Illinois  Free  Employment  Bureau;  (4)  the  Federal  Employment  Bureau;  and 
(5)  the  classified  telephone  directory. 

Questionnaires  were  returned  by  460  estabUshments  of  850  to  which  they 
were  mailed.     We  are  satisfied  that  the  replies  received  cover  the  field  of  Negro 

'  "In  many  cases  the  Negro  does  not  dare  ask  for  a  settlement.  Planters  often  regard  it  as 
an  insult  to  be  required  even  by  the  courts  '  to  go  to  their  books.'  A  lawyer  and  planter  cited 
to  me  the  planter's  typical  e.xcuse:  'It  is  unnecessary  to  make  a  settlement  when  the  tenant  is 
in  debt.'  As  to  the  facts  in  the  case,  the  landlord's  word  must  suflace."  From  report  by 
W.  T.  B.  Williams  in  Negro  Migration  in  1916-17,  p.  104.  Bulletin  of  the  U.S.  Department 
of  Labor,  Division  of  Negro  Economics. 


36o  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

labor,  and  that  no  establishments  of  importance  in  this  field  have  been  over- 
looked.   Table  XX  shows  the  results: 

TABLE  XX 


Negroes  Employed 


No  Negroes 

Less  than  five  Negroes 

Five  Negroes  or  more  (manufacturing) 

Five  Negroes  or  more  (non-manu- 

f  actiuing) 

Totals 


Number  of 
Establishments 


264 

59 
69 

68 


460 


Total  Negroes 
Employed 


III 
12,854 

9.483 


22,448 


Answers  came  from  156  manufacturing  establishments  employing  fifty- 
one  or  more  wage-earners.  The  representative  character  of  this  group  is 
indicated  by  the  fact  that  over  three-fourths  of  the  total  wage-earners  in 
Chicago  engaged  in  manufacturing  in  1914  were  employed  in  factories  of  this 
class.  The  United  States  Census  of  Manufactures  for  1914  reported  the  total 
number  of  wage-earners  employed  in  manufacturing  in  Chicago  in  that  year 
as  313,710;  of  this  number,  244,827,  or  78  per  cent,  were  employed  in  1,032 
establishments  employing  fifty-one  or  more  wage-earners.  The  156  question- 
naires therefore  represented  15  per  cent  of  the  1,032  establishments  in  this 
class  (in  1914)  and  included  107,403  wage-earners,  or  almost  44  per  cent  of 
the  total  wage-earners  in  this  class  and  30  per  cent  of  the  total  wage-earners 
engaged  in  manufacturing  in  1914. 

Questionnaires  reporting  Negro  employees  were  returned  by  104  manufactur- 
ing establishments  of  all  classes.  Of  these,  sixteen  employed  one  to  fifty  wage- 
earners,  representing  a  total  of  435  wage-earners;  and  eighty-eight  employed 
fifty-one  or  more  wage-earners,  representing  a  total  of  78,919  wage-earners. 

Since  thirty-five  of  the  manufacturing  establishments  reporting  Negro 
labor  (or  33  per  cent  of  the  104  so  reporting)  employed  less  than  five  Negroes 
each,  or  a  total  of  seventy  Negroes  in  all,  while  sixty-nine  employed  12,854 
Negroes,  or  99.4  per  cent  of  the  total  Negroes  reported  by  manufacturing 
establishments,  it  seemed  advisable  in  this  report  to  consider  only  those 
employing  five  Negroes  or  more,  in  order  not  to  give  undue  weight  to  condi- 
tions where  only  a  relatively  few  Negroes  were  concerned.  A  similar  situation 
was  disclosed  by  the  returns  furnished  by  non-manufacturing  establishments, 
and  the  returns  from  twenty-four  employing  a  total  of  forty-one  Negroes  have 
been  disregarded  in  this  report  in  order  to  give  proper  weight  to  conditions  in 
the  sixty-eight  employing  five  or  more  Negroes  which  reported  a  total  of  9,483 
Negroes.'  The  combined  number  of  establishments,  both  manufacturing  (69) 
and  non-manufacturing  (68),  employing  five  or  more  Negroes  each  was  137. 

'  The  total  number  of  establishments  (manufacturing  and  non-manufacturing)  reported 
but  not  considered  is  fifty-nine,  employing  a  total  of  1 1 1  Negroes,  or  less  than  i  per  cent  of 
the  total  number  reported. 


INDUSTRIAL  PLANTS 

120  INDUSTRIAL    CONCERNS 
EMPLOYING    24286  NEGROES 


D  10 
-O  TO  50 
-50  TO  100 
-100  TO  30O 
OOO  TO  900 

SOO  OR  OVER 


THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY  361 

On  the  basis  of  the  returns  reported  in  the  preHminary  questionnaires 
certain  estabHshments  and  industries  were  selected  for  more  intensive  study 
through  personal  interviews  with  employers,  conferences  participated  in  by 
employers  and  members  of  the  Commission,  and  interviews  with  employees. 
The  basis  on  which  the  selection  was  made  was  either  the  number  of  Negroes 
employed  or  the  length  of  time  during  which  Negroes  had  been  employed, 
special  attention  being  given  to  those  industries  and  establishments  which 
had  employed  Negro  labor  for  the  first  time  since  the  war.  The  industries 
employing  large  numbers  of  Negro  workers  which  were  selected  for  further 
study  were:  slaughtering,  meat  packing,  and  other  food  products;  iron  found- 
ries and  iron  and  steel  products;  laundries;  needle  trades;  hotels;  railroads; 
Pullman  and  dining-car  services;  tanneries;  taxicab  upkeep  and  repair; 
mail  order. 

An  investigator  for  the  Commission  visited  loi  establishments  of  the  137 
reporting  five  or  more  Negro  employees  (ten  establishments  employing  less 
than  five  Negroes  each  were  also  visited).  Four  industrial  conferences  or 
informal  hearings  were  held  by  the  Commission,  large  employers  of  Negro 
labor  being  invited  to  co-operate  with  the  Commission  by  giving  it  the  benefit 
of  their  experience  with  Negro  labor.  Among  those  who  reported  were  general 
superintendents,  assistant  superintendents,  employment  managers,  and  other 
representatives  of  the  large  employers  of  Negro  labor  in  Chicago  as  shown  in 
Table  XXI: 

TABLE  XXI 

No.  of  Negroes 
Employed  in  1920 

Pullman  Car  Shops 450 

Armour  &  Co.,  Stock  Yards 2 ,084 

Morris  &  Co.,  Stock  Yards i  ,400 

Swift  &  Co.,  Stock  Yards 2 ,  278 

WUson  &  Co.,  Stock  Yards 818 

Corn  Products  Refining  Co.,  food  products 500 

International  Harvester  Co.,  agricultural  machinery. .  1,551 

Yellow  Cab  Co.,  taxicab 250 

American  Car  and  Foundry  Co.* 20 

American  Brake  Shoe  and  Foimdry  Co 265 

Brady  Foundry  Co 125 

National  Malleable  Castings  Co 427 

Western  Foundry  Co 200 

Sears,  Roebuck  &  Co.,  mail  order i  ,423 

Montgomery  Ward  &  Co.,  mail  order 350 

Gage  Bros.  Wholesale  Millinery 73 

Spring-filled  Products  Co.,  automobile  cushions 250 

Total 12,464 

*  This  company  formerly  employed  200  Negroes. 


3^2 


THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 


2.      NUMBER  AND  PERCENTAGE   OF  NEGRO  EMPLOYEES 

The  number  and  percentage  of  Negro  employees  to  the  total  employees 
in  136  establishments  reporting  five  or  more  Negroes  are  shown  in  Table  XXII. 

TABLE  XXII 

Number  and  Percentage  of  Negro  Employees  est  Establishments 
Reporting  Five  or  More  Negroes 


Industry 


Number  of 
Establish- 
ments 


Total 
Employees 


Negro 
Employees 


Negro  Per- 
centage of 
Total 


Manufacturing : 

Box  manufacturing  (paper) 

Clothing 

Cooperage 

Food  products 

Iron  and  steel  products  (iron  foundries) . .  . 

Tanneries 

Miscellaneous : 

Lamp-shade  manufacturing 

Auto-cushion  manufacturing 

Other  industries  (manufacturing) 

Totals 

Non-manufacturing : 

Hotels 

Laundries 

Mail  order* 

Railroads,  dining-  and  PuUman-car  service 
Miscellaneous  industries  f 

Totals 


27 
7 


995 

1,405 

327 

35,278 

37,773 
2,230 

275 
500 

2,571 


143 
203 
106 
7,597 
3,879 
462 

75 
250 

139 


69 


9 

20 

I 

16 

21 


79,354 


1,714 
1,736 

17,450 
7,816 

10,028 


12,854 


923 

764 

1,423 

5,408 

615 


67 


38,744 


9,133 


14 
14 
32 
22 
10 
21 

27 

50 

5 


16 


53 

44 
8 

68 
6 


23 


*  One  mail-order  establishment  employing  350  Negroes  is  omitted  from  this  table  owing  to  incomplete  return 
of  total  employees. 

t  This  includes  the  following:  public  service,  warehouse  storage,  taxicab  up-keep,  telegraph,  etc. 


3.      INCREASE  IN  NEGRO   LABOR   SINCE    IQIS 

The  data  obtained  from  questionnaires,  interviews,  and  conferences  with 
employers  disclosed  the  fact  that  there  has  been  a  remarkable  increase  since 
191 5  in  the  number  of  Negro  workers  employed  in  manufacturing,  in  clerical 
occupations,  and  in  laundries.  As  was  to  be  expected,  the  number  of  Negroes 
in  personal  service  (hotels,  dining-cars,  and  parlor-cars)  also  increased,  but 
the  increase  was  negligible  in  comparison  with  the  gain  in  the  other  fields 
mentioned. 

Inability  to  obtain  competent  white  workers  was  the  reason  given  in 
practically  every  instance  for  the  large  increase  in  the  number  of  Negroes 
employed  since  1914.  All  of  the  large  employers  of  Negro  labor  attending  the 
conferences  assigned  shortage  of  labor  as  the  principal  reason  for  the  increased 
number  of  Negroes  reported.  A  few  establishments  (not  represented  in  the 
conferences)  reported  that  Negroes  had  first  been  employed  to  take  the  place 
of  strikers,  and  increasing  numbers  had  been  employed  thereafter.    The 


THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY 


363 


establishments  so  reporting  were  hotels,  a  small  clothing  factory,  and  a  ware- 
house company.  Because  of  the  labor  shortage  in  the  North,  large  numbers  of 
Negroes  left  the  southern  states. 

TABLE  XXIII 

Negroes  Employed  from  1915  to  1920  in  Sixty-two  MANtrFACTURiNC 
Establishments  Classified  According  to  Industries* 


Industries 


Box  making 

Clothing 

Other  needlework 

Cooperage 

Food  products  t 

Iron  and  steely 

Tanneries 

Miscellaneous    manufac- 
turing  


Totals. 


Number  of 
Establish- 
ments 


3 
9 

3 

2 

16 


62 


3 

75 

o 

29 

,103 

121 

o 

IS 


1,346 


1916 


3 

no 

o 

34 

,529 

672 

17 
IS 


3,3«o 


116 

140 

o 

95 

4,765 

I, IIS 

36 

24 


6,291 


1918 


116 
108 

25 

no 

6,518 

1,580 

87 

48 


8,592 


145 
i6i 

325 

iSS 

5,789 

3,002 

229 

75 


9, J 


143 
203 

325 
106 

S,379 

3,829 

462 

140 


10,587 


*  Seven  manufacturing  establishments  omitted  on  account  of  insufficient  returns. 

t  Two  packing  establishments  employing  2,218  Negroes  in  1920  have  been  omitted.  They  reported  a  large 
increase  since  1914  but  gave  no  definite  figures. 

t  Five  foundries  employing  a  total  of  fifty  men  in  1920  have  been  omitted  owing  to  failure  to  report  figures 
for  preceding  years. 

TABLE  XXIV 

Negroes  Employed  from  1915  to  1920  in  Forty-seven  Establishments 
(Non-manufacturing)  Classified  According  to  Industries* 


Industries 

Number  of 
Establish- 
ments 

IQIS 

1916 

1917 

1918 

1919 

1920 

Hotels 

9 

20 

2 
16 

544 
118 

0 
3,939 

559 
180 

0 

3,940 

61S 
220 

0 

4,274 

684 
350 

664 
4,493 

693 
520 

1,650 

4,506 

956 
764 

1,400 
5,363 

Laimdries 

Mail  order  (clerical  occu- 
pations)   

Railroads    (dining-    and 
parlor-car  service) 

Totals 

47 

4,601 

4,679 

5,109 

6, 191 

7,369 

8,483 

*  Establishments  omitted  owing  to  insufficient  returns. 


4.      CHICAGO  EMPLOYERS  AND   SOUTHERN  NEGRO  LABOR 

During  the  course  of  its  inquiry  the  statement  was  frequently  made  to 
members  of  the  Commission  or  to  its  investigators  that  large  employers  of 
labor  in  Chicago,  and  particularly  the  packers,  had  imported  many  Negroes 
from  the  South.  Although  the  Commission  made  a  thorough  investigation 
of  such  statements,  no  evidence  of  any  value  was  discovered  to  support  them. 

The  general  superintendents  of  the  Armour,  Morris,  Swift,  and  Wilson 
plants  who  attended  conferences  declared  emphatically  that  their  companies 
had  not  engaged  in  any  encouragement  of  migration. 


364 


THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 


Mr.  Samuel  Gompers,  president  of  the  American  Federation  of  Labor, 
being  asked  through  correspondence  from  the  Cormnission  if  he  could  furnish 
any  evidence  tending  to  prove  the  importation  of  Negroes  into  the  Chicago 
district  by  employers,  replied,  "There  is  a  plentitude  of  such  evidence,"  but 
when  Mr.  Gompers  was  urged  to  cite  the  evidence,  his  reply  was:  " It  cannot  be 
unknown  to  you  that  some  30,000  Negroes  were  imported  into  the  Chicago 
district  during  the  steel  strike.  They  did  not  go  there  of  their  own  volition, 
but  through  inducements  which  were  held  out  to  them  by  the  agents  of 
employers  who  visited  southern  and  western  cities." 

As,  however,  the  Chicago  race  riot  occurred  a  year  prior  to  the  steel  strike, 
importation  of  Negroes  at  the  latter  time  could  not  have  affected  the  situation 
out  of  which  the  riot  came.  But  the  fact  remains  that  labor  leaders  insist 
that  employers  in  the  Chicago  district  imported  Negroes  from  the  South, 
notwithstanding  their  inability  to  cite  facts  in  support  of  this  belief. 

5.      CLASSIFICATION  OF  NEGRO   WORKERS 

An  accurate  classification  of  Negro  laborers  into  skilled,  semi-skilled,  and 
unskilled  would  help  to  an  understanding  of  the  position  of  the  Negro  in 
industry.  In  manufacturing,  such  a  classification  was  attempted,  but  the 
results  were  unsatisfactory.  These  classes  cannot  be  strictly  defined,  and 
different  employers  give  them  different  meanings.  In  a  number  of  important 
cases  employers  reported  the  total  number  of  skilled  and  unskilled,  and  that 
figures  for  each  class  could  not  be  compiled  without  great  labor.  In  all  such 
cases  the  total  is  listed  as  "unskilled."  This  class  is  thus  unduly  enlarged  at 
the  expense  of  the  semi-skilled  and  the  skilled.  So  the  number  of  semi-skilled 
workers  appears  to  be  less  than  the  skilled.  These  facts  show  that  accuracy 
cannot  be  claimed  for  the  classification  in  Table  XXV. 


TABLE  XXV 

Negro  Employees  in  Sixty-six  Manufacturing  Establishments 

Classified  as  Skilled,  Semi-skilled,  and  Unskilled 


Industry 


Number  of 
Establish- 
ments 


Total  Negroes 


Skilled 


Semi-skilled 


Unskilled 


Box  manufacturing 

Clothing 

Cooperage 

Food  products* .  .  . 

Iron  and  steel 

Tanneries 

Miscellaneous 

Totalt 


3 
9 
2 
8 
27 

7 
10 


143 
203 
106 
7,597 
3,879 
462 

139 


57 

8 

229 

434 

175 

24 


29 

45 

12 

180 


66 


12,529 


927 


267 


143 
117 

53 

7,356 

3,265 

287 

114 


11,335 


*  These  figures  include  skilled  and  semi-skilled  in  three  packing  establishments  reporting  that  Negroes  were 
employed  under  each  classification  but  giving  no  separate  figures. 

t  Three  establishments  (lamp-shade,  auto-cushion  manufacturing)  not  included.    Failed  to  classify  the  em- 
ployees but  reported  that  they  had  hand  sewers  and  machine  operators,  including  skilled,  semi-skilled,  and  unskilled. 


THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY  365 

The  attempt  to  classify  Negro  workers  according  to  occupation  failed 
because  the  necessary  information  was  not  obtainable,  especially  from  large 
employers.  Nevertheless  the  number  of  workers  in  certain  occupations 
reported  by  a  few  establishments  is  suggestive  of  the  fields  recently  opened  to 
Negroes  in  Chicago.  In  1910'  there  were  only  thirty-one  Negro  molders  in 
Chicago,  while  in  1920  there  were  304  reported  by  ten  establishments.  In 
1910  there  were  but  twenty-eight  factory  sewers  or  machine  operators,  while 
in  1920  there  were  382  in  twelve  factories.  In  1910  there  were  934  Negroes 
employed  in  clerical  occupations  as  compared  with  1,400  in  two  concerns  in 
1920.  In  1910  there  were  but  287  Negro  laundry  operatives  in  Chicago, 
while  there  were  764  reported  by  twenty  laimdries  in  1920. 

6.      WAGES   OF  NEGRO  WORKERS 

The  period  of  this  industrial  investigation — the  spring  and  summer  of 
1920 — was  one  of  exceptional  demand  for  labor  and  of  high  wages.  Employers  >r^ 
were  glad  to  get  workers  of  any  sort  at  high  pay.*  In  branches  of  employment 
where  Negroes  were  permitted  to  work,  their  wages  were  generally  the  same  as 
those  of  the  white  workers.  In  interviewing  many  Negro  workers  the  Com- 
mission's investigators  found  practically  no  complaints  of  discrimination  in 
wages  on  the  same  tasks.  And  the  Chicago  Urban  League  which,  through  . 
its  industrial  department,  places  more  Negroes  in  employment  than  any  other 
agency  in  Chicago  reported  that  it  had  very  few  complaints  of  such 
discrimination. 

Some  discrimination  was  practiced  by  foremen  in  placing  or  keeping 
Negroes  at  work  on  processes  that  yielded  smaller  returns  than  those  to  which 
white  workers  were  assigned.  In  the  field  of  common  labor,  where  the  largest 
number  of  Negroes  are  employed,  some  kinds  of  piecework  yield  greater 
returns  than  others.  The  tendency  of  foremen  in  some  plants  was  to  place 
Negroes  on  those  processes  yielding  the  smallest  returns.  The  following  are 
instances  of  such  discrimination  in  favor  of  the  white  workers  in  the  same 
plants. 

In  two  large  foundries  white  molders  were  given  standard  patterns,  which   y^ 
remain  the  same  throughout  the  year  and  permit  the  working  up  of  speed; 
while  patterns  that  were  changed  frequently,  and  made  production  slower  were 
given  to  the  Negroes.     As  speed  determined  the  piecework  earnings,   the 
Negroes  could  not  earn  as  much  as  the  white  molders  in  the  same  foundry. 

In  the  several  plants  the  white  workers  were  favored  in  the  distribution 
of  overtime  work;  or  Negroes  were  not  permitted  to  work  at  all  on  overtime 

'  Figures  quoted  for  1910  are  taken  from  the  Thirteenth  Census,  1910,  Vol.  IV,  Table  VIII, 
pp.  544-47- 

*  The  contrast  between  these  high  wages  and  the  wages  which  Negroes  coming  from  the 
South  had  previously  earned  is  shown  in  the  study  of  family  histories  of  migrant  Negroes. 


366  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

at  "time  and  a  half"  rates  or  on  Sundays  at  ''double  pay"  as  long  as  white 
workers  were  available. 

WTiile  in  the  larger  industries  there  was  seldom  any  complaint  about 
inequality  in  the  basic  rate  of  pay  for  common  labor,  restrictions  upon  the 
promotion  and  advancement  of  Negroes  frequently  prevented  them  from  earn- 
ing higher  wages.  In  one  department  of  a  large  food-products  plant  Negroes 
reached  the  maximum  rate  of  6i  cents  per  hour  after  a  few  months'  employ- 
ment. No  further  advancement  could  be  had  because  the  superintendent  was 
not  willing  to  place  Negro  foremen  over  white  workers.  A  Negro  in  the  starch- 
mixing  department  held  a  skilled  position  as  starch  tester.  It  became  apparent 
that  in  carrying  out  his  duties  many  of  the  starch  mixers  would  be  subject  to 
his  immediate  direction.  The  foreman  apparently  did  not  approve  of  this 
and  ordered  him  to  teach  his  duties  to  a  Polish  workman.  The  Negro  declined 
to  do  this,  and  the  matter  was  referred  to  the  general  superintendent.  After 
an  investigation  it  was  decided  to  permit  the  Negro  to  retain  his  position  as 
tester,  but  he  was  given  no  authority  over  the  men. 

In  view  of  the  fluctuations  in  wages,  the  impracticability  of  getting  actual 
records  of  wages  from  all  plants,  and  the  discrepancies  which  in  some  instances 
did  appear  between  reported  and  actual  wages,  it  seemed  desirable  to  supple- 
ment the  information  of  the  Commission's  investigators.  The  records  of  the 
industrial  department  of  the  Chicago  Urban  League  afforded  the  most  complete 
data  on  wages  received  by  Negroes  that  could  be  found  in  Chicago.  During 
the  year  1919  it  placed  more  than  14,000  Negroes  in  plants  in  the  Chicago 
District.  In  each  case,  when  securing  Negro  employment,  it  kept  a  record 
of  the  wages  actually  offered  and  of  conditions  of  work.  If  the  Negro  made 
complaint  that  the  wage  or  work  conditions  did  not  prove  to  be  as  stated,  it 
investigated  the  complaint. 

Included  in  these  records  are  the  Pullman  Company,  Wilson  &  Company 
(packers),  Armour  &  Company,  Morris  Company,  Swift  &  Company,  Illinois 
Malleable  Iron  Company,  National  Malleable  and  Castings  Company,  Inter- 
national Harvester  Company,  the  General  Can  Company,  the  Republic  Box 
Company,  Chicago  Fire  Brick  Company,  Sears,  Roebuck  &  Company,  Superior 
Process  Company,  Consumers  Coal  Company,  Corn  Products  Refining  Com- 
pany at  Argo,  United  States  Quartermasters'  Department,  Adams  &  Westlake 
Company,  Griess  Pfleger  Tanning  Company,  and  Inland  Steel  Company. 

In  the  industries  listed  above,  the  minimum  wage  rate  per  hour  is  42.5 
cents,  which  is  the  minimum  rate  for  the  packing  industries.  The  maximum 
rate  is  sixty-one  cents  per  hour  paid  by  the  Corn  Products  Refining  Company 
at  Argo  and  the  International  Harvester  Company.  Neither  of  the  latter, 
however,  represents  a  basic  wage.  The  average  wage  for  the  thirty-six  com- 
panies is  48.7  cents.  These  wage  rates  cover  the  most  arduous  tasks  found  in 
the  list  of  common  labor.    Three  items  for  track  laborers  are  included.    Others 


THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY  367 

include  freight  handlers,  yardmen,  truckers,  sweepers,  foundry  laborers,  etc. 
Six  companies  work  ten  hours  per  day,  twelve  companies  nine  hours,  one 
company  nine  and  one-half  hours,  seventeen  companies  eight  hours.  Four  pay 
bonuses,  not  including  packers,  who  also  pay  a  bonus  in  compliance  with  the 
award  of  a  judge  acting  as  mediator  between  the  packers  and  the  union. 

The  building  trades  are  not  included,  but  of  the  three  independent  con- 
tractors Hsted  the  wage  paid  common  laborers  is  50  cents  per  hour,  60  cents 
per  hour,  and  70  cents  per  hour,  respectively,  for  eight  hours,  while  the  union 
rate  of  pay  for  common  labor  is  $1.00  per  hour  for  eight  hours,  time  and  one- 
half  for  overtime,  and  double  time  for  Sunday. 

7.      WOMEN  EMPLOYEES  IN  INDUSTRIAL  ESTABLISHMENTS 

Negro  women  employed  in  thirty-one  industrial  establishments  worked, 
in  five  of  them  forty-four  hours  a  week,  in  fifteen  of  them  forty-eight  hours, 
in  seven  of  them  forty-nine  hours,  and  in  four  of  them  fifty-one  hours.  The 
weekly  pay  ranged  from  $9.00  to  $15.00  a  week  as  clothing  folders,  to  as  high 
as  $20.00  to  $35.00  a  week  as  clothing  drapers  or  finishers.  Map  mounting 
paid  $15.00  a  week,  book  binding  $15.00,  paper-box  making  $13.00,  tobacco 
stripping  $16.40,  core  making  (foundry  work  )$i6.40,  twine  weaving  $17.40, 
silk-shade  making  $10.00  to  $18.00,  food  packing  $12.00  to  $15.00,  mattress 
making  $12.00  to  $22.00,  riveters  (canvas)  $15.00,  paper  sorters  $12.00,  steam 
laundry  workers  (unskilled)  $13.00  to  $16.00,  steam  laundry  hand  workers 
$18.00  to  $29.00,  power-machine  operators  on  men's  caps  $15.00  to  $18.00, 
on  aprons  $14.00  to  $18.00,  on  dresses  $15.00  to  $18.00,  on  overalls  (union 
shop)  $18.00  to  $25.00,  and  on  overalls  (non-union  shop)  $15.00  to  $18.00. 

Of  fourteen  companies  employing  colored  girls  as  operators,  five  paid  on 
a  piecework  basis  only.  Two  paid  from  $12.00  to  $18.00  per  week,  depending 
on  the  skill  of  the  operator,  two  companies  paid  $14.00  per  week  to  beginners, 
one  paid  $15.00  per  week  to  beginners,  three  paid  $12.00  per  week  to  beginners, 
one  paid  $18.00  per  week  to  beginners,  the  latter  being  a  union  shop. 

Considerable  unrest  has  been  traceable  to  delay  on  the  part  of  the  managers 
in  promoting  beginners  above  the  beginning  wage.  Girls  have  been  retained 
at  a  beginning  wage  for  an  unreasonable  time  after  acquiring  satisfactory  skill 
and  production.  This  condition  is  known  to  the  Women's  Trade  Union 
League,  but  no  well-directed  effort  has  ever  been  made  to  unionize  colored 
workers  in  the  garment  trades,  except  when  they  have  been  called  in  as  strike 
breakers  to  replace  white  workers.  An  instance  of  this  was  the  strike  at  the 
C.  B.  Shane  Company,  manufacturers  of  raincoats,  where  colored  girls  were 
employed  to  replace  striking  white  union  workers.  At  that  time  very  few 
colored  girls  were  members  of  the  local  union.  According  to  an  official  of  the 
Women's  Garment  Workers'  Union  not  more  than  125  colored  workers  have 
become  members. 


368  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

8.      HOTEL  AlSnO  RESTAURANT  EMPLOYEES 

Men. — In  about  twenty-five  hotels  and  restaurants  in  which  colored  men 
are  employed,  wages  are  as  follows: 

Chief  cooks $25.00  to  $50.00  per  week 

Waiters 25 . 00  to   40 . 00  per  week 

Bus  boys 14.00  to    20.00  per  week 

Hotel  porters 45.00  to    65.00  per  month 

Dishwashers 15.00  to    20.00  per  week 

Second  cooks 20.00  to   35.00  per  week 

Bell-boys 40 .  00  to   45 .  00  per  month 

Shoe  shiners  and  washroom  porters. .     1 5 .  00  to    1 7 .  00  per  week 

In  all  of  the  above-listed  occupations  the  wages  are  augmented  by  tips. 
It  is  difficult  to  form  an  accurate  estimate  of  the  amount  earned  in  tips  for  the 
reason  that  it  is  conditioned  upon  the  character  of  service  rendered  and  the 
inclination  of  the  person  served  to  pay  for  personal  service.  It  would  be  fair 
to  estimate  that  in  hotels  and  restaurants  known  to  employees  as  "  good  houses  " 
the  tips  range  from  $2.00  to  $5.00  per  day.  In  a  colored  restaurant  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Thirty-first  and  State  streets  a  wage  of  $5.00  per  week  is  paid 
to  waitresses,  while  the  tips  have  been  known  to  total  five  times  that  amoimt. 
Women. — The  twenty-five  hotels  and  restaurants  concerning  which  the 
Chicago  Urban  League's  Industrial  Department  has  records,  employ  women 
in  the  occupations  and  at  the  wages  listed  as  follows: 

Waitresses $  8 .  00  to  $1 5 .  00  per  week  and  tips  (board) 

Chambermaids 25 .  00  to   45 .  00  per  month  and  tips  (board) 

Pantry  girls 15.00  to    18.00  per  week  and  board 

Kitchen  help 9 .  00  to    16 .  00  per  week  and  board 

Allowing  an  average  of  35  cents  per  meal  for  three  meals,  $1.05  per  day  or 
$7,35  per  week  should  be  added  where  board  is  included.  This  would  make 
the  following  schedule  of  wages: 

Waitresses $iS-35  to  $22.35  per  week 

Chambermaids 54. 40  to    74. 40  per  month 

Pantry  girls 22.35  to    25.35  per  week 

Kitchen  help 16. 35  to    23 . 35  per  week 

In  clerical  positions  colored  men  have  had  very  little  opportunity,  except 
in  the  post-office.  There  are  exceptions,  however,  such  as  shipping  clerks, 
storekeepers,  and  bookkeepers. 

The  girls  employed  as  long-hand  entry  clerks,  typists,  checkers,  routers, 
and  Elliott-Fisher  and  adding-machine  operators  received  during  1920  from 
$15.00  to  $16.00  as  a  beginning  wage.  The  chief  supervisor  (colored)  in  charge 
of  600  girls  in  one  of  the  large  mail-order  houses  received  $23.00  per  week,  and 
the  assistant  superintendent,  a  white  man,  received  $50.00  per  week  while 
studying  the  mail-order  business  under  the  chief  supervisor.     When   the 


THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY  369 

management's  attention  was  called  to  the  inequality,  two  additional  super- 
visors were  added  and  the  work  lessened  without  increase  of  pay. 

Another  firm  employing  several  hundred  colored  girls  paid  a  welfare  worker  y 
$20.00  per  week,  while  another  with  half  that  number  of  girls  paid  $25.00  per 
week. 

There  was  a  deep-seated  suspicion  existing  among  the  clerical  force  of  a 
firm  employing  a  large  number  of  colored  girls  that  the  white  girls  employed 
by  the  same  company  received  a  higher  wage  than  that  paid  the  colored  girls. 
The  suspicion  grew  out  of  the  mistake  of  an  employment  manager  in  mistaking 
a  colored  girl  for  a  white  one. 

9.      RAILROAD  WORKERS 

Dining-car  men. — According  to  the  records  of  the  Railway  Men's  Inter- 
national Industrial  Benevolent  Association,  wages  of  dining-car  waiters  prior 
to  1916  were  universally  $25.00  per  month,  with  the  exception  of  the  Santa 
Fe,  which  paid  from  $35.00  to  $40.00  per  month  for  "preferred"  runs.  The 
Chicago,  Burlington  &  Quincy  allowed  an  additional  $3.00  to  the  $25.00 
standard  for  men  in  service  ten  years  or  more. 

In  1918,  after  the  roads  had  been  federalized,  the  minimum  wage  became 
$48.00  per  month.  In  May,  191 9,  a  further  increase  to  $55.00  per  month  and 
overtime  on  a  mileage  basis  was  granted.  This  gave  an  average  of  $62.00 
per  month  for  so  called  "transcontinental"  runs,  that  is,  service  between 
Chicago  and  the  Pacific  Coast. 

Effective  February  i,  1920,  wages  were  adjusted  to  an  hourly  basis,  which 
gave  payment  for  overtime  in  excess  of  240  hours  per  month.  On  July  20, 
1920,  most  roads  allowed  a  general  increase  to  dining-car  men  which  brought 
the  average  to  $65.00  per  month. 

An  official  of  the  RaUway  Men's  International  Industrial  Benevolent 
Association  estimated  that  the  tips  and  salary  of  the  average  waiter  were 
$105.00  per  month,  including  three  meals  valued  at  35  cents  per  day.  This 
estimate  was  accepted  by  the  Federal  Railway  Labor  Board.  This  low  esti- 
mate is  arrived  at  because  it  is  generally  the  custom  to  feed  waiters  and  kitchen 
crews  on  leftovers  which  would  otherwise  become  waste. 

Porters. — The  wages  of  porters,  including  tips,  is  estimated  at  $105.00  per 
month.  The  present  salary  paid  to  porters  is  $65.00  per  month.  In  May, 
1919,  the  minimiun  basis  was  $60.00  per  month  on  a  mileage  basis  of  $.0055 
per  mUe  in  excess  of  11,000  miles  per  month.  In  December  of  the  same  year 
a  final  adjustment  of  the  wage  scale  was  made  in  which  length  of  service  was 
taken  as  a  basis.  For  three  years  or  less  the  pay  was  $63.00  per  month;  for 
from  three  to  ten  years  the  pay  was  $66.00  per  month;  for  ten  years  or  more 
the  pay  was  $69.00  per  month.  The  Railway  Men's  International  Industrial 
Benevolent  Association  furnished  the  above  information. 

According  to  the  same  authority,  on  January  i,  192 1,  most  roads  reduced 
the  hourly  overtime  for  waiters,  cooks,  and  stewards  and  placed  it  on  a  straight 


376  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

time  service,  with  pay  ranging  between  $60.00  and  $65.00  per  month.  A 
twenty-four-day  month  was  also  established.  This  was  equal  to  a  reduction 
of  wages  for  the  class  of  labor  referred  to. 

In  the  case  of  thirty-one  orders  for  porters  in  stores,  restaurants,  cafes, 
and  drugstores,  office  buildings,  etc.,  the  wages  ran  from  $12.00  per  week  to 
$25.00.  Some  difficulty  was  experienced  in  determining  a  minimum  wage, 
for  the  reason  that  in  many  instances  full  time  is  not  required,  porters  being 
allowed  to  do  odd  jobs  on  their  own  account.  Of  these  thirty-one,  three 
received  $12  a  week,  one  $13,  four  $15,  two  $16,  one  $17,  four  $18,  two  $19, 
six  $20,  three  $21,  one  $21.25,  ^^^  $22,  and  two  $25. 

Apartment-house  janitors  usually  are  affiliated  with  the  labor  unions. 
An  instance  of  financial  benefit  is  as  follows:  F — ,  who  is  engineer  for  an 
apartment  in  Evanston,  before  joining  the  union  received  $45.00  per  month 
for  his  services,  with  quarters  in  a  basement  apartment.  He  now  receives 
$125.00  per  month  with  the  same  quarters. 

Firemen  with  Hcenses  were  offered  from  $125.00  to  $150.00  per  month  in 
ten  different  positions  fiUed  by  the  League. 

10.      DOMESTIC   WORKERS 

Eighty-one  orders  for  maids  for  service  in  private  families  were  listed  with 
the  following  results:  maximum,  $18.00  per  week  with  room  and  board; 
minimum,  $6.00  per  week  with  room  and  board;  average,  $12.84  per  week 
with  room  and  board.  Of  these,  twenty-six  were  paid  $15,  eight  $14,  twelve 
$12,  fifteen  $10.    Three  received  $18,  and  one  $20. 

Children's  nurses. — Fifteen  were  Hsted,  of  whom  five  were  paid  $15.00  per 
week  with  room  and  board,  six  were  paid  $12.00,  one  was  paid  $7.00,  two  were 
paid  $5.00,  and  one  was  paid  $3.00. 

Cooks. — Sixteen  were  listed  as  follows:  one  was  paid  $25.00  per  week  with 
room  and  board,  four  were  paid  $18.00,  three  were  paid  $16.00,  six  were  paid 
$15.00,  and  two  were  paid  $14.00, 

The  minimum  wage  for  cooks  indicated  is  $14.00  per  week  with  room  and 
board.  The  maximum  wage  is  $25.00  per  week  with  room  and  board,  while  in 
the  case  of  children's  nurses  the  maximum  wage  is  $15.00  per  week  and  the 
minimum  $3.00  per  week  for  part  time. 

Housemen. — Out  of  a  list  of  twenty-five  orders,  a  minimum  of  $40.00  per 
month  with  room  and  board,  a  maximum  of  $100.00  per  month  with  room  and 
board,  and  an  average  of  $65.00  per  month  with  room  and  board. 

Chauffeurs. — Minimum  of  $100.00  per  month  with  room  and  board  and 
maximum  of  $150.00  per  month  with  room  and  board.  It  is  difficult  to  out- 
line the  duties  of  chauffeurs  for  the  reason  that  they  often  perform  the  duties  of 
butler,  houseman,  yardman,  etc.,  in  addition  to  that  of  chauffeur. 

Couples. — (Man  and  wife.)  Out  of  twenty-five  orders  listed,  the  following 
wages  were  offered:  minimum  of  $85.00  per  month  with  room  and  board. 
A  maximum  of  $165.00  per  month  with  room  and  board. 


THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY  371 

Laundresses. — Usually  employed  by  the  day.  The  prevailing  rate  per 
day  over  the  past  year  was  $4.00  and  car  fare,  with  one  meal.  This  wage  was 
asked  by  common  understanding  and  without  any  visible  form  of  organization. 
Since  November  i,  1920,  when  the  unemployment  situation  became  manifest, 
$3.60  per  day,  car  fare,  and  one  meal  has  been  accepted. 

From  1918  to  November  i,  1920,  a  serious  shortage  of  domestic  help  was 
noted.  Colored  girls  and  women  deserted  this  grade  of  work  for  the  factories, 
where  shorter  hours  and  free  Sundays  were  secured.  The  larger  pay  of  domes- 
tic employment  did  not  attract  the  average  worker,  for  the  reason  that  free 
evenings  for  recreation  and  amusement  were  apparently  more  desirable  than  the 
isolation  and  long  hours  of  domestic  service. 

Recently  housekeepers  secured  Negro  girls  from  the  southern  states  and  im- 
ported Negro  girls  from  the  British  West  India  Islands'  in  an  attempted  solution 
of  the  domestic-help  problem.  Transportation  and  clothes  were  furnished  by 
employers  and  some  sort  of  verbal  agreement  entered  into  by  which  the  girls 
were  expected  to  work  out  this  indebtedness.  Instances  have  come  to  the 
attention  of  the  Chicago  Urban  League  which  seem  to  indicate  that  these 
agreements  have  not  worked  out  satisfactorily.  For  example:  One  colored 
woman  was  brought  from  a  small  town  in  Florida  to  a  Chicago  suburb  by  a 
white  family  on  such  an  agreement.  After  a  few  weeks'  service  the  employer 
complained  that  the  work  performed  by  the  woman  as  a  general  maid  was 
unsatisfactory.  Abuse  followed.  The  woman  sought  to  go  to  a  Negro  family 
under  the  pretence  that  she  wished  to  return  a  pair  of  borrowed  shoes.  Her 
employer,  fearing  that  she  wished  to  escape,  drove  her  to  the  home  of  the  Negro 
family  in  his  automobile.  Once  inside  the  home,  she  told  a  story  of  how  her 
employer  had  kicked,  beaten,  and  threatened  her  with  a  revolver  if  she 
attempted  to  leave.  The  Negro  family  gave  asked-for  shelter  and  informed 
the  employer  that  she  would  not  return.  After  threatening  to  take  her  away 
by  force,  the  employer  went  away  and  the  woman  remained.  A  suit  followed 
on  a  charge  of  assault  and  battery  and  the  employer  was  discharged  for  lack  of 
evidence. 

A  few  weeks  ago  a  white  resident  of  another  Chicago  suburb  applied  to  the 
juvenile  court  for  the  guardianship  of  a  colored  girl.  The  court,  being  unable 
to  handle  the  case,  requested  the  advice  of  the  Chicago  Urban  League.  The 
details  of  the  case  were  substantially  as  follows: 

A  Roman  Catholic  organization  in  Jamaica,  British  West  Indies,  sent  ten 
or  twelve  Jamaican  girls  to  the  United  States,  upon  appHcations  of  house- 
keepers, to  serve  as  domestics.  Some  verbal  agreement  had  been  entered 
into  whereby  the  girls  were  to  accept  service  as  domestics  and  work  out  the 
cost  of  transportation  and  clothing  at  a  stipulated  rate  per  week.  The  arrange- 
ment seems  to  have  progressed  fairly  until  the  girls  became  acquainted  with 

'  The  importation  of  these  girls  from  the  British  West  Indies  was  noticed  by  the  Com- 
mission after  its  period  of  investigation  had  ended. 


372  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

other  colored  people  residing  in  the  neighborhood.  It  was  then  discovered 
that  they  were  working  at  a  wage  considerably  lower  than  the  usual  wage. 
The  girl  in  question,  who  was  a  minor  but  seems  to  have  misrepresented  her 
age  when  applying  for  a  passport,  was  receiving  $6.00  per  week,  one  dollar 
of  which  was  paid  in  cash  and  the  balance  deducted  to  cover  the  expense  of 
clothing  and  transportation.  After  becoming  dissatisfied  with  these  wages, 
the  girl  left  the  home  of  her  white  employer,  who  sought  to  be  appointed  her 
guardian  so  that  he  could  restrain  her,  A  guardian  has  not  thus  far  been 
appointed,  for  the  reason  that  the  legal  status  of  the  girl  and  the  legality  of  the 
contract  entered  into  are  doubtful. 

in.    employers'  experience  with  negro  labor 

The  entrance  of  Negroes  in  large  numbers  into  manufacturing  industries 
and  clerical  occupations  is  one  of  the  striking  facts  shown  by  this  investigation. 
Shortage  of  labor  due  to  war  conditions  created  many  openings  for  the  Negro. 
Whether  he  will  remain  in  these  fields  and  become  an  increasingly  important 
factor  in  them  will  depend  in  a  large  degree  upon  his  efficiency  and  reliabiUty, 
as  well  as  upon  absence  of  racial  friction,  satisfactory  wages,  etc.  It  was 
therefore  deemed  important  to  learn  how  the  Negro  improved  his  industrial 
opportunities. 

The  Commission  made  some  investigation  of  this  subject,  seeking  the 
opinion  of  as  many  employers  as  possible  who  had  had  experience  with  Negro 
workers.  The  inquiry  covered  two  points:  (i)  a  general  question  in  the  pre- 
liminary questionnaire,  to  learn  whether  Negro  labor  had  proved  satisfactory; 
and  (2)  a  comparison  of  the  Negro  with  the  white  worker  in  efficiency,  reli- 
ability, regularity,  and  labor  turnover.  The  facts  under  each  head  are  con- 
sidered separately  below,  following  a  brief  consideration  of  the  difference 
between  the  southern  and  northern  Negro. 

I.   SOUTHERN  AND  NORTHERN  NEGROES  COMPARED 

Many  employers  drew  a  distinction  between  the  recent  southern  migrants 
and  northern  Negroes,  and  conunented  upon  certain  shortcomings  of  the 
former,  although  they  expressed  themselves  as  satisfied  on  the  whole  with 
Negro  labor. 

For  instance,  the  representative  of  a  foundry  company  with  200  Negroes 
out  of  a  total  of  950  employees  said: 

It  appears  to  me  that  the  men  coming  from  the  South  get  here  and  for  a  limited 
length  of  time  seem  to  have  a  different  view  of  things.  They  do  things  that  probably 
the  Chicago  Negro  wouldn't  do.  They  don't  seem  to  know  exactly  how  to  control 
themselves.  They  are  unsettled  and  to  a  great  degree  unsteady.  The  northern- 
born  Negro  is  more  active.  He  is  brighter  in  a  way  and  a  little  more  ambitious. 
The  southern  Negroes  are  inclined  to  work  today,  lay  off  tomorrow,  and  be  back  the 
next  day  on  the  job  again. 


THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY  373 

A  representative  of  a  large  machinery-manufacturing  establishment 
employing  1,500  Negroes  out  of  a  total  of  23,000  employees  in  Chicago  expressed 
the  same  opinion  in  these  words: 

Our  experience  with  Negroes  has  a  tendency  to  show  that  these  people  do  not 
realize  that  there  is  such  a  thing  as  steady  work.  They  work  for  possibly  a  week  or 
two,  then  say  they  are  obliged  to  lay  ofif  for  some  imaginary  cause  and  wUl  probably 
return  within  a  week  or  four  weeks.  We  believe  they  are  improving  and  will  be  better 
as  time  goes  on  and  they  become  more  used  to  the  way  work  and  business  are  done  in 
the  North. 

The  superintendent  of  a  foundry  which  increased  its  Negro  employees  in 
five  years  from  six  to  125  out  of  a  total  of  466  employees  was  of  the  following 
opinion: 

The  Negro  up  here  from  the  South  never  heard  of  working  six  days  a  week  and 
being  on  time  every  morning  and  stajdng  until  the  job  was  done.  It  is  entirely  foreign 
to  his  idea  of  things,  but  with  a  Httle  persistent  efifort  and  showing  him  that  it  is  neces- 
sary he  soon  learns  the  system  the  same  as  the  others,  and  I  do  not  beheve  he  is  any 
worse  than  the  white  man  after  he  has  been  here  a  year  or  two. 

The  superintendent  of  a  company  employing  more  that  2,000  Negroes  out 
of  a  total  of  10,000  employees  in  Chicago  declared: 

The  southern  Negroes  have  not  yet  become  thoroughly  reconciled  to  working 
six  days  a  week.  Down  South  they  are  accustomed  to  taking  off  Saturdays,  and  they 
are  quite  frequently  absent  on  Saturday.  That  is  not  true  of  the  colored  man  who 
has  been  with  us  a  long  time.  He  is  accustomed  to  the  regularity  of  six  days  a  week, 
but  the  men  from  the  South  have  the  weakness  of  being  away  on  Saturdays. 

In  general  it  was  the  employers  of  large  numbers  of  Negroes  who  differ- 
entiated between  the  southern  and  the  northern  Negro.  Employers  of  Negroes 
in  small  numbers  were  more  inclined  to  judge  all  Negroes  by  those  recently 
arrived  from  the  South. 

2.      NEGRO  LABOR  SATISFACTORY 

One  of  the  questions  contained  in  the  preliminary  questionnaire  was: 
"  Has  your  Negro  labor  proved  satisfactory  ?  "  Of  137  questionnaires  returned 
by  establishments  employing  five  or  more  Negro  workers,  118  reported  that 
Negro  labor  had  proved  satisfactory  and  nineteen  that  it  had  not  proved 
satisfactory. 

The  significance  of  these  returns  is  disclosed  by  Table  XXVI,  in 
which  the  establishments  are  classified  by  industries,  and  the  number  of  Negro 
employees  in  establishments  reporting  Negro  labor  satisfactory  is  shown  to 
be  21,640  as  contrasted  with  697  Negro  employees  in  the  nineteen  establish- 
ments reportmg  Negro  labor  unsatisfactory. 


374 


THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

TABLE  XXVI 

Negro  Labor  Satisfactory  or  Unsatisfactory  in  Establishments 
Classified  by  Industries 


Total 
Number 
Establish- 
ments 

Total 
Negroes 
Employed 

Establishments  Report- 
ing Negro  Labor 
Satisfactory 

Establishments  Report- 
ing Negro  Labor  Un- 
satisfactory 

Industry 

Number 

Number  of 

Negroes 
Employed  in 
These  Estab- 
lishments 

Niimber 

Number  of 

Negroes 
Employed  in 
These  Estab- 
lishments 

Manufacturing: 
Clothing 

9 

8 

27 

7 
i8 

203 
7,597 
3,879 

462 

713 

8 

7 
22 

6 
13 

191 

7,547 

3,750 

421 

464 

I 

I 

5 

I 

5t 

12 

Food  products 

Iron  and  steel .... 

Tanneries 

Miscellaneous*.  .  . 

SO 
129 

41 
249 

Totals 

Non-manufacturing : 

69 

16 

9 

20 
2 

4 

I 

16 

12,854 

5,408 

923 
764 

1,773 

42 

250 

323 

56 

16 
8 

16 
2 

4 

I 

15 

12,373 

5,408 
911 
587 

1,773 

42 

250 

296 

13 

481 

Hotels 

I 
4 

12 

Laundries. 

177 

Taxicab  upkeep. .  . 
Miscellaneous  t .  . . 

I 

27 

Totals 

68 

9,483 

62 

9,267 

6 

216 

Totals,  all  in- 
dustries. . . 

137 

22,337 

1x8 

21,640 

19 

697 

*  Includes  a  scattering  list  of  industries  represented  by  one  to  three  establishments — Negro  labor  not  impor- 
tant factor  in  these  industries. 

t  Includes  three  paper-box  manufacturing  plants  with  ten,  twenty,  and  113  Negro  employees,  largely 
women;  and  cooperage  plant  with  ninety-six  Negro  employees  and  one  sausage-casing  plant  with  ten  Negro 
employees.    These  plants  reported  Negro  labor  "slow,"  "lazy,"  or  "unreliable." 


3.   NEGRO  AND  WHITE  LABOR  COMPARED 

At  a  conference  at  which  Negro  and  white  workers  were  under  discussion 
a  large  foundry  representative  suggested  that  such  a  comparison  was  unfair 
to  the  Negro  because  he  was  still  a  newcomer  in  manufacturing  industries  and 
could  not  be  expected  to  be  as  efiSicient,  reliable,  and  regular  as  the  white 
worker  who  had  been  thus  engaged  much  longer.  Other  employers  felt  that 
this  point  should  be  borne  in  mind. 

Efficiency. — Comparing  the  efficiency  of  the  Negro  worker  and  the  white 
worker,  seventy-one  employers  interviewed  (thirty-four  manufacturing  and 
thirty-seven  non-manufacturing  establishments)  considered  the  Negro  equally 
efficient,  and  twenty-two  employers  (thirteen  manufacturing  and  nine  non- 
manufacturing)  considered  the  Negro  less  efficient.' 

'  Representatives  of  a  number  of  the  loi  establishments  visited  did  not  feel  able  to  make 
a  comparison  between  the  Negro  and  white  workers. 


THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY  375 

The  seventy-one  establishments  which  reported  Negro  labor  as  equally 
eflficient  as  white  labor  included  all  of  the  large  employers  of  Negro  labor,  with 
very  few  exceptions.  Ability  shown  by  Negro  workers  in  widely  dissimilar 
occupations  and  industries  was  commented  upon.  The  following  instances 
are  of  interest: 

Foundries:  "Our  star  molder  in  the  foundry  is  a  Negro  who  has  been 
with  us  twenty  years.  Our  best  truck  driver  is  a  Negro  who  has  been  with 
us  about  eighteen  years."  "  About  the  best  grinder  we  have  in  one  department 
is  a  colored  man."  The  superintendent  of  a  large  foundry  employing  125 
Negroes  said: 

I  covered  thirty  foundries,  members  of  the  National  Association  when  I  was  serv- 
ing on  a  certain  Committee,  and  I  know  that  in  their  departments  Negroes  have  made 
very  good.  Out  of  the  thirty  foundries,  there  are  half  or  more  which  have  colored  men 
in  now  which  did  not  have  colored  men  two  years  ago.  One  of  the  instances,  a  little 
foundry  I  know  of,  had  four  men  in  the  grinding  department;  one  colored  man  and 
his  partner  wanted  to  take  the  job  of  running  the  grinding  room.  The  partner 
wanted  to  do  it  all  himself,  and  is  now  doing  what  four  men  were  doing  formerly. 

That  the  Negro  is  apt  in  learning  new  work  is  illustrated  by  an  instance 
cited  by  the  same  superintendent: 

I  know  of  a  Pullman  porter  who  has  been  with  the  Pullman  Company  twenty 
years  who  turned  out  to  be  as  good  a  helper  as  we  had  in  the  foundry.  Take  a  man 
who  has  made  beds  for  twenty  years,  put  him  to  carrying  melted  iron  in  a  ladle, 
which  is  a  real  man's  job,  and  make  good  at  it,  and  I  think  he's  going  some!  We  had 
one  man  who  did  that  and  did  it  well.  He  was  a  helper  that  the  different  foremen 
tried  to  get  hold  of,  wanted  to  have  him  with  them. 

Public  service:  The  probation  department  of  the  juvenile  court  reported 
six  Negro  employees.  "The  colored  employees  are  intelligent,  efficient 
persons.  With  one  exception  they  are  probation  officers.  One  employee  is 
in  charge  of  the  probation  clerk's  office  and  not  only  works  with  white  clerks 
but  directs  the  work  of  nine  white  persons." 

The  office  of  the  recorder  of  deeds  reports  seventeen  Negro  employees  in 
the  folio  or  record- writing  department.  "The  employees  are  marked  on  their 
efficiency.  Percentages  of  efficiency  run  from  94.5  to  98  per  cent  among  the 
colored  clerks,  and  several  of  them  averaged  97.9  per  cent  and  98  per  cent  for 
the  past  three  years." 

Stock  Yards:  "Negroes  make  skilled  workmen.  They  are  among  the  best 
of  what  are  known  as  'knife-men'  we  have." 

Whether  Negro  labor  shows  greater  efficiency  in  a  working  unit  com- 
posed entirely  of  colored  workers  or  in  a  mixed  unit  of  Negro  and  white 
workers  is  an  unsettled  question.  Only  a  few  employers  expressed  an  opinion 
on  this  point  (not  affording  a  sufficient  basis  for  generalization),  but  it  is  inter- 
esting to  note  that  of  four  foundries,  one  favored  the  separate  imit  and  three  the 
mixed  unit,  while  a  large  food-products  company  had  found  both  satisfactory. 


376  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Several  employers  mentioned  the  fact  that,  because  of  his  knowledge  of 
English,  the  Negro  is  frequently  more  efficient  than  the  foreign-speaking 
worker.  One  wool  warehouse  company,  for  example,  reported  that  Poles 
were  satisfactory  under  the  old  method  of  shipping  wool  in  carloads  from  a 
single  shipper,  but  the  new  system,  with  shipments  of  hundreds  of  sacks 
tagged  with  the  names  of  as  many  shippers,  required  laborers  unloading  the 
cars  to  separate  the  shipments  into  sections.  This  the  Poles  were  unable  to 
do,  while  the  Negroes  did  the  work  very  efficiently. 

Reliability. — Does  the  Negro  require  more  supervision  than  the  white 
worker  in  order  to  secure  equally  good  results?  An  opinion  was  expressed 
on  this  point  by  ninety- two  employers;  sixty- three  (thirty  manufacturing 
and  thirty-three  non-manufacturing  establishments)  considered  that  the  Negro 
did  not  require  more  supervision  while  twenty-eight  (sixteen  manufacturing 
and  thirteen  non-manufacturing  estabHshments)  considered  that  he  did.  The 
general  superintendents  of  two  of  the  large  packing  companies  expressed 
contrary  views  on  this  point  during  one  of  the  conferences.     One  said: 

Negroes  do  not  require  as  much  supervision  as  some  of  those  racial  groups  who 
do  not  understand  the  language.  We  can  talk  to  a  man  and  tell  him  what  to  do, 
where  to  go  to  do  the  work  and  how  to  do  it,  we  can  accomplish  a  whole  lot  more  than 
if  we  had  to  send  an  individual  with  him  constantly  from  place  to  place  to  show  him 
how  to  do  it.  To  that  extent  the  Negro  has  the  advantage  over  the  man  who  cannot 
talk  the  English  language. 

The  superintendent  of  the  other  company  expressed  the  opinion  that 
Negroes  require  more  supervision  than  white  workers: 

For  example,  when  they  are  working  together  in  groups,  especially  after  pay-day, 
they  are  inclined  to  wander  into  isolated  spots  and  shoot  craps.  We've  a  good  deal 
of  trouble  of  that  kind.  They  spend  their  money  when  they  get  it  more  recklessly 
than  white  people. 

The  representative  of  a  food-products  company  with  500  Negro  employees 
in  the  working  force  of  3,000  stated  that  the  company  had  found  no  need  of 
greater  supervision  of  Negro  workers  than  of  white. 

A  representative  of  a  taxicab  company  employing  250  colored  workers 
stated: 

We  have  some  colored  employees  we  trust  absolutely  and  as  far  as  any  white 
employees.  We  have  some  colored  men  in  the  garage,  and  they  take  more  supervision 
not  because  they  are  colored  but  because  they  lack  education  and  are  shiftless,  but 
this  you  would  find  in  the  same  grade  of  white  workers. 

A  preliminary  questionnaire  returned  by  the  president  of  a  laundry  com- 
pany employing  eighty- two  Negroes  out  of  a  total  of  no  employees  reported: 

We  have  a  number  of  exceptionally  good  and  reUable  Negro  employees.  These 
men  and  women  need  very  Httle  supervision.  We  get  some,  who  have  never  worked 
in  industries,  who  require  more  supervision  and  are  not  very  steady.  On  the  whole 
we  are  pleased  with  our  Negro  employees. 


THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY  377 

Regularity. — Of  the  employers  interviewed,  fifty-seven  (twenty-three 
manufacturing  and  thirty-four  non-manufacturing  establishments)  expressed 
an  opinion  that  "absenteeism"  among  colored  workers  was  no  greater  than 
among  white  workers,  while  thirty-six  employers  (twenty-four  manufacturing 
and  twelve  non-manufacturing  establishments)  reported  that  it  was  greater. 
In  this  connection  the  habits  of  the  southern  Negro,  commented  upon  above, 
would  naturally  exercise  great  influence.  The  superintendent  of  one  of  the 
packing  companies  employing  2,084  Negroes  reported: 

Previous  to  the  war  and  up  to  the  war  the  Negro  was  the  poorest  in  attendance 
in  the  plant.  Since  the  war  his  attendance  compares  favorably  with  any  other  class 
of  employees  in  the  Yards.  It  is  pretty  hard  to  explain  excepting  this,  as  they  lived 
here  longer  they  acquired  better  habits,  I  mean  more  ambition,  and  ambition  brought 
about  the  necessity  for  better  methods  of  living,  better  clothing,  and  they  required 
more  money  and  I  guess  they  found  out  in  a  short  time  that  work  brought  its  com- 
pensations. 

The  tendency  to  work  and  accumulate  a  little  and  then  take  a  vacation 
is  no  more  pronounced  among  the  colored  workers  than  among  the  white 
workers,  according  to  the  representative  of  a  food-products  company  employ- 
ing 500  Negroes  out  of  a  total  of  3,000  employees. 

Labor  turnover  and  "hope  on  the  job." — Of  the  fifty-two  employers  express- 
ing an  opinion  on  the  comparative  labor  turnover  of  Negro  and  white  workers 
twenty-four  (eleven  manufacturing  and  thirteen  non-manufacturing  establish- 
ments) considered  the  labor  turnover  about  equal,  and  twenty-eight  (eighteen 
manufacturing  and  ten  non-manufacturing  establishments)  considered  the 
turnover  greater  among  the  Negro  workers. 

Closely  connected  with  the  question  of  labor  turnover  among  Negroes  is 
the  question  of  "hope  on  the  job, "  as  one  alert  Negro  expressed  it.  The  desire 
to  secure  improved  conditions  of  work  and  higher  wages  is  shared  by  all  workers 
irrespective  of  race.  If  Negro  workers  are  not  allowed  to  advance  to  better 
positions  in  a  given  plant,  or  if  they  are  discriminated  against  by  having  their 
eflSciency  imderrated  by  foremen,  the  turnover  of  Negro  labor  will  naturally 
be  high.  The  attitude  of  foremen  largely  determines  whether  Negro  workers 
will  succeed  or  fail.  Superintendents  of  large  plants  realizing  this  fact  have 
taken  special  care  to  educate  foremen  in  the  treatment  of  Negro  labor. 

For  example,  the  superintendent  of  a  tannery  with  175  Negroes  out  of  a 
total  of  600  employees  notified  his  foremen  that  he  intended  to  use  Negro 
labor,  and  that  any  foreman  who  felt  that  he  could  not  teach  colored  workers 
would  have  to  yield  his  place  to  someone  who  could.  Frequent  lectures  to 
foremen  were  necessary  to  make  them  realize  that  fairness  to  Negro  labor  meant 
tolerance  of  a  beginner's  awkwardness  and  shortcomings  and  refraining  from 
the  use  of  insulting  terms  such  as  "nigger,"  etc. 

Another  company  reported  that  when  it  attempted  to  fill  skilled  positions 
with  Negroes  the  foremen  said  they  would  never  be  able  to  teach  them  as 


^ 


378  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

long  as  they  lived.  "It  couldn't  be  done."  The  foremen  were  told  they 
had  to  do  it,  and  they  now  agree  that  it  can  be  done  and  are  "quite  won  over 
to  the  point  of  employing  Negroes."  The  experience  of  this  plant  led  the 
superintendent  to  the  conclusion  that  no  particular  race  is  especially  fitted  for 
any  given  kind  of  work. 

The  superintendent  of  a  foundry  employing  2,500  men,  of  whom  427  are 
Negroes,  said: 

The  foremen  told  me  one  time  that  they  never  could  get  a  colored  man  to  grind 
because  he  was  afraid  of  the  wheel.  I  thought  we'd  better  try  out  a  few  of  them. 
We  found  that  was  not  the  fact  at  all.  One  of  the  best  grinders  we  now  have  is  a 
colored  man. 

In  discussing  the  attitude  of  foremen  toward  colored  labor,  the  super- 
intendent of  another  large  foundry  made  this  significant  statement: 

I  think  50  per  cent  of  what  trouble  we  who  employ  Negro  labor  have  is  due  to  in- 
efficient foremen,  and  the  failure  is  in  the  foreman  directly  over  the  man  to  imderstand 
the  Negro.  As  I  see  it,  the  Negro  must  be  handled  differently  from  the  Pole  whom  we 
have  usually  had  in  the  common  labor  capacity.  We  cannot  handle  the  Negro 
the  same  as  we  could  the  Pole.  Our  foremen  have  not  been  accustomed  here  in 
Chicago  in  our  shops  to  handling  Negroes,  and  at  times  I  have  a  real  fight  to  see  a 
Negro  get  an  absolutely  square  deal. 

The  industrial  secretary  of  the  Chicago  Urban  League,  referring  to  a  large 
firm  engaged  in  the  manufacture  of  machinery,  remarked: 

I  find  the  attitude  of  the  company  hberal.  Negroes  are  advanced  to  high-grade 
positions,  although  some  foremen  need  education  in  order  to  have  them  take  the 
proper  attitude  toward  the  employment  of  Negroes.  One  foreman  set  their  efficiency 
down  to  75  per  cent;  the  matter  was  taken  to  the  efficiency  department  and  his 
statement  was  found  to  be  untrue.  This  bears  out  the  point  that  Negroes  will  not 
succeed  where  foremen  do  not  intend  them  to  succeed. 

Despite  occasional  statements  that  the  Negro  is  slow  or  shiftless,  the  volume 
of  evidence  before  the  Commission  shows  that  Negroes  are  satisfactory 
employees  and  compare  favorably  with  other  racial  groups. 

4.      NEGRO  WOMEN  IN  INDUSTRY 

Before  the  war  created  openings  in  industry  for  Negro  women,  they  were 
even  more  definitely  restricted  in  their  choice  of  occupations  than  were  Negro 
men.  Restricted  opportunity  is  evident  from  the  fact  that,  in  1910,  almost 
two-thirds  of  the  gainfully  occupied  Negro  women  in  Chicago  were  engaged 
in  two  occupational  groups,  "servants"  and  "laundresses  not  in  laundries," 
these  being  included  among  those  in  domestic  and  personal  service  who  num- 
bered more  than  three-fourths.  The  enumeration  of  Negro  women  gainfully 
employed  in  Chicago  in  1910  classified  in  the  census  according  to  industries 
is  given  in  Table  XXVII. 


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THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY 


379 


To  learn  the  special  problems  concerning  Negro  women  in  industry,  one 
conference  was  devoted  to  the  industries  recently  opened  to  them.  Repre- 
sentatives of  four  establishments  employing  a  total  of  1,713  Negro  women 

TABLE  XXVII 

Negro  Women  Gainfully  Occupied  in  Chicaco  in  1910, 
Classified  by  Industries 


Industry 

Number 

Percentage  of 
Total 

Manufacturing  and  mechanical  industries .... 
Trade  and  transportation 

998 

96 

323 

163 

2,115] 

3,5i2[ 

i,336j 

337 

II 

I 

Professional  service 

4 

Clerical  occupations 

2 

Domestic  and  personal  service: 

Laundresses  not  in  laundries 

Servants 

78 

4 

Other  domestic  and  personal  service 

General  and  imclassified  occupations 

Total  gainfully  occupied 

8,880 

100 

TABLE  XXVIII 
Negro  Women  in  Fifty  Establishments  Classified  by  Industries  in  1920" 


Industry 


Number  of 

Establishments 

Reporting 


Total 
Employees 


Total  Negro 
Employees 


Total 

Negro  Women 

Employees 


Manufacturing: 

Tanneries 

Iron  and  steel 

Slaughtering  and  packing . 

Cooperage 

Clotiiing 

Other  needle  trades 

Box  making  (paper) 

Miscellaneous 


600 

10,435 
20,990 

327 

1,405 

775 

995 

1,543 


175 

1,729 

4,818 

106 

203 

325 

143 

95 


SO 
74 

437 
30 

203 

325 
104 

73 


Totals. 


Non-manufacturing :  * 

Hotels 

Taxicab  upkeep 

Laundries 

Mail  order  (clerical  occupations)  f 


27 


4 

I 

16 


37,070 


550 
1,600 
1,511 


7,594 


250 

250 

664 

,773 


1,295 

69 
100 

543 
1,400 


Totals. 


23 


2,937 


2,113 


*  Of  the  eighty-seven  establishments  (employing  five  or  more  Negroes)  covered  by  the  investigation  but 
omitted  from  this  table,  forty-two  had  no  Negro  women  employees  and  forty-five  failed  to  classify  Negro  workers 
by  sex. 

t  One  establishment  failed  to  report  total  employees. 


attended  the  conference.  The  investigation  of  the  loi  establishments  (employ- 
ing five  or  more  Negroes)  disclosed  the  presence  of  women  in  a  large  majority 
of  cases,  but  in  a  number  of  instances  the  management  was  unable  to  tell  the 


38o 


THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 


sex  of  workers  from  the  records  kept  and  gave  the  investigator  the  total  number 
of  Negroes  employed  without  classification  by  sex.  Of  the  137  establishments 
reporting,  forty- two  had  no  Negro  women  employees;  forty-five  kept  no 
separate  sex  records;  fifty  reported  separately  the  nmnber  of  Negro  women 
workers. 

Comparing  the  industries  in  which  Negro  women  were  employed  in  19 10 
with  the  figures  quoted  for  1920,  a  striking  increase  is  seen  in  the  total  engaged 
in  manufacturing,  998  being  the  total  Negro  women  reported  for  all  manu- 
facturing establishments  in  Chicago  in  1910,  as  compared  with  1,295  Negro 
women  reported  by  twenty-seven  establishments  in  1920. 

Comparisons  for  special  industries  and  occupations  show  the  contrasts 
between  1910  and  1920  in  Table  XXIX. 

TABLE  XXIX 


Industry 

1910 

1920 

Number  of 
Establishments 

Sewers  and  sewing-machine  opera- 
tors in  factories 

25 

8 

3 
0 

163 

184 
0 

527 

437 
104 

50 
1,400 

543 
100 

12 

Slaughtering     and      packing-house 
operatives     

2 

Box  making  (paper) 

3 

Tanneries 

I 

Clerical  occupations 

2 

Laundry  operatives 

16 

Taxicab  cleaning 

I 

Labor  shortage  was  given  as  the  reason  for  employing  Negro  women  and 
girls  by  all  of  the  firms  employing  them  in  large  numbers.  The  outlook  for 
Negro  women  in  industry  when  there  is  a  labor  surplus  is  uncertain.  Employ- 
ers employing  1,713  Negro  women  represented  at  a  conference.  May  18, 
1920,  agreed  that  there  were  no  indications  of  a  reduction  of  employment. 
This  question  is  considered  at  length  hereafter  in  "Future  of  the  Negro  in 
Chicago  Industries." 

EXPERIMENTS  WITH  NEGRO  WOMEN  WORKERS 

Employers'  opinions  regarding  the  character  of  Negro  labor  without  refer- 
ence to  sex  were  considered  above.  Particular  comments  concerning  male 
workers  were  quoted  there,  comments  upon  women  workers  are  now  given. 
Four  employers  of  Negro  women  in  large  numbers  within  the  past  two  years 
gave  the  Commission  the  benefit  of  their  experience.  They  were  two  mail- 
order concerns,  a  manufacturer  of  automobile  spring  cushions,  and  a  wholesale 
millinery  shop. 

The  mail-order  house  which  established  a  large  office  for  Negro  entry 
clerks  in  September,  1918,  was  the  first  to  try  the  experiment.  It  had  no 
precedent  to  guide  it  and  "did  not  know  how  the  colored  girl  would  act  in 
business."    The  unit  was  opened  with  ninety  girls,  and  increased  in  the  fall 


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THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY  381 

of  1919  to  650  girls,  who  were  given  the  promise  of  advancement  and  Negro 
supervision.  In  the  early  summer  of  1920,  when  the  investigator  visited  this 
office,  there  were  311  girls  at  work,  as  follows: 

Operators  on  Elliott-Fisher  machines 30 

Mail-order  workers 76 

Instructing  new  girls 9 

Checkers 138 

Supervisors 5 

Mail  opening,  sorting,  etc 27 

Posting 26 

They  were  above  the  average  in  education,  75  per  cent  being  high-school 
graduates  and  1 2  per  cent  having  had  two  or  more  years  in  college. 

The  employment  manager  said  that  misunderstandings  had  arisen  occa- 
sionally, due  to  the  colored  girl  being  oversensitive  and  suspicious.  "The 
colored  girl  seems  to  suspect  that  her  employer  is  going  to  put  something  over 
on  her.  She  is  suspicious  of  any  whites  that  come  in  her  vicinity  and  is  ready 
to  believe  that  any  white  person  is  prejudiced  against  her  on  account  of  race." 

The  Negro  welfare  worker  for  this  unit  suggested  that  what  might  seem 
supersensitiveness  was  often  overzealousness  on  the  part  of  girls  who  have  not 
had  experience  enough  to  judge  their  limitations  or  qualifications.  Being 
eager  to  succeed,  they  are  very  much  disappointed  when  advancement  does 
not  reward  their  efforts:  "I  think  the  best  type  of  colored  girl  we  have  in 
business  is  very  ambitious.  This  is  her  first  opportunity,  and  she  feels  that 
she  is  really  a  pioneer  making  history  for  her  race.  She  is  possibly  a  little 
overzealous,  but  can  be  made  to  get  the  right  attitude  and  accept  it  all  very 
gracefully." 

Another  characteristic  of  Negro  girls,  in  the  opinion  of  the  employment 
manager,  was  an  "excitable  nature"  which  made  it  possible  for  a  good  leader 
to  influence  them  readily: 

They  complain  of  a  change  of  supervisors,  for  instance.  You  attempt  to  shift 
supervisors  from  one  point  of  the  office  to  another  and  you  immediately  receive  a 
petition  signed  by  all  the  girls,  saying,  "We  love  So-and-So,  and  please  don't  change 
her."  This  is  not  to  be  criticized  too  harshly,  but  it  does  represent  something  that 
does  go  on.  It  shows  inexperience.  The  white  girl  would  expect  that  those  things 
would  take  place.  The  colored  girl,  not  having  been  in  the  office  very  long,  would 
feel  that  the  fact  that  the  supervisor  was  changed  was  something  derogatory  to  the 
supervisor. 

The  whites  didn't  want  to  act  as  instructors,  and  the  colored  girls  didn't  want  to 
receive  instructions  from  the  whites.  By  being  very  careful  in  the  girls  that  were 
selected,  and  showing  the  white  girls  where  they  were  wrong,  and  then  attempting 
to  show  the  colored  people  that  these  girls  were  not  to  exercise  supervision,  but  were 
merely  to  be  instructors,  both  sides  came  to  an  understanding  on  it,  and  we  had 
pretty  good  results.  The  white  girls  that  we  had  over  there  became  very  used  to  it 
and  usually  hated  to  leave,  but  we  have  always  insisted  that  they  leave  as  soon  as  the 
girls  learned  the  work. 


y 


382  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

During  the  conference  on  Negro  women  in  industry  the  representative  of 
this  mail-order  establishment  was  asked  why  the  Negro  workers  were  put  into 
a  separate  unit  instead  of  being  intermingled  with  white  girls.     He  answered: 

The  first  reason  is  that  we  haven't  any  room.  The  second  is,  I  imagine,  because 
the  oiEcials  who  started  the  office  and  who  have  carried  it  on  since  felt  that  it  wouldn't 
be  poUcy.  We  haven't  discussed  the  question  because  we've  never  had  occasion  to 
consider  such  a  move  seriously.  Our  main  office  is  not  large  enough  to  accommodate 
any  more  employees  than  we  have  white  employees  in  the  house.  We  keep  that 
office  constantly  recruited  up  to  its  present  strength,  and  there  has  never  been  any 
necessity  or  any  reason  to  seriously  consider  bringing  colored  girls  in  with  the 
white  girls 

Another  thing  to  consider  there  would  be  the  type  of  girl  that  we  employ.  They 
are  all  yoimg  girls,  mostly  xmder  twenty-five  years,  and  they  don't  think  for  them- 
selves; they  are  influenced  very  easily  by  what  other  girls  say.  You  take  one  girl  in 
an  office  of  that  size  who  was  very  anti-colored,  and  it  wouldn't  be  very  long  until 
her  sentiment  would  spread  and  pretty  soon  you'd  have  a  strong  sentiment  against  the 
colored  girls. 

If  a  colored  girl  shoiild  want  to  obtain  employment  in  that  part  of  our  concern 
where  we  now  employ  aU  white  girls,  even  if  she  were  very  competent  she  would 
vmdoubtedly  have  some  trouble  in  securing  employment  in  that  department. 

The  result  of  the  experiment  with  the  colored  unit,  he  said,  was  highly 

satisfactory:    "We  have  been  very  favorably  impressed The  girls 

have  made  very  rapid  progress,  in  fact  they  surprised  all  of  us.  Their 
progress  along  lines  of  leadership,  as  supervisors,  etc.,  has  been  remarkable." 

About  six  weeks  after  this  conference  the  colored  unit  was  closed.  The 
reasons  given  were  lack  of  business,  trouble  with  the  lessor  of  the  office,  and 
failure  to  find  another  convenient  location.  A  letter  of  recommendation  was 
given  to  each  employee  showing  that  her  service  had  been  satisfactory,  and  a 
letter  was  also  sent  to  the  Urban  League,  through  which  the  women  had  been 
employed,  explaining  why  it  had  been  necessary  to  close  the  office  and  emphasiz- 
ing the  fact  that  this  action  should  not  be  considered  in  any  sense  a  reflection 
upon  the  Negro  workers  employed. 

The  other  mail-order  house  opened  a  unit  for  Negro  women  in  the  fall  of 

1918,  with  650  women  who  worked  until  the  end  of  the  "fall  rush"  in  January, 

1 9 1 9.  In  the  following  fall  the  unit  was  again  opened,  with  i  ,050  Negro  women ; 
and  the  office  was  still  in  operation  in  1920.  This  office  was  just  outside  the 
"Loop"  district.  The  sudden  influx  of  Negro  girls  there  caused  complaints 
by  the  local  restaurants,  fearing  the  loss  of  old  patrons  in  handling  this  new 
business.  The  company  then  installed  an  "at  cost"  cafeteria  service.  The 
work  of  these  girls  was  clerical,  billing,  labeling,  addressing,  etc.  Considering 
their  inexperience,  their  service  has  been  highly  satisfactory.  The  employment 
manager  said:  "It's  not  a  defect  in  their  minds,  it's  a  defect  in  the  country. 
They  haven't  had  the  opportunity  to  gain  the  education  and  experience 
needed  for  responsibility;   the  Negro  girl  is  equal  to  the  Italian  or  Bohemian 


THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY  383 

in  working  ability  and  superior  for  executive  work,  such  as  instructing  or 
supervising."  Among  143  girls  interviewed  in  the  entry  offices  of  these  two 
mail-order  houses  only  three  expressed  dissatisfaction  with  the  conditions  of 
work.  The  girls  seemed  to  take  pride  in  the  fact  that  they  had  succeeded 
in  "making  good"  in  a  new  and  attractive  field  of  work. 

The  experiment  of  the  establishment  manufacturing  automobile  spring 
cushions  had  a  very  modest  beginning.  A  factory  was  rented  in  the  Negro 
residential  area  on  the  South  Side,  and  twenty  machines  were  installed  to  test 
out  Negro  women  as  sewing-machine  operators.  Gradually  the  number 
increased  to  120  in  this  plant,  and  a  second  plant  was  opened  in  the  same 
vicinity  with  about  the  same  number  of  operators.  During  the  year  1919-20 
there  were  250  Negro  women  employed  as  machine  operators  in  these  two 
plants.  The  superintendent  considered  that  they  required  less  supervision 
than  the  white  workers  in  the  company's  other  shops  and  rated  them  equal  to 
white  workers  in  efficiency.  "We  could  take  our  best  white  girl  and  our  best 
colored  girl,  and  they  earn  about  the  same  amount  of  money  on  piecework 
rates,  in  the  same  number  of  hours." 

The  superintendent  of  the  wholesale  millinery  establishment  represented 
in  conference  considered  that  the  employment  of  Negro  women  in  that  industry 
had  outgrown  the  experimental  stage.  Although  a  long  period  of  training  is 
necessary  in  order  to  become  a  skilled  milliner  (four  years  for  hand  sewers, 
eight  years  for  machine  operators),  Negro  women  were  keen  to  learn  the  trade 
and  willing  to  accept  the  low  wages  paid  to  beginners.  Of  the  forty-seven 
Negro  women  employed  on  the  day  of  the  investigator's  visit,  thirty-three 
received  less  than  $12.00  a  week  and  forty-two  received  less  than  $15.00  a 
week.  These  women  were  all  employed  as  hand  sewers,  and  in  the  opinion  of 
the  superintendent  they  had  done  "just  as  well  as  the  white.  They  learn  as 
quickly  and  are  as  persevering,  and  in  every  respect  equal  to  the  whites  as  far 
as  their  work  is  concerned.     We  are  absolutely  satisfied  with  their  work." 

Other  industries  in  which  Negro  women  are  engaged  in  considerable 
numbers  include  laundering,  the  manufacture  of  clothing,  lamp  shades,  gas 
mantles,  paper  boxes,  barrels,  and  cheese  making.  An  investigator  from  the 
Commission  visited  estabHshments  employing  Negro  women  in  each  of  these 
industries. 

Laundry  operatives. — The  fact  that  543  Negro  women  laundr>'  operatives 
were  reported  by  sixteen  laundries,  as  contrasted  with  184  in  all  Chicago 
laundries  in  19 10,  gives  evidence  of  an  increase  in  the  number  of  Negro  women 
in  this  field  proportionately  much  greater  than  the  increase  in  Negro  population 
in  Chicago  in  the  same  decade.  The  opportunity  to  work  in  a  laundry  was 
practically  denied  to  Negro  women  until  labor  shortage  forced  laundry  owners 
to  tap  this  reserve  labor  supply.  Negro  women  were  eager  to  desert  work  as 
domestic  servants  and  "family  washer-women,"  with  the  social  stigma  and 
restricted  human  contact  involved,  to  enter  laundries  where  more  independence 


384  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

was  possible,  hours  were  better  standardized,  and  association  with  fellow- 
workers  enlivened  the  work  day.  The  emplo^inent  department  of  the  Urban 
League  experienced  great  difficulty  in  supplying  the  demand  for  domestic 
servants  and  laundresses  in  the  home,  but  had  no  difficulty  in  filling  openings 
in  laundries. 

The  work  of  Negro  women  in  this  field  has  proved  satisfactory  except  in  a 
few  establishments.  Of  the  twenty  laundries  which  reported  Negro  labor 
satisfactory  or  unsatisfactory  (included  in  Table  XXVI),  four  failed  to  report 
separate  figures  covering  male  and  female  employees.  Of  the  remaining 
sixteen  establishments,  twelve,  with  a  total  of  409  Negro  women,  reported 
Negro  labor  satisfactory,  and  four  with  a  total  of  134  Negro  women,  reported 
Negro  labor  unsatisfactory.  The  complaint  in  two  instances  was  unwilling- 
ness to  work  overtime  and  on  Sundays.  In  both  these  instances  the  employees 
interviewed  complained  that  hours  were  long  (nine-hour  day)  and  the  treat- 
ment by  the  management  harsh  and  inconsiderate. 

Laundries  which  did  not  make  a  practice  of  requiring  overtime  and  Sunday 
work  found  Negro  women  workers  cheerful,  loyal,  and  industrious.  The 
employees  interviewed  in  these  establishments  expressed  satisfaction  with 
working  conditions  and  with  hours. 

One  efficiently  managed  laundry,  employing  seventy-six  Negro  women  and 
six  Negro  men,  out  of  a  total  of  no  employees,  reported:  "We  have  a  number 
of  exceptionally  good  and  loyal  Negro  employees.  These  men  and  women 
need  very  little  supervision.  We  got  some  who  have  never  worked  in  indus- 
tries. They  require  more  supervision  and  are  not  very  steady.  On  the  whole, 
we  are  well  pleased  with  our  Negro  employees." 

Sewing-machine  operators  and  sewers. — Denial  of  opportunity  to  enter  the 
sewing  trades  is  evidenced  by  the  small  number  of  Negro  women  listed  in  the 
1910  census  as  sewers  and  sewing-machine  operators  in  factories,  the  number 
being  twenty-five.  That  this  exclusion  was  not  because  of  any  natural  inapti- 
tude for  sewing  is  indicated  by  the  fact  that  the  1910  census  listed  867  Negro 
women  as  seamstresses  not  in  factories.  Negro  women  have  entered  millinery 
work  and  proved  apt  hand  workers;  they  have  also  proved  efficient  sewing- 
machine  operators  in  the  manufacture  of  automobile  cushions.  The  lamp- 
shade manufacturers  employed  Negro  women  as  hand  sewers  and  found  them 
to  be  efficient  workers.  The  clothing  estabUshments  which  reported  Negro 
women  workers  found  them  satisfactory  machine  and  hand  workers,  with  the 
exception  of  one  apron  factory  which  complained  that  they  are  shiftless, 
often  unreasonable,  and  do  not  stick  to  the  job.  An  investigation  of  this 
establishment  by  the  Urban  League  disclosed  the  following  facts:  The  shop 
was  located  in  a  shabby-looking,  unclean  store,  inadequately  heated  by  a  coal 
stove.  The  work  day  was  nine  and  one-half  hours,  and  piece  rates  on  several 
operations  were  so  low  that  it  was  impossible  to  earn  a  decent  wage.    In  this 


y.  - 

O    P 

''OS 


K    "5 

'.1        5= 


>^    2 


y.  ^ 

^  — 


y 


THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY  385 

case  the  large  labor  turnover  was  evidently  a  healthy  protest  against  poor 
working  conditions. 

Other  industries. — Three  paper-box-making  plants  employing  Negro  women 
were  investigated.  They  reported  that  Negro  women  had  proved  unsatis- 
factory, either  slow  or  lazy.  The  experience  of  a  cheese  factory  is  worth  noting 
in  this  connection.  Because  Negro  women  appeared  to  be  slow  at  their  work 
it  was  decided  to  measure  their  tasks.  It  was  then  found  that  many  were 
doing  as  well  as  and  some  better  than  the  white  girls  in  whose  places  they  were 
working. 

Whether  such  tests  had  ever  been  made  in  the  box-making  plants  does  not 
appear.  The  employees  interviewed  in  one  box  factory  complained  of  low 
wages  and  no  chance  for  advancement.  Negro  women  in  this  plant  were 
averaging  only  $2.40  a  day.  A  cooperage  company  reported  fifteen  women 
stave  carriers  and  fifteen  machine  operators.  Negro  labor  in  this  plant  was 
reported  satisfactory.  Negro  women  in  the  garage  of  a  taxicab  company, 
cleaning  automobiles,  have  shown  themselves  not  afraid  of  hard  work;  100 
Negro  women  were  reported  working  in  this  capacity.  Negro  women  as 
Pullman-car  cleaners  have  also  proved  satisfactory. 

Before  the  war  Negro  women  were  popularly  thought  of  as  a  class  of 
servants  unfitted  by  nature  for  work  calling  for  higher  qualifications.  It  is 
difficult  to  say  how  long  this  popular  misconception  might  have  survived  had 
it  not  been  for  the  labor  shortage  which  forced  employers  to  experiment  with 
Negro  women  workers  and  to  learn  with  surprise  that  they  were  as  teachable 
as  white  women  and  became  as  efficient  workers  after  receiving  the  necessary 
training. 

IV.      INDUSTRY  AS   THE  NEGRO   SEES   IT 
I.      ATTITUDE  TOWARD  INDUSTRIAL  OPPORTUNITIES 

In  order  to  learn  the  attitude  of  the  Negro  toward  his  work,  and  his  special 
problems,  including  the  treatment  accorded  him  by  foremen  and  by  fellow- 
workers,  865  Negro  employees  were  interviewed  by  a  Negro  investigator  at  their 
work  or  at  home.  Less  than  i  per  cent  of  those  interviewed  complained  of 
disagreeable  treatment  by  white  workers.  Approximately  one-half  had  no 
complaints  to  make  about  conditions  of  work.  On  the  contrar}^,  they  expressed 
themselves  as  being  glad  of  the  opportunity  to  work  and  earn  good  wages. 

The  attitude  of  a  large  number  of  the  workers  interviewed  is  illustrated  by 
the  following: 

C —  W —  was  referred  to  in  one  of  the  industrial  conferences  before  the  Commis- 
sion. The  superintendent  of  the  foundry  said  he  was  the  "star  molder"  in  the  plant. 
When  interviewed  C —  W — •  said  he  had  come  to  Chicago  in  1910  from  Kentucky 
because  he  was  tired  of  bemg  a  flunkey.  He  had  been  in  the  high  school  for  two  years, 
but  could  only  get  work  as  janitor  in  a  public  building  in  his  home  town.  After  coming 
here  he  worked  in  a  foundry  as  a  molder's  helper  until  he  learned  the  trade.     "I  was 


386  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

getting  38  cents  an  hour  then,  but  I  got  on  piecework  and  my  wages  have  steadily- 
gone  up.  I'm  an  expert  now  and  make  as  much  as  any  man  in  the  place.  I  can  quit 
any  time  I  want  to,  but  the  longer  I  work  the  more  money  it  is  for  me,  so  I  usually 
work  eight  or  nine  hours  a  day.  I  am  planning  to  educate  my  girl  with  the  best  of 
them,  buy  a  home  before  I'm  too  old,  and  make  life  comfortable  for  my  family. 
There  is  more  chance  here  to  learn  a  trade  than  in  the  South.  I  live  better,  can  save 
more,  and  I  feel  more  like  a  man." 

R —  N — ,  who  is  working  as  a  helper  in  the  same  foimdry,  says  he  has  just  gone 
from  one  job  to  another.  In  the  South  he  worked  on  a  section  gang  on  the  railroad 
most  of  the  time.  "Didn't  have  to  know  much  to  get  a  job  on  the  section  gang — 
just  able  to  lift."  Friends  here  wrote  him  of  the  chances  to  make  money,  so  he  came 
because  he  was  just  drifting  anyway.  When  he  got  here  he  thought  Chicago  was  "full 
of  life."  Every  night  for  a  month  he  went  to  cabarets.  He  likes  his  work  and  his 
wages.  "My  wife  can  have  her  clothes  fitted  here;  she  can  try  on  a  hat  and  if  she 
don't  want  it  she  don't  have  to  buy  it.  I  can  go  anywhere  I  please  on  the  cars  after 
I  pay  my  fare,  and  I  can  do  any  sort  of  work  I  know  how  to  do." 

When  M —  G —  came  to  Chicago  in  1900  he  thought  it  "the  biggest  place  in  the 
world  and  the  world  didn't  reach  much  further.  Life  is  easier  here  because  you  can 
make  more  money.  Working  conditions  are  better  than  in  the  South,  but  they  could 
be  better  still."  He  worked  as  a  butler  in  the  South,  but  when  he  came  to  Chicago 
he  got  out  of  personal  service  and  became  a  laborer  in  the  Stock  Yards.  Later  he 
went  to  Gary,  Indiana,  to  the  steel  works,  where  he  is  earnmg  about  $40.00  a  week. 
His  wife  is  doing  clerical  work  in  a  mail-order  house  and  is  going  to  night  school  three 
nights  a  week  to  learn  typing. 

H —  B —  with  his  family  left  Mississippi  in  191 6  and  came  to  Chicago,  where  he 
found  work  as  a  coal  heaver  at  $3.20  a  day.  His  wife  sorted  paper  in  a  junk  house 
at  $10.00  a  week,  and  his  daughter  entered  a  canning  department  at  the  Stock  Yards 
at  $18.00  a  week.  When  Mr.  B —  was  interviewed  in  June,  1920,  he  was  working  in 
the  Stock  Yards  and  earning  $27.00  a  week  for  an  eight-hour  day.  He  said  he  didn't 
have  to  work  nearly  as  hard  here  as  in  the  South  and  was  earning  enough  money  so 
his  wife  could  stay  at  home.  "In  the  South  you  had  to  work  whether  you  wanted 
to  or  not  unless  you  were  very  sick.  White  people  did  not  work  there  as  they  do  here. 
They  made  the  Negro  do  the  work.  Men  and  women  had  to  work  in  the  fields.  A 
woman  was  not  permitted  to  remain  at  home  if  she  felt  like  it.  If  she  was  found  at 
home  some  of  the  white  people  would  come  to  ask  why  she  was  not  in  the  field  and 
tell  her  she  had  better  get  to  the  field  or  else  abide  by  the  consequences.  After  the 
summer  crops  were  all  in,  any  of  the  white  people  could  send  for  any  Negro  woman  to 
come  and  do  the  family  washing  at  75  cents  to  $1.00  a  day.  If  she  sent  word  she  could 
not  come  she  had  to  send  an  excuse  why  she  could  not  come.  They  were  never  allowed 
to  stay  at  home  as  long  as  they  were  able  to  go.  Had  to  take  whatever  they  paid  you 
for  your  work." 

M —  H —  "  Ukes  the  air  of  doing  things  here."  He  is  able  to  earn  enough  to  keep 
the  family  without  having  his  wife  go  out  to  work.  There  are  four  "youngsters," 
the  oldest  being  eight  years  old.  Mr.  H —  came  to  Chicago  in  1918  from  Tennessee. 
He  complained  that  there  was  not  much  work  for  a  man  in  his  home  town.  He  did 
whatever  odd  jobs  turned  up.  People  there  were  talking  about  the  chances  in 
Chicago,  so  he  came  here  and  went  to  work  as  a  monument  setter  on  the  West  Side. 


THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY  387 

Later  he  found  a  better-paying  job  in  a  mattress  factory  and  was  able  to  send  for  his 
family.  He  is  now  working  in  a  foundry  and  makes  $35.00  a  week  but  finds  it  hard 
to  live  on  this.    If  he  can  go  to  night  school  he  feels  he  will  be  able  to  earn  more  money. 

Mrs.  L —  works  as  an  entry  clerk  in  a  mail-order  house  and  likes  everything  con- 
nected with  the  place.  She  used  to  be  a  maid  in,  a  private  family  but  says  she  wouldn't 
work  in  service  again  "for  any  money.  I  can  save  more  when  I'm  in  service,  for  of 
course  you  get  room  and  board,  but  the  other  things  you  have  to  take — no  place  to 
entertain  your  friends  but  the  kitchen,  and  going  in  and  out  the  back  doors.  I  hated 
all  that.  Then,  no  matter  how  early  you  got  through  work  you  could  only  go  out 
one  night  a  week — they  almost  make  you  a  slave.  You  can  do  other  work  in  Chicago 
and  you  don't  have  to  work  in  such  places." 

Mrs.  L —  had  taught  school  in  Atlanta,  Georgia.  After  her  husband  died  she 
had  tried  to  get  back  in  the  school  but  could  not.  Friends  here  advised  her  to  move 
to  Chicago,  so  she  sold  her  property  in  191 5  and  came  here.  She  got  work  in  the 
Stock  Yards  but  gave  music  lessons  on  the  side  to  help  keep  up  expenses.  "I  hated 
the  surroimdings  at  the  Yards  and  the  class  of  people  who  worked  there,  so  when  I 
had  a  chance  to  work  in  a  mail-order  house  I  changed.  The  first  work  here  was 
filing.  I  learned  it  very  quickly  and  tried  so  hard  to  make  good  that  they  made  me  a 
supervisor."  She  likes  the  freedom  of  the  North  and  the  opportunities  to  advance  in 
work.    Her  ambition  is  to  get  into  the  public  schools  as  a  teacher. 

Miss  T —  S — ,  twenty- two  years  old,  started  to  work  when  she  was  fourteen, 
helping  her  mother  cook  for  a  large  family  in  Lexington,  Georgia.  Her  mother  died 
when  she  was  about  seventeen,  and  she  continued  to  work  in  the  same  family  about 
three  years.  Then  some  relatives  persuaded  her  to  come  north  with  them  in  191 9. 
She  worked  as  a  waitress  in  Chicago  until  her  cousin  got  her  a  job  in  a  box  factory. 
"I'll  never  work  in  nobody's  kitchen  but  my  own  any  more.  No,  indeed!  That's 
the  one  thing  that  makes  me  stick  to  this  job.  You  do  have  some  time  to  call  your 
own,  but  when  you're  working  in  anybody's  kitchen,  well,  you're  out  of  luck.  You 
almost  have  to  eat  on  the  run;  you  never  get  any  time  ofif,  and  you  have  to  work 
half  the  night,  usually.  I  make  more  money  here  than  I  did  down  South,  but  I 
can't  save  anything  out  of  it — there  are  so  many  places  to  go  here,  but  down  South 
you  work,  work,  work,  and  you  have  to  save  your  money  because  you  haven't  any 
place  to  spend  it." 

Many  of  those  interviewed  were  grateful  for  the  opportunity  to  work  over- 
time at  overtime  rates.  A  number  complained  that  they  were  able  to  spend 
but  little  time  with  their  families,  or  in  recreation,  because  they  were  compelled 
to  live  in  districts  far  from  the  plants  in  which  they  worked,  so  that  two,  and 
often  three,  hours  a  day  were  wasted  on  the  cars.  The  Negroes  who  had  come 
to  Chicago  within  the  past  two  or  three  years  as  a  rule  were  satisfied  with 
conditions  of  work,  including  hours,  wages,  and  treatment. 

2.      COMPLAINTS  ABOUT  CONDITIONS   OF  WORK 

Among  the  Negroes  who  had  lived  in  Chicago  for  a  longer  period  the  most 
insistent  complaint  was  lack  of  opportunity  for  advancement  or  promotion. 
This  was  occasionally  coupled  with  the  complaint  that  foremen  discriminated 
in  favor  of  the  white  workers.    In  certain  industries  no  complaint  of  treatment 


388  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

by  foremen  was  made,  while  approximately  lo  per  cent  of  those  interviewed 
in  three  industries  (mentioned  below)  complained  of  discrimination  in  favor 
of  white  workers,  in  the  distribution  of  work,  in  recognition  of  efficiency,  or  in 
permitting  the  earning  of  overtime  rates.  The  industries  registering  the 
greatest  percentage  of  complaints  were:  (i)  foundry  and  iron  and  steel  mills, 
(2)  Stock  Yards,  and  (3)  railroad  dining-car  and  Pullman  service.  The 
common  complaints  in  each  of  these  fields  are  considered  briefly  below. 

Foundries  and  iron  mid  steel  manufacturing. — The  ninety-three  Negro 
employees  interviewed  in  fourteen  establishments  in  this  field  were  of  different 
grades  of  skill:  fifty-nine  unskilled,  twelve  semi-skilled,  nineteen  skilled,  and 
three  apprentices  to  skilled  trades.  The  length  of  time  in  the  plant  varied 
from  a  week  to  twenty  years  (forty-one  employees  less  than  one  year,  and 
eighty  less  than  five  years).  To  the  inquiry,  "Is  anything  wrong  with  your 
conditions  of  work?"  fifty  answered,  "No";  sixteen  complained  that  hours 
were  too  long  (in  these  cases  the  men  were  working  a  twelve-hour  day  and  a 
seven-day  week);  ten  complained  of  low  wages;  six  that  foremen  or  straw 
bosses  were  not  fair  in  the  distribution  of  work  or  of  "heats";  four  complained 
that  straight-time  pay  only  was  allowed  for  overtime,  three  that  working  gangs 
were  reduced  without  decreasing  the  work  demanded  or  increasing  the  pay  of 
the  men  who  remained;  one  thought  that  Negroes  were  paid  lower  wages  than 
white  workers;  one  said  the  work  in  his  plant  was  much  dirtier  than  it  need 
be;  and  two  were  dissatisfied  because  shower  or  locker  accommodations  were 
insufficient. 

A  foundry  company  employing  twenty  Negroes  out  of  a  total  of  eighty 
employees  was  one  of  the  establishments  reporting  Negro  labor  unsatisfactory. 
Negroes  interviewed  there  complained  of  harsh  and  unfair  treatment  by 
bosses  and  said  that  Negroes  usually  did  not  stay  longer  than  thirty  days.  The 
employment  manager  of  a  large  foundry  employing  427  Negroes  out  of  a  total 
of  2,488  employees  told  the  investigator  that  the  foremen  in  the  plant  would 
refuse  to  use  Negroes  if  white  labor  could  be  obtained,  and  if  such  a  time  should 
come  the  foremen  would  have  their  way,  because  it  took  years  to  make  a  fore- 
man, but  a  laborer  could  be  picked  up  any  day.  The  investigator  was  not 
permitted  to  interview  any  of  the  employees  at  this  plant,  but  he  visited  some 
of  them  at  their  homes.  They  complained  of  harsh  treatment  by  foremen, 
reduction  in  piece  rates  without  notice,  and  discrimination  in  favor  of  white 
workers.  The  labor  turnover  reported  by  this  plant  was  70  per  cent  for  Negro 
as  compared  with  14  per  cent  for  white  workers.  This  contrast  is  readily 
accounted  for  when  the  attitude  of  foremen  toward  Negroes  is  known. 

Negroes  interviewed  at  one  of  the  plants  of  another  foundry  company 
employing  seventy-five  Negroes  out  of  a  total  of  300  employees  complained 
that  the  foreman  in  one  department  established  conditions  discouraging  to 
Negro  workers.  He  had  an  even  number  of  Negro  and  white  workers  employed 
as  partners  on  a  certain  process  of  piecework  rates,  each  doing  one-half  of  a 


THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY  389 

joint  task.  When  a  man  was  absent,  partners  would  be  shifted  about  so  that 
a  Negro  worker  would  be  left  without  a  partner  instead  of  a  white  man.  This 
handicapped  the  single  worker  by  slowing  down  the  process  so  he  could  not 
earn  a  full  day's  pay.  Complaint  was  also  made  that  the  same  foreman  allowed 
white  workers  to  accumulate  a  supply  of  material  for  their  work,  although 
he  ordered  Negro  workers  to  stop  this  practice,  thus  forcing  them  to  lose  time 
in  making  frequent  trips  for  material. 

In  a  large  iron  and  steel  plant  a  few  of  the  workers  interviewed  complained 
of  unfair  and  abusive  treatment  by  foremen.  Numerous  complaints  had 
likewise  come  to  the  attention  of  the  industrial  secretary  of  the  Urban  League, 
who  took  the  matter  up  with  the  chief  of  the  industrial-relations  department 
of  the  company.  An  investigation  was  ordered,  and  it  was  found  that  a 
certain  foreman  had  made  a  threat  to  drive  all  the  "niggers"  from  the  depart- 
ment. This  foreman,  who  had  been  employed  by  the  company  for  more  than 
sixteen  years,  was  discharged  as  a  result  of  the  investigation.  The  company 
states  that  considerable  pressure  has  been  brought  to  bear  for  the  foreman's 
reinstatement,  but  that  it  will  not  reinstate  him  because  it  wants  his  case  to 
be  a  warning  to  others  in  the  plant  who  may  be  prejudiced  against  Negro 
workers.  The  discharged  foreman  has  been  told  that  he  may  seek  employment 
with  the  company  in  some  other  capacity,  with  the  loss  of  his  seniority  rights. 

In  contrast  with  conditions  in  the  preceding  cases,  the  investigator  found 
no  complaints  of  mistreatment  by  foremen  or  other  causes  for  dissatisfaction 
among  Negro  workers  at  another  foundry  which  employs  125  Negroes  out  of 
a  total  force  of  466  employees.  Negro  labor  in  this  foundry  was  reported 
"satisfactory"  and  as  efficient  as  white  labor.  The  attitude  of  foremen 
evidently  contributed  to  the  contentment  and  success  of  Negroes  in  this  plant. 

Stock  Yards. — Interviews  with  seventy-four  Negroes  employed  in  the  Stock 
Yards  disclosed  much  dissatisfaction  with  treatment  by  foremen.  Specific 
instances  of  discrimination  were  cited  in  great  detail,  leaving  no  cioubt  in  the 
mind  of  the  investigator  that  these  workers  felt  that  they  did  not  have  an  equal 
chance  with  white  workers  in  many  departments  in  the  Yards.  Some  of  those 
interviewed  were  well  pleased  with  the  treatment  of  present  foremen,  but  had 
worked  in  other  departments  in  the  same  plants  where  they  said  foremen  had 
been  unfair  and  insulting  to  Negroes.  The  Negroes  interviewed,  with  one 
exception,  considered  their  treatment  by  white  fellow- workers  good  or  "O.K." 
The  following  are  typical  of  the  complaints  made  by  the  men  interviewed  in 
three  of  the  large  establishments  in  the  Yards: 

G —  R —  had  worked  in  one  plant  in  the  Yards  for  four  years.  He  said  that  he 
was  not  given  a  chance  to  make  overtime,  while  Poles  who  had  not  been  with  the  com- 
pany as  long  as  he  had  were  given  this  privilege. 

Another  worker  had  been  dismissed  by  a  foreman  when  a  white  worker  in  the 
boiler  room  had  shut  off  the  supply  of  water  for  washing  hogs.  No  blame  was 
attached  to  the  real  offender,  but  the  Negro  worker  was  discharged.    He  wrote  a 


390  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

letter  to  the  general  superintendent,  who  investigated  and  ordered  his  reinstatement. 
The  foreman  then  tried  to  reinstate  him  as  a  new  hand,  which  would  deprive  him  of 
his  seniority  rights. 

Another  worker  interviewed  said  that  one  assistant  foreman  had  openly  made 
the  statement  that  he  would  not  work  with  "niggers." 

The  foreman  over  pipe  fitters  was  accused  of  placing  new  Negroes  on  the  hardest 
work,  with  no  one  to  give  assistance.  He  permitted  white  men  to  work  as  helpers 
for  two  or  three  months,  and  then  to  quit  for  a  month  or  two  and  return  as  pipe 
fitters,  advancing  them  over  Negroes  who  had  more  training  for  the  work. 

The  foreman  in  the  sheep-killing  department  of  one  of  the  plants  was  said  by  one 
worker  to  make  advancement  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  for  Negroes.  Another 
worker  complained  that  this  foreman  had  recently  taken  one  man  off  the  jaw-trimming 
machine  but  ran  the  chain  just  as  fast,  with  the  evident  intention  of  overtaxing  the 
remaining  Negroes  and  reporting  that  they  were  not  equal  to  the  job. 

The  foreman  in  the  hog-killing  department  was  charged  with  showing  preference 
to  the  Poles  in  shoulder  sawing.  If  a  Negro  made  complaint  to  the  superintendent 
and  was  sent  back  with  instructions  to  the  foreman,  the  latter  woidd  try  to  "burn" 
the  Negro  out  with  work. 

It  would  seem  from  the  discussion  of  the  representatives  of  the  packing 
companies  before  the  Commission  that  the  Negro  in  reality  has  little  oppor- 
tunity for  promotion  in  the  Yards.  There  are  no  Negro  foremen  over  mixed 
gangs.  The  highest  position  a  Negro  is  able  to  reach  is  that  of  subforeman 
over  a  group  of  Negro  workmen.  The  general  superintendent  of  one  of  the 
packing  companies  admitted  that  he  had  never  tried  out  a  Negro  as  foreman 
over  a  mixed  gang  because  he  wouldn't  want  to  work  under  a  Negro  himself. 
Such  an  attitude  on  the  part  of  a  general  superintendent  closes  the  door  to 
experimentation  and  limits  the  opportunities  of  even  the  most  capable  Negroes. 
It  was  this  same  official  who  said,  as  previously  noted,  that  Negro  labor  required 
more  supervision  than  white  labor,  and  that  the  turnover  of  Negro  labor  was 
greater.  Lack  of  "hope  on  the  job"  would  seem  an  adequate  explanation  of 
both  conditions. 

Railroad  dining-car  and  Pullman  service. — Negroes  are  used  as  dining-car 
waiters  on  all  roads  running  out  of  Chicago  which  carry  such  accommodations. 
Certain  of  the  roads  also  use  Negro  cooks  and  kitchen  help.  The  dining-cars 
on  all  roads  are  in  charge  of  white  stewards.  The  source  of  greatest  complaint 
among  the  204  Negro  waiters  interviewed  was  the  arbitrary  use  of  authority 
by  the  stewards  and  the  fact  that  color  bars  Negro  waiters  from  becoming 
stewards.  They  say  that  when  stewards  are  needed,  intelligent  and  ex-pe- 
rienced  Negroes  are  passed  over  and  white  men,  often  entirely  ignorant  of  the 
work,  are  taught  their  duties  by  these  Negroes  and  are  then  placed  in  authority 
over  them.  One  road  carrying  seven  dining-cars  uses  white  stewards  on  two 
cars  and  the  remaining  live  cars  are  in  charge  of  Negroes  called  "waiters  in 
charge."  Negroes  complained  that  these  men  get  little  more  than  the  wages 
of  a  waiter,  and  in  many  cases  do  all  that  is  required  of  steward  and  waiter. 


THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY  391 


/ 


The  outstanding  complaint  concerned  the  drawing  of  the  color  line  in 
promotion.  In  view  of  the  fact  that  many  college  graduates  are  serving  as 
waiters,  it  would  seem  absurd  to  say  that  Negro  waiters  are  incapable  of 
performing  a  steward's  duties,  which  consist  of  receiving  and  checking  supplies 
for  the  car,  seating  dining  patrons  and  issuing  checks  to  them,  having  general 
supervision  of  the  other  employees  on  the  dining-car,  and  making  daily  reports  ^ 

to  the  car  superintendent  of  business  transacted.  Race  prejudice  on  the  part 
of  administrative  oflEicials  of  railroads  seems  to  be  the  only  explanation  for 
barring  Negroes  from  becoming  stewards,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  Negro  waiters 
have  been  used  in  dining-cars  for  over  forty  years  and  have  been  accepted  by 
the  white  traveling  public  as  a  matter  of  course,  though  some  contend  that 
some  patrons  who  accept  Negroes  as  waiters  would  object  to  seeing  them  in 
positions  of  stewards,  particularly  if  that  brought  white  employees  under  them. 

Negroes  are  employed  in  large  numbers  in  Pullman  cars  as  porters,  cleaners, 
cooks,  and  mechanics.  The  main  complaint  made  by  the  sixty  porters  inter- 
viewed was  poor  wages  and  necessity  of  dependency  on  tips  to  make  a  decent 
living.  The  wages  of  porters,  as  stated  by  a  representative  of  the  Pullman  Com- 
pany before  the  Commission,  are: 

The  minimum  rate  for  a  porter  on  a  standard  sleeping  or  parlor  car  is  $60.00  per 
month;  when  running  in  charge  of  one  car  the  rate  is  $70.00  per  month;  when  running 
in  charge  of  a  private  car  the  rate  is  $75.00  per  month;  but  when  operating  in  charge 
of  two  or  more  cars  the  rate  is  $155.00  per  month. 

In  1914  the  minimum  was  either  $27.50  or  S30.00  per  month.  Asked 
whether  the  Government  Railroad  Administration  had  anything  to  do  with 
the  increase  granted  by  the  Pullman  Company,  he  indicated  that  the  Pullman 
Company  was  under  the  direction  of  the  Railroad  Administration. 

Another  complaint  by  Pullman  porters  was  that  no  promotion  was  possible 
for  them,  since  only  white  men  are  used  as  Pullman-car  conductors.  The 
explanation  of  the  company,  given  by  one  of  its  representatives  at  a  conference 
with  the  Commission,  was:  " It  is  merely  carrying  out  an  ancient  and  honorable 
custom — we  started  out  with  white  conductors  and  colored  porters  and  have 
always  continued  that  way." 

Interviews  with  Negro  workers  revealed  individual  differences  in  attitude    v^ 
and  temperament,  but  the  more  ambitious  and  thoughtful  Negroes  expressed 
the  conviction  that  they  were  barred  by  color  from  positions  for  which  they 
were  better  qualified  than  the  white  men  who  held  them.    Their  complaints 
were  largely  variations  of  the  same  theme — race  discrimination. 

v.      INDUSTRIES   EXCLUDING   THE   NEGRO 

Several  important  industries  in  Chicago  have  not  yet  employed  Negroes. 
The  traction  companies  (both  elevated  and  surface)  do  not  employ  them  as 
conductors,  motormen,  guards,  or  ticket  agents.  The  large  State  Street 
department  stores  h9,ve  no  Negro  clerks,  and  taxicab  companies  do  not  employ 


392  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

colored  drivers.  In  these  industries,  which  depend  directly  upon  the  public 
for  patronage,  it  is  to  be  expected  that  the  employing  of  Negro  help  will  be 
determined  by  the  employer's  views  of  the  wishes  of  his  patrons.  If  there  is 
any  fear  that  they  are  unfavorable,  any  individual  employer  in  a  competitive 
industry  wUl  hesitate  to  try  the  experiment  alone.  The  employment  managers 
of  five  State  Street  department  stores  made  the  following  statements: 

1.  Our  customers  would  object  to  colored  salespeople,  I  am  siure. 

2.  We  have  never  employed  any  Negroes  in  our  Chicago  establishments.  I  don't 
care  to  go  into  the  matter.    It  will  not  do  you  any  good  and  will  not  do  us  any  good. 

3.  Customers  and  white  employees  would  object  if  they  were  used  as  clerks. 

4.  No  Negroes  are  ever  employed  because  we  have  sufficient  white  applicants. 

5.  If  we  ever  tried  using  Negroes  as  clerks  the  white  workers  would  make  trouble, 
I  am  sure  of  that.  Our  customers  would  object.  A  good  many  are  from  the  South 
and  would  make  trouble  even  if  Chicago  people  did  not. 

One  large  taxicab  company,  employing  250  Negroes  for  repair  work  and 
upkeep  of  automobiles,  does  not  employ  Negroes  as  drivers.  A  representative 
of  this  company  stated  that  the  company  had  gone  as  far  as  many  employers, 
and  often  farther,  in  the  employment  of  Negro  labor;  that  it  had  done  this  in 
a  progressive  way,  one  step  after  another,  but  had  "  not  yet  got  as  far  as  employ- 
ing Negro  chauffeurs,"  although  this  might  come  in  time.  When  asked 
whether  he  thought  such  action  would  affect  the  company's  business  unfavor- 
ably he  said, ''  I  do  not  know.    It  is  a  matter  that  I  have  never  thought  about." 

The  Chicago  Telephone  Company  does  not  employ  Negro  telephone  oper- 
ators. Its  only  Negro  employees  are  porters,  window  washers,  and  maids. 
A  representative  stated  that  it  has  always  had  sufficient  white  appUcants  for 
positions  as  telephone  operators  and  has  not  considered  taking  on  Negro  girls, 
although  the  suggestion  has  often  been  made  that  Negro  operators  be  used  at 
the  Douglas  Exchange  (located  in  the  Negro  area  of  the  South  Side).  This 
official  thought  there  was  very  little  possibility  that  they  would  employ  Negro 
operators  in  the  future.    He  feared  objection  from  white  employees. 

In  connection  with  the  foregoing  it  may  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  company 
has  answered  complaints  of  poor  telephone  service  within  the  past  few  years 
with  the  statement  that  it  is  difficult  to  secure  capable  girls,  and  that  the 
Telephone  Company  is  continually  advertising  for  girls  as  operators. 

Sotial  waste  involved. — The  industrial  secretary  of  the  Urban  League  has 
called  attention  to  the  large  mmaber  of  educated  Negro  girls  who  are  unable 
to  secure  industrial  openings  where  education  is  required.  It  is  impossible  to 
estimate  how  great  a  social  waste  is  involved  in  relegating  trained  and  educated 
Negroes  to  inferior  positions,  and  there  is  evidence  that  such  waste  is  consider- 
able. Negroes  with  college  training  are  found  working  as  waiters;  young 
women  college  graduates  are  frequently  forced  to  serve  as  ladies'  maids, 
theater  ushers,  or  in  some  other  capacity  where  they  are  unable  to  use  their 
educational  training.    The  fact  that  it  was  not  difficult  to  find  over  1,500 


THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY  393 

Negro  women  of  more  than  average  education  for  clerical  positions  in  two 
Chicago  mail-order  houses  when  the  opportunity  offered  is  some  indication  of 
the  extent  of  the  social  waste  when  Negroes  are  not  used  in  other  positions 
which  require  training. 

VI.      RELATIONS   OF   WHITE   AND   COLORED   WORKERS 

The  entrance  of  Negroes  into  new  industries  and  occupations  means  that 
the  workers  already  in  these  fields  will  meet  increased  competition.  The  self- 
interest  of  white  workers  in  a  given  shop  may  therefore  cause  them  to  resent 
the  presence  of  Negro  workers.  On  the  other  hand,  through  contact  and 
association  with  Negroes  during  working  hours,  white  workers  may  come  to 
look  upon  Negroes,  not  as  members  of  a  strange  group  with  colored  skin,  but 
as  individuals  with  the  same  feelings,  hopes,  and  disappointments  as  other 
people.  Whether  the  hostile  attitude  prompted  by  self-interest  or  the  friendly 
attitude  born  of  understanding,  acquaintance,  and  daily  association  will  pre- 
vail in  any  given  shop  depends  on  many  factors,  over  some  of  which  the  workers 
involved  have  no  control.    Some  of  these  are: 

1.  The  attitude  of  the  management  when  Negro  labor  is  first  introduced. 

2.  Circumstances  under  which  Negroes  are  hired,  whether  because  of 
recognized  labor  shortage,  or  as  strike  breakers,  or  to  reduce  labor  costs. 

3.  The  attitude  and  characteristics  of  the  particular  Negroes  employed. 

4.  The  attitude  of  the  white  workers  toward  Negroes  as  a  result  of  previous 
contacts  with  Negroes. 

The  spirit  displayed  in  the  shop  is  likely  to  spread  beyond  it  and  affect 
relations  between  the  races  on  the  streets  and  in  cars  and  other  pubKc  places. 
It  is  therefore  important  to  know  what  the  relations  between  white  and  Negro 
workers  are,  both  because  of  their  importance  to  the  Negro  in  industry  and 
their  bearing  on  the  broader  social  aspect  of  race  problems. 

I.      RACE   FRICTION  AMONG  WORKERS 

Information  concerning  race  relations  in  industry  was  received  from 
employers  through  questionnaires  returned  by  137  establishments  employing 
a  total  of  22,337  Negroes,  through  interviews  at  places  of  business  with  repre- 
sentatives of  loi  employers,  through  industrial  conferences  held  by  the  Com- 
mission, and  through  interviews  with  865  Negro  workers.  Since  the  best 
judges  of  the  existence  of  race  friction  would  be  the  Negro  workers  themselves, 
who  would  bear  the  brunt  of  any  ill-treatment  resulting  from  such  friction, 
it  was  considered  that  any  extended  canvass  of  opinion  among  white  workers 
beyond  the  inquiries  made  in  connection  with  the  trade-union  investigation 
was  unnecessary. 

Race  friction  between  white  and  Negro  workers  sufficient  to  interfere  with 
output  would  militate  against  the  use  of  Negro  labor.  The  fact  that  Negro 
labor  has  proved  satisfactory  in  the  great  majority  of  cases  where  it  has  been 
used  is  therefore  indirect  evidence  that  race  friction  is  not  pronounced  in 


394  THE  KEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Chicago  industries.  ^  Direct  evidence  from  employers  on  this  subject  was  also 
secured  in  answer  to  a  specific  question  on  the  point.  Out  of  137  establish- 
ments employing  Negroes,  which  returned  questionnaires,  only  two  reported 
that  race  friction  was  a  disturbing  factor  in  their  plants.  The  facts  in  these 
two  cases  were  as  follows: 

In  a  steel-manufacturing  plant  there  was  a  total  of  1,300  employees,  of 
whom  seventeen  were  Negroes,  eleven  men  and  six  women.  During  the  steel 
strike  of  191 9  Negroes  were  employed  in  this  plant  in  large  numbers.  Feeling 
was  antagonistic  on  the  part  of  the  whites,  "particularly  Austrians  and  Sla- 
vonians." The  total  number  of  Negroes  employed  during  the  strike  and  the 
turnover  were  reported  as  "an  average  force  of  175." 

Friction  in  the  foregoing  case  was  probably  due  to  the  heritage  of  bitter- 
ness over  the  use  of  Negroes  as  strike  breakers  and  to  irritation  caused  by  the 
low  grade  of  workers  employed  more  than  to  difference  in  color.  They  were 
described  by  the  manager  as  "irresponsible  and  shiftless." 

In  the  other  case  fear  of  Negroes'  competition  rather  than  race  prejudice 
was  apparently  the  cause  of  friction.  The  manager  of  a  w^holesale  millinery 
house  employing  forty-three  girls  in  one  department,  out  of  a  total  of  700 
employees,  said: 

We  decided  to  take  on  colored  help  in  Jime,  1919.  Our  white  people  resented 
very  much  the  fact  of  employing  colored  people  in  our  business,  and  I  believe  the  blame, 
if  there  is  any,  hes  as  much  with  the  whites  as  with  the  blacks  in  the  difficulties  we 
have  had.  I  find  a  great  resentment  among  all  our  white  people.  I  couldn't  over- 
come the  prejudice  enough  to  bring  the  people  in  the  same  building,  and  had  to  engage 
outside  quarters  for  the  blacks.  We  had  a  meeting  of  our  colored  operators  after 
employing  the  hand  workers.  We  thought  it  would  be  nice  if  we  would  start  a  school 
for  machine  operators.  It  was,  of  course,  rumored  that  we  were  going  to  do  this,  and 
I  received  a  delegation  from  our  sewing  hall  who  said  they  resented  the  idea.  They 
wouldn't  hsten  to  it  at  all,  and  I  had  to  abandon  the  project.  Their  argxunent  was: 
"If  you  let  them  in  it  won't  be  long  imtil  we  are  out  entirely."  The  attitude  against 
the  colored  is  only  the  same  as  it  was  against  the  Slavs  or  the  foreign  races  when  they 
first  intruded  in  the  field.  There  was  no  prejudice,  particularly  against  the  color. 
In  mUlinery  establishments  in  New  York  City  colored  girls  and  white  girls  work 
together  and  do  not  seem  to  have  any  trouble,  but,  we  can't  do  it  here. 

The  resentment  felt  by  the  white  girls  in  this  shop  may  be  accounted  for 
in  part  by  a  fact  to  which  the  manager  apparently  attached  no  importance. 
In  speaking  of  the  loyalty  and  good  spirit  of  the  Negro  girls,  he  said  casually: 

In  a  few  instances,  where  we  have  had  difficulty  in  getting  work  done  by  the 
whites,  we  have  been  able  to  use  the  colored  workroom  as  a  level.  We  have  sent  it 
over  to  them  and  gotten  it  out.  The  white  girls  have  refused  either  through  stubborn- 
ness or  some  condition  to  get  the  work  out. 

Friction  was  also  reported  between  women  employees  in  a  plant  where 
relations  between  the  men  of  both  races  were  reported  harmonious.    This 


THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY  395 

plant  which  manufactures  machinery,  has  a  total  of  6,647  employees,  including 
1,225  Negro  men  and  sixty  Negro  women.  A  representative  of  the  company 
said: 

Among  the  girls  we  had  quite  a  lot  of  trouble  in  some  departments  against  our 
hiring  colored  girls.  To  every  colored  girl  employed  we  lost  five  white  girls.  There 
was  friction  in  the  washrooms  due  probably  to  race,  though  it  may  have  been  personal. 

The  report  from  a  foundry  employing  950  men,  of  whom  200  were  colored, 
said: 

As  a  rule  if  any  objection  is  made  to  working  together  it  comes  from  the  white 
men  (PoHsh)  on  the  grounds  that  the  colored  man  is  being  given  the  preference. 

A  laundry  company  employing  ten  Negroes  out  of  a  total  of  thirty-five 
employees,  reported  that  when  the  first  Negro  girl  was  employed  the  white 
girls  threatened  to  quit.  The  manager  asked  them  to  wait  a  week  and,  if 
they  still  objected,  he  would  let  her  go.  There  was  no  further  objection; 
they  grew  to  like  her. 

The  reports  of  employers  regarding  the  absence  of  friction  between  white 
and  Negro  workers  is  borne  out  by  the  testimony  of  Negro  workers  themselves. 
Among  865  Negroes  interviewed  in  all  the  industries  covered,  the  number  who 
complained  of  disagreeable  treatment  by  white  workers  was  practically  negligi- 
ble. It  is  possible  that  some  Negro  workers  among  those  interviewed  at  their 
work  places,  sometimes  with  white  fellow-workers  and  foreman  near  by,  felt 
hesitancy  in  voicing  such  complaints.  But  the  fact  that  the  information  was 
sought  by  an  investigator  of  their  own  race,  and  confidentially  for  the  Com- 
mission, may  be  considered  as  a  factor  likely  to  encourage  the  expression  of 
any  grievance,  especially  if  felt  at  all  deeply. 

Conditions  of  work  in  large  foundries  would  seem  to  ofifer  plenty  of  oppor- 
tunity for  friction  even  where  workers  are  all  of  the  same  race.  This  is  par- 
ticularly true  of  foundries  where  the  piecework  system  prevails.  The  work  is 
done  in  the  confusion  of  smoke,  heat,  dust,  and  noise,  with  men  shouting  at 
each  other,  each  striving  to  be  first  to  receive  this  pouring  of  molten  iron  from 
the  vats.  Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the  work  is  carried  on  under  great 
tension,  the  ninety-three  Negroes  interviewed  in  fourteen  foundries,  when  asked 
how  they  got  along  with  the  white  men  with  whom  they  worked,  said:  "  Good, " 
"Fine,"  or  used  other  words  to  indicate  friendly  relations.  Not  a  single  com- 
plaint was  made  against  treatment  by  white  workers  in  any  of  the  foundries 
or  iron  and  steel  establishments  investigated. 

One  interesting  instance  of  happy  working  relations  in  which  several 
nationalities  of  whites  were  involved  was  found  at  Hull-House.  A  Negro  has 
been  in  charge  of  the  Coffee  House  there  for  six  years.  He  had  nine  employees 
working  under  him:  three  Negro  girls,  one  German  boy,  one  Greek  man,  two 
Polish  girls,  and  two  Italian  women.  The  Greek  man  and  the  two  Polish 
girls  were  in  the  employ  of  the  Cofifee  House  when  he  took  charge.    The  others 


396  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

have  all  been  employed  for  a  considerable  period.  In  commenting  upon  the 
amicable  relations  of  people  representing  so  many  different  races  and  under  a 
Negro  manager,  he  said,  "We  are  all  working  for  a  living,  and  there  will  be 
no  discrimination.    It  is  very  simple.    The  thing  to  do  is  to  get  acquainted." 

2.      WORKERS  REFLECT  ATTITUDE   OF  MANAGEMENT 

When  the  employment  of  Negroes  is  decided  upon,  there  is  an  efifort  to 
make  the  change  with  as  little  disturbance  as  possible  to  white  workers.  Fre- 
quently the  manager  tries  to  imagine  himself  in  the  place  of  his  white  workers 
in  order  to  discover  what  their  reaction  wUl  be.  In  so  doing,  he  considers,  not 
what  they  wUl  think  or  feel,  but  what  a  man  with  his  own  social  background 
would  feel  in  their  position.  The  attitude  of  the  management  therefore  deter- 
mines whether  Negro  workers  shall  be  segregated  or  treated  like  other  workers 
in  the  plant  without  regard  to  color.  Separation  once  decided  upon  and  parti- 
tions erected,  white  workers  may  insist  upon  the  distinction  being  maintained 
where  they  would  not  have  raised  the  point  in  the  first  instance.  Establish- 
ments following  both  courses  gave  the  Commission  the  result  of  their  expe- 
riences. Of  loi  establishments  employing  five  or  more  Negroes  each,  eighteen 
maintained  separate  lavatory  and  toilet  accommodations  for  Negro  workers. 
This  condition  was  accepted  without  complaint  in  some  establishments,  while 
in  others  it  was  a  source  of  dissatisfaction  among  the  Negro  workers,  who 
resented  this  manifestation  of  "Jim  Crowism"  in  the  North.  The  fact  is 
worthy  of  note  that  the  eighteen  establishments  reporting  separate  accommoda- 
tions or  separate  departments  for  colored  workers  employed  but  2,623  Negroes 
out  of  a  total  of  22,337  covered  by  the  investigation,  or  slightly  more  than 
II  per  cent.  The  remaining  89  per  cent,  or  19,714,  were  using  all  accommoda- 
tions in  common  with  white  workers. 

One  large  foundry  company  employing  427  Negroes  out  of  a  total  of 
2,488  employees  tried  a  different  method  in  each  of  its  three  plants.  In  one 
a  partition  in  the  locker  and  shower  rooms  was  erected,  to  which  the  Negro 
workers  objected.  The  general  superintendent  said  he  would  not  have  con- 
sented to  the  erection  of  the  partition  in  the  first  place,  but  he  was  afraid  to 
take  it  down.  In  the  second  plant  separate  lavatory  accommodations  were 
provided  in  connection  with  separate  departments  for  Negro  and  white  workers 
on  different  floors,  and  there  was  no  trouble.  In  the  third  plant,  where  no 
color  distinctions  were  made,  all  workers  using  the  same  lavatory  accom- 
modations, the  manager  never  heard  of  any  complaint  from  white  or  Negro 
workers. 

In  another  foundry  employing  125  Negroes  out  of  a  total  of  466  employees 
the  representative  said  that  the  Polish  workers  had  objected  "  that  the  colored 
people  used  the  showers  and  basins  all  the  time  and  they  did  not  get  a  chance 
to.  We  checked  up  on  this  and  limited  some  of  our  showers  to  colored  only, 
and  we  only  had  two  men  use  the  white  showers  in  something  like  two  weeks, 


THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY  397 

time,  and  in  the  colored  there  was  something  like  200  baths  taken."  The  use 
of  the  same  accommodations  in  this  plant  caused  no  further  complaint  after 
this  incident.  Another  foundry  reported  that  the  white  and  Negro  workmen 
ate  lunch  and  smoked  together.  There  were  no  separate  accommodations  and 
there  was  no  ill-feeling  whatever.  Another  firm  employing  500  Negroes  out 
of  a  total  of  3,000  employees  reported:  "The  relationship  between  our  Negro 
and  white  employees  is  very  friendly.  During  the  past  year  we  have  not  had 
a  single  encounter  of  any  kind  between  the  white  and  colored  workers.  They 
work  together  in  most  of  our  departments,  use  the  same  locker  rooms  and  wash- 
rooms, and  eat  in  the  same  restaurant  in  the  plant."  In  one  foundry  the 
superintendent  was  nearly  compelled  to  install  separate  accommodations 
because  of  stealing  in  the  locker  rooms.  Suspicion  was  aroused  against  the 
Negro  workers,  and  the  white  workers  had  a  shop  meeting  to  demand  separate 
accommodations.  The  manager  said:  "The  same  day  the  janitor  caught  a 
red-headed  Irish  boy  red-handed.  We  paraded  him  through  the  shop  and 
made  quite  a  grandstand  operation  out  of  it,  and  it  ended  my  troubles  from 
that  time  on,  but  if  I  hadn't  caught  him  I  might  have  had  to  maintain  separate 
locker  rooms." 

There  were  only  six  establishments  which  maintained  separate  departments 
for  Negro  workers.  In  some  cases  segregation  was  effected  by  a  partition; 
in  others  by  maintaining  a  complete  Negro  unit  in  a  different  part  of  the  city. 
The  second  plan  has  worked  satisfactorily,  but  segregation  by  partition  in  the 
same  plant  is  resented  by  Negro  workers.  Representatives  of  the  largest 
employers  of  Negro  labor  expressed  the  opinion  that  erecting  a  partition,  by 
drawing  the  "color  line,"  causes  friction  which  in  all  probability  would  not 
otherwise  appear. 

The  industrial  secretary  of  the  Urban  League,  who  has  been  actively  inter- 
ested in  extending  the  range  of  opportunity  for  the  Negro  in  industry,  firmly 
believes  that  the  attitude  of  the  management  on  racial  matters  is  reflected  by 
the  employees,  that  wherever  an  uncompromising  stand  is  made  for  fair  play 
for  all  employees,  racial  differences  do  not  cause  annoyance.  He  cites  the 
following  incident  as  one  of  several  tending  to  support  his  view: 

During  the  fall  of  1919  the  general  manager  of  the  S —  F —  P —  Company  was 
approached  on  the  subject  of  employing  colored  girls.  To  our  surprise,  it  was  dis- 
covered that  colored  girls  were  already  employed  by  him  in  all  branches  of  the  industry, 
and  mixed  freely  with  white  employees.  There  was  no  discrimination  in  the  char- 
acter or  kind  of  work  or  the  use  of  plant  facihties.  Mr.  N —  explained  that  he  had 
never  thought  of  segregating  white  and  colored  workmen,  and  the  wisdom  of  his  plan 
had  been  proved  by  the  experience  of  his  father,  who  employs  both  white  and  colored 
girls,  but  keeps  the  groups  separated  by  a  partition.  According  to  Mr.  N —  the  par- 
tition had  been  a  source  of  trouble  for  the  reason  that  the  placing  of  the  partition 
itself  indicated  that  the  company  intended  to  make  a  difference  between  white  and 
colored  workers.  This  put  each  group  in  a  frame  of  mind  which  caused  them  to 
resent  the  presence  of  any  worker  on  the  side  of  the  partition  on  which  she  was  not 


398  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

employed.  The  elder  Mr.  N —  realized  his  mistake  but  did  not  dare  to  take  the 
partition  down,  fearing  that  by  so  doing  he  woiild  precipitate  further  trouble  which 
would  result  in  the  most  desirable  girls  in  each  group  qmtting  the  plant. 

Foremen,  because  they  personify  the  management  in  the  mind  of  the  work- 
men, play  a  large  part  in  shaping  the  attitude  white  workers  adopt  toward 
Negroes.  If  the  foremen  are  antagonistic  or  insulting  in  their  treatment  of 
the  Negro,  white  workers  find  favor  with  the  foremen  by  adopting  the  same 
attitude.    A  construction  company  employing  sixty  Negroes  reported: 

There  were  always  difl&culties  with  this  gang  when  the  Itahan  foreman  was  here, 
as  he  constantly  endeavored  to  place  ItaUans  at  work  displacing  some  very  good 
Negro  workers.  When  I  was  sent  here  I  dug  under  the  difl&culties  and  found  the 
ItaHans  were  very  clannish  and  were  using  the  foreman  to  carry  out  the  plan  of  giving 
every  Italian  who  came  along  a  job,  at  the  expense  of  some  Negro's  job.  I  am  a 
French  Canadian  and  have  worked  with  colored  men  before.  After  failure  in  trying 
to  get  Italians  to  see  how  bad  the  old  system  was,  I  was  forced  to  let  all  the  Italians 
go.    I  have  an  excellent  gang  of  Negroes  now. 

The  representative  of  a  large  foundry  said: 

I  believe  I  have  a  harder  time  to  get  the  PoUsh  foremen  to  handle  Negro  help 
than  any  other.  Our  foremen  are  accustomed  to  handling  the  PoUsh  workers  pretty 
rough.  While  employers  don't  want  that,  it  goes  on  that  way.  A  Pole  is  "cussed" 
around  and  does  not  care  what  he  is  called.  It's  aU  the  same  to  him,  but  a  colored 
man  is  a  pretty  thin-skinned  individual.  You  call  a  colored  man  something,  and  he 
will  grab  his  hat  and  is  gone.  He  thinks  that  when  the  foreman  uses  those  words 
he  means  it.    He  will  not  stand  for  the  same  kind  of  language  that  the  Polak  will. 

3.      USE   OF  NEGRO  LABOR  TO  UNDERMINE   WAGES 

If  Negroes  are  introduced  into  a  plant  during  a  strike  and  retained  after- 
ward, a  period  of  strained  relations  between  white  and  Negro  workers  is 
almost  certain  to  ensue.  They  are  given  a  similarly  unfavorable  start  when 
they  are  introduced  to  reduce  labor  costs.  In  the  smaller  establishments, 
where  wages  and  conditions  of  work  were  not  well  standardized,  white  workers 
were  suspicious  that  Negroes  were  working  for  lower  wages,  and  the  Negroes 
suspected  that  they  were  being  paid  lower  wages  than  white  workers.  It  is 
obvious  that  where  mutual  distrust  and  suspicion  are  present,  friction  readily 
develops  which  may  lead  to  serious  social  consequences. 

To  what  extent  Negroes  are  being  paid  lower  wages  than  white  workers  it 
is  impossible  to  say.  In  this  connection  the  Chicago  Urban  League  made  the 
following  statement: 

The  charge  of  inequality  in  the  wages  of  white  and  colored  workers  is  frequently 
made,  but  the  League  is  not  always  permitted  to  inquire  into  wage  scales,  and  there- 
fore verification  of  some  of  these  rumors  has  been  impossible. 

The  League  has  taken  up  this  matter  with  such  companies  as , , , 

and  munerous  others,  with  the  result  that  in  each  instance  the  statement  has  been 
made  that  white  and  colored  workers  receive  the  same  pay  for  the  same  work.  There 
is  a  deep-seated  suspicion,  however,  that  this  is  not  true.    In  some  cases  this  suspicion 


THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY  399 

seemed  to  be  justified.     Complaints  have  come  to  our  attention  where  colored  people 

have  been  mistaken  for  white  in  the  offices  of  the Company  and  employed  at  a 

higher  rate  of  pay  than  that  given  colored  girls  for  similar  work.  This,  however,  has 
never  been  verified.  Pay  inequalities  have  been  explained  away  by  larger  experience, 
seniority,  superior  production,  etc.,  in  favor  of  whites. 

The  employment  manager  of  one  company  has  told  representatives  of  the  Chicago 
Urban  League  that  the  colored  girls  employed  in  their  South  Side  Branch  Office 
started  at  a  wage  in  excess  of  that  given  white  girls  for  similar  work  in  their  main  office. 

The  statement  can  be  correctly  made,  however,  that  many  employers  of  colored 
girls,  particularly  in  the  needle  trades,  have  refused  to  pay  colored  workers  a  wage 
equal  to  that  of  white.  There  are  well-known  instances  of  sweatshop  tactics  used  on 
colored  girls  because  of  their  inexperience  in  industry  and  lack  of  organization. 

An  official  of  the  Women's  Garment  Workers'  Union  reported  that •  Com- 
pany, upon  finding  that  they  had  to  pay  the  union  scale  of  wages,  requested  the  local 
to  supply  white  girls  instead  of  the  colored  girls  who  were  already  in  his  employ. 
The  colored  girls  were  employed  to  replace  the  striking  whites. 

No  complaint  has  come  to  our  attention  of  inequality  of  wages  in  union  shops 
employing  white  and  colored  workers,  or  in  any  of  the  larger  industries.  Colored 
workers  are  usually  exploited  in  the  smaller  shops.  White  workers  have  been  known 
to  refuse  to  work  in  shops  paying  white  and  colored  workers  the  same  wage. 

All  of  the  representatives  of  employers  appearing  in  conferences  and  all 
but  one  of  the  representatives  interviewed  stated  that  Negro  and  white  workers 
were  being  paid  equal  wages  in  their  establishments.  The  exception  was  a 
wholesale  hardware  company  where  the  employment  manager  admitted  pay- 
ing Negroes  "a.  dollar  or  two  less  per  week"  because  they  could  not  be  shifted 
from  one  department  to  another  as  readily  as  white  workers  on  account  of 
prejudice  of  workers  or  foremen  in  certain  departments. 

It  was  learned  that  employers  occasionally  refuse  to  hire  Negro  unionists 
when  they  learn  they  must  pay  them  "white  men's  wages."  Unionists  allege 
that  even  Negro  employers  object  to  paying  Negroes  the  same  union  scale  as 
white  workers.  To  the  extent  that  Negro  labor  is  being  used  to  undermine 
wage  standards,  misunderstanding  and  race  friction  develop. 

4.      RELATIONS   OF  WHITE   AND  NEGRO  WORKERS  DURING  THE   RIOT 

In  contrast  with  the  violence  that  characterized  street  encounters  during 
the  riots  it  is  significant  that  no  unfriendly  demonstrations  occurred  between 
workers  in  any  of  the  establishments  covered  by  the  investigation,  according 
to  statements  made  by  representatives  of  employers.  On  the  contrary,  white 
workers  are  said  by  employers  to  have  expressed  sympathy  in  many  ways  with 
their  Negro  fellow- workers.  The  general  superintendent  of  one  of  the  largest 
packing  companies  in  the  "Yards"  emphasized  the  good  feeling  that  existed 
between  the  workers  at  this  critical  time: 

I  think  this  Commission  ought  to  know  that  there  wasn't  a  single  case  of  violence 
in  what  we  call  Packingtown  during  the  race  riot,  and  the  morning  that  the  Negroes 
were  brought  back  to  work  in  this  packing-house  there  was  not  a  single  argument — 


400  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

there  wasn't  a  single  indication  in  this  plant  of  any  racial  feeling.  In  fact  the  two 
classes  of  common  labor  we  have  are  the  Slavs  and  the  Negroes,  and  they  met  as  old 
friends.  In  many  instances  they  put  their  arms  around  one  another's  necks.  In 
one  particular  instance  a  Negro  and  a  Pole  got  on  an  elevated  truck  and  rode  all 
around  this  plant  simply  to  signify  to  the  rest  of  the  workers  that  there  was  a  good 
spirit  existing  between  the  two.  There  was  nothing  in  the  contact  between  the  Negro 
and  the  Pole  or  the  Slav  that  would  indicate  that  there  had  ever  been  a  race  riot  in 
Chicago,  and  there  was  nothing  from  the  beginning  of  the  race  riot  to  the  end  that 
would  indicate  that  there  was  any  feeling  started  in  the  Stock  Yards  or  in  this  industry 
that  led  up  to  the  race  riot. 

That  there  was  at  least  one  case  of  mob  violence  is  shown  by  the  report  of 
the  coroner's  jury  which  investigated  the  riots.  William  H.  Dozier,  a  colored 
man,  was  killed  in  the  Stock  Yards,  according  to  this  report.  The  jury's 
finding  in  this  case  was: 

We  find  that  during  the  race  riots  at  a  point  about  Cook  Street  and  Exchange 
Avenue  in  the  Union  Stock  Yards,  and  at  about  7:15  a.m.,  July  31,  1919,  deceased,  a 
colored  man,  was  struck  by  a  hammer  held  and  wielded  by  one  Joseph  Carka,  that 
the  deceased  ran  east  on  Exchange  Avenue  toward  the  sheep  pens  at  Morgan  Street, 
that  he  was  followed  and  chased  by  a  mob  of  white  men,  and  that  while  so  ruiming 
the  deceased  was  struck  by  a  street  broom,  held  and  wielded  by  one  Joe  Scovak,  and 
that  he  was  also  struck  by  a  shovel  in  the  hands  of  an  unknowTi  white  man,  and  by 
one  or  more  stones  or  missiles  thrown  by  one  or  more  unknown  white  men;  injuries 
sustained  causing  death. 

This  was  the  only  serious  case  of  violence  in  the  Stock  Yards  discovered, 
although  a  number  of  rumors  were  investigated,  which  could  not  be  sub- 
stantiated by  facts. 

Because  of  the  nature  of  the  work  in  the  "Yards"  and  the  presence  of 
knives  and  other  dangerous  implements  which  could  be  turned  to  ready  use, 
it  is  significant  that  more  rioting,  with  deaths  and  injuries  resulting,  did  not 
take  place.  But  it  is  also  true  that  the  riot,  which  started  on  Sunday  after- 
noon, became  so  serious  by  Monday  morning  that  few  Negroes  made  an  effort 
to  reach  their  work  at  the  Stock  Yards. 

Vn.     FUTURE  OF  THE   NEGRO   IN   CHICAGO  INDUSTRIES 

The  investigation  of  the  Negro  in  industry  points  to  the  conclusion  that 
Negro  labor  has  made  a  satisfactory  record,  and  that  there  is  little  race  friction 
in  evidence  between  white  and  Negro  workers.  What  the  future  will  hold  for 
him  depends  upon  many  complicating  factors,  some  of  which  are:  renewal  of 
immigration  in  large  volume,  depressed  business  conditions,  attempted  reduc- 
tions in  labor  costs,  increasing  unemplo3anent,  falling  wages,  the  announced 
determination  of  many  employers'  associations  throughout  the  country  to 
undermine  the  strength  of  unions  by  establishing  the  "open  shop"  which  might 
involve  the  use  of  Negro  labor,  and  the  admitted  prejudice  of  foremen  against 
Negro  labor  in  many  plants.    It  was  labor  shortage  which  forced  employers 


THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY  401 

to  experiment  with  Negro  workers  in  new  fields.  Whether  Negro  employees 
will  be  retained  when  a  surplus  of  white  labor  is  available  is  an  open  question. 
Employers'  representatives,  in  April  and  May,  1920,  stated  (with  one 
exception)  that  no  reduction  in  labor  force  was  contemplated;  that  when 
such  reduction  became  necessary,  efficiency  and  seniority  rights  would  deter- 
mine which  workers  would  be  retained;  that  the  question  of  color  would  not 
enter  into  the  decision  in  any  way.  The  employment  manager  of  a  firm 
employing  a  very  large  number  of  Negroes  expressed  the  general  opinion  of 
the  employers'  representatives  when  he  said : 

I  feel  that  our  house  will  continue  to  run  a  colored  office  as  long  as  they  can  run 
it  as  efficiently  and  economically  as  they  could  a  white  office;  while,  on  the  other  hand, 
if  they  covild  not  run  it  as  efficiently  and  economically  of  course  they  wouldn't  run  it, 
because  it's  just  a  matter  of  dollars  and  cents,  and  as  far  as  charity  and  good  will 
goes,  all  good  business  men  have  it,  but  they  are  not  going  to  run  their  business  accord- 
ing to  that  entirely. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  employment  manager  of  an  establishment  which 
had  experienced  friction  between  white  and  Negro  workers  was  of  the  opinion 
that  white  workers  resented  the  intrusion  of  Negroes.  He  thought  that  this 
feeling  would  be  a  factor  if  a  time  came  when  there  was  an  oversupply  of  labor; 
that  Negroes  would  then  have  to  give  way  because  no  employer  would  be  strong 
enough  to  resist  the  resentment  of  white  workers;  and  Negro  workers  would 
thus  be  thrown  out  of  work  and  would  be  a  standing  menace  to  the  community. 

The  investigations  and  inquiries  of  the  Commission  in  industry  took  place 
almost  entirely  in  the  period  from  March  to  September,  1920,  and  the  statistics 
concerning  Negroes  employed  were  gathered  in  the  earlier  part  of  this  period. 
During  these  months  the  general  industrial  situation  was  such  as  to  demand 
all  the  labor,  both  white  and  Negro,  that  could  be  secured.  In  the  autumn  of 
1920,  however,  a  period  of  decline  began,  with  increasing  unemployment.  This 
affected  both  white  and  Negro  workers.  Its  own  investigational  staff  no  longer 
available  for  additional  service,  the  Commission  sought  information  concern- 
ing these  changed  conditions,  so  far  as  they  affected  Negro  workers,  from  the 
industrial  secretary  of  the  Chicago  Urban  League.  Through  its  industrial 
department  the  League  places  more  Negroes  in  employment  than  any  other 
agency  in  Chicago.  The  industrial  secretary  made  the  following  statement  on 
November  20: 

At  the  present  time  the  unemployment  among  colored  people  has  reached  what 
seems  serious  proportions.  While  there  is  no  indication  that  colored  people  are  suffer- 
ing more  in  this  respect  than  any  other  group,  the  constantly  swelling  number  is  a 
cause  for  grave  concern.  For  three  weeks  our  employment  office  has  been  crowded 
with  job  seekers.  At  first  it  appeared  that  those  who  failed  to  take  their  work  seri- 
ously suddenly  found  themselves  unable  to  get  employment,  but  now  hundreds  of 
men  with  good  records  have  been  forced  out  by  temporary  "shut  downs"  and  reduced 
forces  of  various  plants. 


402  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

During  the  working  days  included  between  November  1 5  and  20,  our  attendance 
record  is  1,073  job  seekers  with  only  131  openings.  One  month  ago  the  attendance 
figure  was  571  persons  for  the  equal  period  (259  men  and  312  women). 

Our  labor  reports  for  May,  1920,  indicated  an  attendance  of  941  males  and  739 
females;  about  1,000  orders  for  male  help  and  about  500  for  female  help;  there  were 
722  placements  for  males  and  371  for  females.  The  total  attendance  was  1,680; 
orders,  1,500;  placements,  1,093. 

A  casual  survey  including  most  of  the  leading  industries  ....  shows  a  general 
decline  and  a  letting  off  of  workers.  Some  few  report  difficulty  in  keeping  their 
present  forces. 

There  have  been  some  complaints  of  discrimination  against  colored  workers,  but 

few  comparatively Most  industries  are  keeping  their  proportionate  share  of 

Negroes.    In  some  instances  the  proportion  has  been  sUghtly  increased 

During  the  week,  workers  have  registered  from  cities  in  states  from  IMississippi  to 
Michigan.  Detroit  predominates,  where  the  automobile  industries  show  a  marked 
depression. 

Women's  work  presents  a  very  discouraging  outlook.  Himdreds  of  needle  workers 
are  out  of  employment  by  the  closing  of  many  of  the  smaller  shops  which  employed 
colored  girls.  The  Women's  Trade  Union  League  reports  many  workers  unemployed, 
due  to  the  slowness  of  the  trade.    Immigrant  white  girls  are  said  to  be  consuming 

much  of  the  work  offered  to  domestics Colored  women  seem  in  most  cases  as 

reluctant  as  ever  to  accept  domestic  employment. 

The  present  xmemployment  problem  is  probably  as  serious  as  any  the  League 
has  known.  What  shall  become  of  the  army  of  jobless  men  is  a  problem  serious  and 
perplexing. 

As  a  result  of  the  necessity  of  reducing  costs  in  response  to  depressed 
business  conditions,  managers  of  establishments  employing  both  white  and 
Negro  workers  may  be  tempted  to  pit  Negro  and  white  workers  against  each 
other,  paying  Negro  labor  less  than  white  labor  as  a  means  of  forcing  down 
wages  or  undermining  labor-union  organizations.  Such  attempts  would 
certainly  be  conducive  to  increased  racial  animosity.  On  the  other  hand, 
managers  who  are  hostile  to  Negro  labor  may  take  advantage  of  the  change  in 
the  labor  situation  by  discharging  Negroes  indiscriminately,  replacing  them 
with  white  workers. 

During  the  period  of  business  depression  which  had  already  begun,  both 
white  and  Negro  workers  seemed  certain  to  lose  some  of  the  advantages  which 
they  had  gained  as  a  result  of  the  labor  shortage  caused  by  the  war.  After  the 
industrial  depression  has  passed,  discrimination  against  the  Negro,  to  what- 
ever extent  it  may  exist,  will  make  the  recovery  of  lost  ground  more  difficult 
for  Negro  workers  than  for  white  workers.  In  considering  the  question  of 
race  discrimination,  it  is  evident  that  the  Negro  who  has  lived  in  the  North  for 
a  number  of  years  feels  keenly  the  fact  that  color  bars  even  the  most  capable 
members  of  his  race  from  the  hope  of  promotion  to  executive  or  administrative 
positions,  while  prejudice  on  the  part  of  persons  in  authority  prevents  the  rank 
and  file  of  Negroes  from  developing  the  degree  of  efficiency  which  they  could 


THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY  403 

develop  if  they  knew  their  efforts  would  be  judged  on  merit  alone.  Where 
advancement  is  precluded  by  color,  the  incentive  supplied  by  recognition  of 
effort  is  lacking. 

One  door  of  escape  from  the  discouraging  prospects  held  out  in  industries 
managed  by  white  men,  where  there  is  no  chance  for  promotion  to  executive 
positions,  is  the  opportunity  for  an  increasing  number  of  the  more  ambitious 
Negroes  to  enter  business  among  members  of  their  own  race.  According  to 
Black's  Blue  Book  (1919-20)  there  were  over  1,200  Negro  business  houses  and 
professional  offices  in  Chicago  in  1920.  Among  others,  the  list  included  five 
banks,  forty  dentists,  fifteen  druggists,  twenty-four  employment  agencies, 
six  hotels,  three  insurance  offices,  forty-eight  real  estate  offices,  eleven  news- 
papers and  magazines,  106  physicians,  seventy  lawyers,  161  barber  shops  and 
bOliard  rooms,  and  120  hairdressing  parlors.  Although  the  Hst  of  Negro 
business  men  in  Chicago  is  growing  rapidly,  it  must  necessarily  remain  but  a 
small  percentage  of  the  total  Negro  population.  The  great  majority  of  Negroes 
gainfully  occupied  will  continue  to  be  employees  in  industry.  Therefore  the 
fact  that  a  large  number  of  Negroes  feel  that  discrimination  is  practiced  and 
that,  no  matter  what  abiUties  they  show,  they  can  "go  so  far  and  no  farther" 
in  industries  managed  by  white  men  is  of  great  importance  in  any  considera- 
tion of  race  problems.  These  men  are  the  more  thoughtfvil,  aspiring  members 
of  their  race,  and  their  opinion  accordingly  carries  more  weight  than  the  opinion 
of  an  equal  number  of  care-free  Negroes  who  may  consider  that  the  high  wages 
of  the  present  are  an  offset  for  all  handicaps.  Negroes  who  feel  keenly  the 
injustice  of  unequal  opportunities  are  the  ones  to  seek  expression  in  Negro 
newspapers  and  magazines  with  the  aim  of  arousing  widespread  resentment 
against  race  discrimination.  Men  who  frequently  would  not  resent  discrimina- 
tion directed  against  themselves  are  stirred  to  resentment  by  well-told  recitals 
of  injustice  to  others.  Specific  instances  may  seem  to  be  of  trifling  importance, 
but  in  being  retold  they  reach  an  ever-widening  audience,  which  is  constantly 
growing  more  race  conscious. 

B.    ORGANIZED  LABOR  AND  THE  NEGRO  WORKER 

I.      INTRODUCTION 

Industry  involves  the  continuous  contact  of  more  whites  and  Negroes  than 
any  other  field.  It  therefore  affords  wide  opportunity  for  the  operation  of 
racial  misunderstanding  and  friction.  It  is  also  a  field  in  which  the  lines  of 
economic  interest  are  so  tightly  drawn  and  so  closely  watched  that  any  mis- 
understanding or  friction  is  thereby  greatly  accentuated. 

Irritation  and  clashes  of  interest  have  been  conspicuous  in  the  relations 
between  labor  unions  and  Negro  workers.  This  friction  has  extended  to  the 
relations  between  whites  and  Negroes  generally.  The  efforts  of  union  labor 
to  promote  its  cause  and  gain  adherents  have  built  up  a  body  of  sentiment 
that  cannot  easily  be  opposed  by  non-union  workers.    The  strike  breaker  is 


404  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

intolerable  to  the  union  man.  Circumstances  have  frequently  made  Negroes 
strike  breakers,  thus  centering  upon  them  as  a  racial  group  all  the  bitterness 
which  the  unionist  feels  toward  strike  breakers  as  a  class.  This  tends  to 
increase  any  existing  racial  antipathy  or  to  serve  as  concrete  justification 
for  it. 

On  the  other  hand,  Negroes  have  often  expressed  themselves  as  distrust- 
ful of  the  unions  because  prejudice  in  the  unions  has  denied  them  equal  benefits 
of  membership.  They  often  find  that  their  first  opportunity  in  a  new  industry 
comes  through  the  eagerness  of  a  strike-bound  employer  to  utilize  their  labor 
at  wages  more  than  they  have  previously  earned,  even  if  less  than  the  union 
scale.  This  often  tends  to  make  them  feel  that  they  have  more  to  gain  through 
affiliation  with  such  employers  than  by  taking  chances  on  what  the  unions 
offer  them. 

There  is  a  gradually  increasing  sympathetic  understanding  by  unionists 
of  the  struggle  of  Negroes  to  overcome  their  handicaps,  and  an  increasing  real- 
ization of  the  importance  to  the  unions  of  organizing  them.  Negroes  are 
themselves  showing  more  interest  in  efforts  toward  organizations,  but  there 
is  still  much  mutual  suspicion  and  resentment  in  their  relations. 

To  understand  these  relations  it  is  necessary  to  know  (i)  the  policy  and 
attitude  of  organized  labor  toward  the  Negro  and  how  its  expressed  policy  is 
carried  out  in  practice;  and  (2)  what  the  Negro  beheves  the  facts  to  be  and 
what  his  attitude  is  toward  organized  labor.  In  its  investigation  the  Com- 
mission used  the  following  methods  of  inquiry:  Questionnaires  were  sent  to 
all  labor  organizations;  interviews  were  held  with  union  officials  and  members, 
both  white  and  Negro,  with  officers  and  members  of  Negro  "protest"  unions, 
with  non-union  Negroes,  and  with  persons  who  were  not  connected  with  unions 
but  had  certain  special  information.  Ninety-one  persons,  of  whom  twxnty- 
five  were  Negroes,  were  interviewed.  Trade-union  meetings  were  attended 
by  the  Commission's  investigator.  Union  constitutions,  magazines,  conven- 
tion reports,  etc.,  were  collected  and  studied.  Conferences  were  held  by  the 
Commission  at  which  the  following  labor  leaders  and  organizers  presented  their 
information  and  views: 

George  W.  Perkins,  president  of  the  International  Cigarmakers'  Union, 
and  prominent  in  the  affairs  of  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  since  its 
organization. 

Victor  Olander,  secretary-treasurer,  Illinois  State  Federation  of  Labor, 
and  vice-president  of  International  Seaman's  Union. 

John  Fitzpatrick,  president,  Chicago  Federation  of  Labor. 

W.  Z.  Foster,  organizer  of  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  in  the  steel 
and  packing  industries. 

A.  K.  Foote,  Negro,  vice-president  of  Stock  Yards  Labor  Council  and 
secretary-treasurer.  Local  651,  Amalgamated  Meat  Cutters  and  Butcher  Work- 
men of  America. 


THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY  405 

I.  H.  Bratton,  Negro  organizer  for  Amalgamated  Meat  Cutters  and  Butcher 
Workmen  of  America. 

John  Riley,  Negro  organizer  for  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  in  the 
Stock  Yards  district. 

Max  Brodsky,  secretary-treasurer, Local  100,  International  Ladies'  Garment 
Workers'  Union. 

Agnes  Nestor,  president.  Women's  Trade  Union  League. 

Elizabeth  Maloney,  treasurer  and  organizer,  Chicago  Waitresses'  Union. 

Robert  L.  Mays,  Negro,  president  of  an  independent  Negro  union,  the 
Railway  Men's  International  Benevolent  and  Industrial  Association. 

II.   POLICY  or  THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR  AND  OTHER 

FEDERATIONS 

From  its  beginning  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  has  declared  a 
uniform  policy  of  no  racial  discrimination,  although  this  policy  has  not  been 
carried  out  in  practice  by  all  the  constituent  autonomous  bodies.  At  its 
fortieth  annual  convention,  held  at  Montreal,  Canada,  in  June,  1920,  a  plan 
was  presented  to  "  use  every  means  in  its  power  to  have  the  words  'only  white' 
members  stricken  out  of  the  constitution"  of  the  Brotherhood  of  Railway 
Clerks,  an  organization  which  exercises  jurisdiction  over  100,000  colored 
employees,  although  barring  them  from  membership,  and  "admit  the  colored 
workers  to  full  membership  in  their  Brotherhood  or  have  them  relinquish 
jurisdiction"  over  these  Negro  employees  and  allow  them  to  establish  a  brother- 
hood of  their  own. 

This  failed  to  receive  favorable  action,  but  a  resolution  was  passed  reaffirm- 
ing the  position  taken  at  the  Atlantic  City  convention  in  1919  that  "where 
international  unions  refuse  to  admit  colored  workers  to  membership,  the 
American  Federation  of  Labor  will  be  authorized  to  organize  them  under 
charters  from  the  American  Federation  of  Labor."  This  means  that  in  such 
cases  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  itself  becomes  the  national  or  inter- 
national union  of  such  locals.  According  to  the  information  given  to  the 
Conunission  by  George  W.  Perkins,  "the  American  Federation  of  Labor  has 
organized  hundreds  of  local  unions  and  thereby  directly  attached  to  the 
American  Federation  of  Labor  colored  workers."  President  Gompers  states: 
"Of  the  900  unions  afl51iated  directly  with  the  American  Federation  of  Labor 
there  are  169  composed  exclusively  of  Negroes." 

A  brief  reference  to  the  history  of  the  national  federations  which  preceded 
the  American  Federation  of  Labor  shows  that  the  foregoing  policy  has  been 
followed  since  shortly  after  the  Civil  War. 

The  National  Labor  Union  (1866-72),  at  its  first  convention  in  1866,  was 
the  first  national  federation  of  labor  unions  to  deal  with  the  problem  of  meeting 
Negro  competition  after  the  Civil  War.  The  formation  of  trades  unions 
among  colored  people  was  favored.  In  1869  Negro  delegates  were  admitted 
to  the  annual  convention.    A  separate  national  Negro  Labor  Union,  formed 


4o6  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

in  1869,  was  short-lived.  The  unfriendly  attitude  of  the  unions  toward  the 
Negroes  was  the  subject  of  bitter  comment  at  the  various  sessions  of  the 
latter  organization.  The  Knights  of  Labor,  which  rose  to  prominence  after 
the  decline  of  the  National  Labor  Union,  admitted  aU  workers  without  regard 
to  color.  Many  Negroes  in  the  South  joined  the  organization.  When  the 
leadership  of  organized  labor  shifted  from  the  Knights  of  Labor  to  the  American 
Federation  of  Labor  in  the  late  eighties,  the  Federation  continued  to  express 
the  policy  of  no  racial  discrimination  and  has  stood  for  that  poUcy  to  the  pres- 
ent time.'  At  the  convention  of  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  in  Atlantic 
City,  1919,  there  were  present  about  fifty  Negro  delegates,  men  and  women. 
A  large  number  of  Negro  delegates  also  attended  the  last  convention  of  the 
Federation  at  Montreal. 

The  policy  of  the  Illinois  State  Federation  of  Labor  was  outHned  to  the 
Commission  by  Victor  Olander,  secretary-treasurer,  as  follows: 

The  State  Federation  of  Labor  is  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  American  Federation 
of  Labor,  and  the  laws  governing  the  national  would  necessarily  govern  the  state 
federation,  so  that  in  respect  to  law  they  are  the  same.  I  might  add  that  they  are 
carrying  out  the  law  in  much  the  same  manner  with  respect  to  the  Negro.  There 
hasn't  been  a  convention  of  the  Illinois  State  Federation  of  Labor  held  in  many  years 
that  hasn't  had  in  attendance  Negro  delegates.  That  is  the  usual  thing  at  every 
convention.    There  is  no  discrimination. 

The  Chicago  Federation  of  Labor  is  the  city  central  body  of  the  various 
local  unions  in  Chicago  which  are  connected  with  the  American  Federation  of 
Labor.  Each  of  these  local  unions  elects  delegates  to  represent  it  at  the 
semi-monthly  meetings  of  the  Chicago  Federation.  Negro  delegates  take  an 
active  part  in  these  meetings,  and  are  cordially  received.  The  Federation  and 
its  president  have  been  very  active  in  all  efforts  to  organize  Negroes,  especially 
in  the  Stock  Yards,  the  steel  industry,  and  the  culinary  trades. 

ni.     POLICY   OF  NATIONAL  AND  INTERNATIONAL  UNIONS 

In  considering  the  policy  of  national  and  international  unions,  that  of  the 
unions  affiliated  with  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  will  be  discussed  first, 
and  following  this  the  policy  of  six  of  the  most  important  of  the  independent 
internationals. 

I.      UNIONS  AFFILIATED  WITH  THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION  OF  LABOR 

The  American  Federation  of  Labor  has  consistently  followed  a  policy  of 
no  racial  discrimination.  It  has,  however,  no  power  to  compel  its  constituent 
national  and  international  unions  to  follow  this  policy.  The  question  of  race 
discrimination  by  an  autonomous  national  or  international  union  has  been 
frequently  the  subject  of  spirited  discussion  at  American  Federation  of  Labor 
conventions,  but  the  outcome  has  been  merely  a  recommendation  to  the 
offending  union  that  the  discrimination  be  discontinued.    Since  strict  auton- 

'■  F.  E.  Wolfe,  Admission  to  Atnencan  Trade  Unions,  pp.  113-17. 


THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY  407 

omy  of  national  and  international  unions  is  recognized  in  the  constitution  of 
the  American  Federation  of  Labor,  no  more  effective  action  can  be  taken. 

In  order  to  leam  the  racial  poUcy  of  the  no  nationals  and  internationals 
affliated  with  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  inquiries  were  sent  to  each, 
and  direct  responses  were  received  from  sixty-nine.  The  policy  of  twenty-five 
additional  unions  was  learned  through  their  district  councils  or  locals  in 
Chicago.  Thus  all  but  sixteen  of  the  no  national  and  international  unions 
in  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  were  covered.  Of  these,  two  were 
suspended  from  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  in  1919-20.  Only  three 
have  locals  in  Chicago,  and  all  have  little  significance  for  Chicago.  Informa- 
tion concerning  the  racial  policy  of  the  sixteen  unions  not  heard  from  was 
supplied  by  labor  leaders  in  touch  with  the  whole  union  situation  and  able  to 
speak  with  authority  on  this  subject. 

Of  the  no  national  and  international  unions  affiliated  with  the  American 
Federation  of  Labor,  eight  expressly  bar  the  Negro  by  their  constitutions  or 
rituals.  These  unions  are:  Brotherhood  of  Railway  Carmen  of  America, 
International  Association  of  Machinists,  American  Association  of  Masters, 
Mates,  and  Pilots,  Railway  Mail  Association,  Order  of  Raihoad  Telegraphers, 
the  Commercial  Telegraphers'  Union  of  America,  American  Wire  Weavers' 
Protective  Association,  and  Brotherhood  of  Railway  Mail  Clerks. 

Thus  102  of  the  no  national  and  international  unions  affihated  with  the 
American  Federation  of  Labor  admit  Negroes.  Not  all  of  these  unions,  how- 
ever, have  Negro  members,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  Negroes  are  eUgible 
to  membership.  In  accounting  for  the  absence  of  Negro  members,  twenty- 
eight  national  and  international  unions  reported  "no  Negroes  in  the  trade," 
or  "no  appHcations  ever  received."  Certain  of  the  102  nationals  and  inter- 
nationals reported  a  small  Negro  membership  with  the  following  explanations: 

Eleven  stated  that  employers  discriminated  against  Negro  members  of 
the  union — wanted  white  men  if  they  had  to  pay  the  union  scale  of  wages. 

Seven  internationals  and  five  delegate  bodies  reported  that  special  efforts 
were  now  being  made  to  organize  Negro  workers. 

Twelve  internationals  called  attention  to  long  periods  of  apprenticeship — 
four  had  a  three-year  period,  six  a  four-year  period,  and  two  a  five-year  period — ■ 
as  a  factor  which  accounted  for  the  failure  of  Negroes  to  join. 

In  their  comments,  some  of  these  union  officials  unconsciously  express 
their  prejudice,  sometimes  attributing  traits  to  the  Negro  which  they  seem  to 
take  for  granted  as  being  characteristic.    The  following  are  some  examples: 

No  Negroes  have  applied  for  membership  in  our  union  or  did  not  have  nerve 
enough  as  it  requires  lots  of  climbing. 

We  do  not  have  any  Negroes  in  our  organization,  but  there  is  nothing  in  the  con- 
stitution which  prevents  them  from  becoming  members  after  they  have  learned  the 
trade.  No  one  has  ever  made  application  for  a  Negro.  I  judge  this  is  because  they 
have  to  blow  in  the  same  pipe  [in  glass  blowing]. 


4o8  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

I  find  nothing  in  our  laws  which  bars  Negroes  from  becoming  members  of  this 
union,  but  in  my  thirteen  years  in  this  oflSce  I  have  never  known  one  to  make  applica- 
tion for  membership.    This  may  be  due  to  the  hazardous  nature  of  our  work. 

Ours  is  usually  very  hard  work.  Negroes  as  a  whole  do  not  Uke  hard  work.  They 
instead  very  often  prefer  employment  where  they  can  get  along  at  their  own  gait  or 
in  their  own  way,  especially  working  in  gangs. 

National  and  international  unions  which  had  Negro  members  in  appreci- 
able numbers  reported  the  following  facts: 

Sixteen  had  Negro  officers  or  organizers. 

Twenty-three  reported  that  relations  between  the  races  in  the  unions  were 
undisturbed  by  race  prejudice. 

Thirty-three  stated  that  Negroes  had  belonged  to  the  tmion  for  the  follow- 
ing periods: 

Number  of  Number  of 

Unions  Unions 

2  years  or  less 12          8  to  15  years 4 

2  to  4  years 8        20  years 4 

4  to  6  years i        25  years i 

6  to  8  years 2        35  years i 

2.      UNIONS  NOT  AFFILIATED  WITH  THE  AMERICAN  FEDERATION   OF   LABOR 

There  are  a  number  of  unions^  not  affiliated  with  the  American  Federation 
of  Labor,  of  which  the  most  important  are:  the  four  railway  brotherhoods — 
Brotherhood  of  Railway  Clerks,  Brotherhood  of  Locomotive  Firemen  and 
Enginemen,  Brotherhood  of  Railroad  Trainmen,  Order  of  Railway  Conductors 
of  America — Amalgamated  Clothing  Workers  of  America;  Industrial  Workers 
of  the  World  (I.W.W.).  The  four  railway  brotherhoods  exclude  the  Negro  by 
constitutional  provision.  The  Amalgamated  Clothing  Workers  of  America  and 
the  Industrial  Workers  of  the  World  admit  the  Negro  and  make  special  efforts 
to  organize  Negro  workers.  The  I.W.W.  has  its  main  foothold  in  the  lumber, 
mine,  and  textile  industries  and  does  not  have  any  strong  unions  in  Chicago. 

Disregarding  the  classification  of  nationals  and  internationals  based  upon 
affiliation  with  the  American  Federation  of  Labor,  a  review  of  the  figures 
presented  above  shows  that  104  national  and  international  unions  admit  the 
Negro,  and  that  twelve  exclude  the  Negro  by  written  provision. 

The  outstanding  fact  with  reference  to  these  twelve  organizations  is  that, 
with  the  exception  of  the  Wire  Weavers,  they  are  all  connected  with  the  trans- 
portation industry:  seven  are  members  of  the  American  Federation  of  Labor 
Railway  Department  and  the  other  four  constitute  the  big  "railway  brother- 
hoods." The  latter  are  sometimes  referred  to  by  members  of  the  unions  as 
the  "aristocrats  in  the  labor  movement."  All  of  these  unions,  except  the 
Masters,  Mates,  and  Pilots,  have  been  organized  more  than  twenty  years. 
None  of  the  unions  formed  within  the  last  twenty  years,  except  the  Masters, 
Mates,  and  Pilots,  excludes  the  Negro. 

'  It  was  impossible   to  get  in  communication  with  others  of  the  smaller  scattered 
independent  internationals  besides  those  mentioned.    No  directory  is  yet  published. 


THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY  409 

In  these  crafts,  excepting  such  trades  as  carmen,  machinists,  clerks,  and 
firemen,  it  may  be  that  in  general  the  Negro  would  not  be  much  of  a  factor 
at  present,  because  these  trades  demand  an  amount  of  education  and  skill  not 
yet  possessed  by  a  large  percentage  of  Negroes.  But  this  by  no  means  proves 
that  the  Negro  would  not  acquire  the  necessary  skill  and  education  if  oppor- 
tunities in  these  trades  were  actually  open  to  him. 

The  Railway  Department  of  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  is  composed 
of  fourteen  craft  unions,  all  but  two  of  which  exclude  the  Negro  worker.  The 
Stationary  Firemen  and  OU  Men  of  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  Railway 
Department  are  openly  sohciting  Negro  members.  The  only  other  craft 
organization  which  admits  Negroes  is  the  Maintenance  of  Way  Craft,  which 
really  means  the  cormnon  labor  group.  Negroes  can  get  into  this  craft  through 
an  auxihary  charter  to  a  Negro  local.  Regardless  of  how  skilled  or  how 
intelligent  the  applicant  may  be,  or  how  logically  he  falls  into  some  other  craft, 
he  can  only  come  in  through  one  or  the  other  of  these  two  craft  unions. 

The  attitude  of  the  railway  brotherhoods  is  typified  in  remarks  made  to 
an  investigator  for  the  Commission  by  a  member  of  the  Brotherhood  of  Rail- 
way Clerks  who  is  now  serving  on  an  important  public  commission.  He 
was  emphatic  in  upholding  the  brotherhood's  poHcy  of  excluding  Negroes. 
"As  long  as  the  engineers  have  anything  to  say  about  it,  they  certainly  will 
not  get  in."  He  said  that  the  modern  locomotive  was  a  highly  complicated 
and  scientific  mechanism,  and  that  the  Negroes  ''did  not  have  brains  enough 
to  run  one." 

As  showing  the  contrasting  view  of  another  trade-union  man,  an  employee 
of  the  pubhc  commission  mentioned  said  that  he  had  been  a  member  of  the 
United  Mine  Workers  since  1901,  and  in  that  organization  no  color  line  is 
drawn;  that  he  had  worked  beside  Negro  miners  and  feels  no  prejudice.  He 
pointed  out  that  the  national  conventions  of  the  miners  always  have  a  large 
representation  of  Negro  delegates,  and  some  of  the  ablest  and  best  speakers 
come  from  the  Negro  race.  He  expressed  the  feehng  that  the  policy  of  the 
railway  brotherhoods  is  a  mistake,  and  is  a  case  of  "swell-headedness." 

The  general  exclusion  policy  of  the  railway  brotherhoods  and  certain  of 
the  unions  in  the  Railway  Department  of  the  American  Federation  of  Labor 
has  created  a  feeling  of  bitterness  among  Negroes  which  spreads  beyond  these 
crafts  and  is  directed  against  imions  in  general,  notwithstanding  the  constructive 
and  progressive  pohcy  of  the  many  unions  which  admit  Negroes.  In  the  trans- 
portation crafts  it  has  led  to  the  formation  of  a  "protest"  Negro  railway  union. 

The  Railway  Men's  International  Benevolent  Industrial  Association. — This 
organization  is  a  labor  imion  open  to  Negro  railway  employees.  It  is  a  protest 
organization  which  has  grown  up  because  of  the  exclusion  of  Negroes  by  the 
railway  brotherhoods  and  certain  unions  in  the  Railway  Department  of  the 
American  Federation  of  Labor. 

The  Association  was  organized  May  12,  191 5,  and  has  seventeen  locals  in 
Chicago  and  a  membership  of  about  1,200,  all  railway  employees.     The  leaders 


4IO  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

of  this  group  disclaimed  any  intention  of  building  up  "a  rival  American  Federa- 
tion of  Labor  among  Negroes,"  but  stated  that,  as  far  as  they  were  personally 
concerned,  they  would  be  willing  to  afl&liate  with  the  American  Federation  of 
Labor  in  its  proper  department,  providing  all  forms  of  discrimination  in  national 
and  international  unions,  both  in  constitution  and  practice,  were  done  away 
with,  and  the  Negro  worker  was  assured  of  equal  treatment  and  opportunity 
with  the  white  worker.  They  realize  that  the  highest  welfare  of  both  groups 
depends  upon  co-operation.  But,  as  to  what  the  membership  would  want  to 
do  when  that  time  comes,  they  of  course  do  not  know. 

Mr.  Mays,  the  president  of  the  organization,  was  asked  by  the  Com- 
mission's investigator  what  he  would  do  in  a  situation  where  both  Negroes 
and  whites  were  organized  separately,  and  the  whites  were  going  out  on  a  strike 
and  had  requested  the  Negroes  to  come  out  also.  He  stated  that  several  such 
local  strike  situations  had  arisen  in  the  South,  and  that  he  had  advised  the 
Negro  union  in  each  of  these  cases  to  use  its  own  judgment,  but  that  if  it 
decided  to  support  the  white  unions,  it  should,  before  doing  so,  have  a  joint 
committee  of  both  groups  meet  and  make  it  understood  absolutely  that  any 
agreement  finally  reached  with  the  employers  must  include  both  groups  on 
equal  terms.  In  one  case,  after  such  an  agreement  had  been  reached  and  the 
men  had  gone  back  to  work,  the  employer  tried  to  keep  out  certain  Negroes,  but 
the  white  unionists  insisted  that  the  agreement  must  be  lived  up  to. 

The  officials  of  this  organization  are  exceptionally  capable  Negroes;  its 
advisers  are  professional  men,  well  educated  and  thoroughly  familiar  with  the 
history  and  tactics  of  white  labor  unions. 

A  more  definite  statement  of  the  purpose  and  policies  of  this  protest  organ- 
ization was  made  before  the  Commission  by  R.  L.  Mays: 

The  Railway  Men's  International  Benevolent  Industrial  Association  really  pro- 
tests as  an  organization  against  unfair  and  bad  working  conditions  of  the  employer 
and  against  unfair  practices  on  the  part  of  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  and  the 
railway  brotherhoods. 

This  is  the  crux  of  the  problem  as  we  see  it.  We  agree  with  the  policies  and 
principles  of  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  so  long  as  they  are  American  and  in 
the  interests  of  the  workmen,  but  if  their  practices  are  against  Negroes,  then  we  are 
against  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  unflinchingly. 

Question:  To  what  extent  have  you  found  their  practices  unfair  to  the  colored 
people  ? 

Mr.  Mays:  There  are  fourteen  unions  in  railway  employment  in  the  American 
Federation  of  Labor.  The  United  Brotherhood  of  Railway  Employees  has  been 
accepting  Negroes  in  full  membership,  but  the  other  thirteen  organizations  do  not 
accept  Negroes  in  membership.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  they  are  secured  on  contract, 
which  is  the  greatest  holdback  for  the  Negroes  and  breeds  more  distrust  on  the  part 
of  the  Negro  in  these  places,  so  far  as  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  is  concerned. 

Before  the  roads  were  under  government  control  certain  discriminatory  practices 
were  found  in  the  South,  but  now  you  will  find  colored  men  in  certain  skilled  positions. 
In  the  Brotherhood  of  Carmen,  if  a  colored  man  is  not  organized  into  the  local  union, 


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THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY  411 

he  cannot  advance  automatically  from  repair  to  car  building.  He  might  be  a  member 
of  one  of  these  local  unions  chartered  by  and  affiUated  with  the  American  Federation 
of  Labor.  But  under  contract  they  say  their  members  must  be  white,  and  they  use 
only  white  men.  In  the  South  our  men  have  enjoyed  these  jobs;  under  war  condi- 
tions they  were  brought  here,  but  under  this  contract  no  Negro  can  be  employed 
as  a  carman,  although  he  has  all  the  experience  in  the  world.  They  refuse  to  take  the 
colored  man  but  take  the  white  man.  No  colored  boy  can  go  in  as  an  apprentice  and 
work  up  to  a  skilled  mechanic's  position.  Consequently  they  are  reducing  the 
Negro  railway  worker  to  a  position  of  common  laborer  and  automatically  are  keeping 
him  down.  If  this  is  the  condition  in  the  railways  in  the  North,  I  say  it  wiU  prevail 
everywhere.    I  have  said  that  it  is  a  northern  prejudice  coming  South. 

rV.      ATTITUDE   AND  POLICY   OF   LOCAL  UNIONS   IN   CHICAGO 
I.      WHITE  AND  NEGRO  MEMBERSHIP  IN  CHICAGO  LOCAL  UNIONS 

Much  effort  was  made  to  obtain  statistics  of  white  and  Negro  membership 
in  local  trade  unions  in  Chicago.  Information  was  sought  through  requests 
addressed  to  the  national  headquarters  of  all  national  and  international 
unions  affiliated  with  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  for  data  as  to  any 
local  unions  they  might  have  in  Chicago.  Requests  were  also  addressed 
directly  to  these  local  unions  as  listed  in  a  directory  published  by  the  Chicago 
Trade  Union  Label  League.  Further  requests  were  addressed  to  local  unions 
in  Chicago  directly  affiliated  with  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  as  listed 
in  a  directory  of  all  such  unions  published  by  that  organization. 

It  was  difficult  to  ascertain  the  exact  number  of  local  unions  in  Chicago. 
Those  covered  embraced,  however,  as  full  a  list  as  could  be  supplied  by  trade- 
union  offices  in  Chicago.  But  the  president  of  the  Chicago  Federation  of  Labor 
said  that  the  number  of  local  unions  was  changing  so  continually  by  reason  of 
the  organization  of  new  ones  and  the  consolidation  of  two  or  more  into  one, 
that  no  accurate  list  was  available. 

Data  for  the  Amalgamated  Clothing  Workers  of  America  and  for  the 
Railway  Men's  International  Industrial  Benevolent  Association  were  obtained 
directly  from  those  organizations. 

Reports  were  received  from  the  railway  brotherhoods  saying  that  they 
exclude  Negroes,  but  giving  no  data  as  to  the  number  of  white  members. 

The  information  which  was  obtained  may  be  summarized  as  follows: 

Members 

371  local  unions  afl&liated  with  the  American  Federation  of 
Labor,  comprising  locals  of  national  and  international  unions 
so  affihated,  and  also  federal  and  local  unions  directly 
aflShated  with  the  American  Federation  of  Labor 253 ,  237 

II  local  imions  of  the  Amalgamated  Clothing  Workers  of 
America 4°  >  000 

17  local  unions  of  the  Railway  Men's  International  Industrial 
Benevolent  Association 1,200 

294,437 


412  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

The  total  Negro  membership  reported  for  Chicago  by  the  foregoing  organ- 
izations was  12,106.  The  number  of  locals  through  which  this  Negro  member- 
ship was  distributed  cannot  be  stated  with  any  approach  to  accuracy,  due  to 
the  fact  that  in  a  number  of  cases  the  district  council  or  the  national  body 
reported  the  membership  for  its  Chicago  locals  jointly.  In  such  cases  it 
could  not  safely  be  assumed  that  each  of  the  locals  in  question  had  Negro 
members.  Disregarding  all  such  cases,  however,  there  still  remains  a  total  of 
at  least  eighty-five  Chicago  locals  for  which,  individually,  Negro  members  were 
reported. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that,  judging  by  the  figures  here  shown  as  to  white 
and  Negro  membership  in  local  unions  in  Chicago,  the  proportion  of  Negro 
union  members  to  the  Negro  population  in  Chicago  is  almost  exactly  the  same 
as  the  proportion  of  white  members  to  the  white  population  in  Chicago. 

2.      METHODS   OF  DEALING  WITH  NEGRO  APPLICANTS 

If  the  unions  which  bar  the  Negro  are  chosen  as  examples,  organized  labor 
might  appear  to  be  very  unfair  to  Negro  workers.  On  the  other  hand,  if 
unions  which  admit  them  into  the  same  locals  and  have  Negro  organizers  and 
officers  are  chosen  as  examples,  it  might  appear  that  there  was  no  prejudice 
whatever  against  Negroes  on  the  part  of  trade  unions.  Neither  extreme  would 
represent  the  facts.  On  the  basis  of  policy  toward  the  Negro,  unions  in  Chicago 
may  be  divided  into  four  classes  or  types.    These  classes  are: 

A.  Unions  admitting  Negroes  to  white  locals. 

B.  Unions  admitting  Negroes  to  separate  co-ordinate  locals. 

C.  Unions  admitting  Negroes  to  subordinate  or  auxiliary  locals. 

D.  Unions  excluding  Negroes  from  membership. 

The  existence  of  these  classes  indicates  the  fact  that  the  union  attitude  and 
policy  toward  the  Negro  cannot  be  summed  up  by  any  simple  generalization. 
Each  class  or  type  has  its  own  policy,  and  even  within  the  class  there  are  minor 
variations  of  attitude  and  policy. 

A.      UNIONS  ADMITTING  NEGROES   TO  WHITE  LOCALS 

Wherever  and  whenever  Negroes  are  admitted  on  an  equal  basis  and  given 
a  square  deal,  the  feeling  inside  the  union  is  nearly  always  harmonious.  This 
is  true  in  such  unions  as  the  Butcher  Workmen's,  Hodcarriers',  Flat  Janitors', 
and  Ladies'  Garment  Workers',  which  include  important  fields  of  Negro 
labor  in  Chicago. 

Stock  Yards'  unions. — The  Stock  Yards'  strike  of  1904  was  broken  by  the 
use  of  Negroes.  This  was  the  opening  wedge  for  the  admittance  to  the  union 
of  the  large  number  of  Negroes  which  followed.  No  organization  thereafter 
could  hope  to  amount  to  anything  in  the  Yards  unless  it  took  in  Negroes. 
From  191 7  until  the  riot  of  1919  Negroes  in  large  numbers  were  joining  the 
Amalgamated  Meat  Cutters  and  Butcher  Workmen's  Union  of  North  America. 
Forty  locals  were  formed.    The  Negro  was  welcome  to  join  any  local  he  desired, 


THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY  413 

whether  it  was  prodominantly  Polish  or  Irish  or  Negro.  However,  the  majority 
gravitated  to  Local  651,  which  was  composed  mainly  of  Negroes  and  had  Negro 
officers  and  organizers  and  headquarters  near  the  "Black  Belt." 

This  was  not  unnatural,  since  the  headquarters  of  the  various  local  unions 
are  distributed  over  the  city  with  a  view  to  their  convenience  for  the  members. 
Most  of  the  Negro  members  live  within  the  "Black  Belt."  The  most  active 
Negro  organizer  in  the  city  is  connected  with  this  local.  Negroes  living  out- 
side this  area  belong  to  the  locals  nearest  their  homes. 

Efforts  to  organize  Negro  workers  in  the  Yards  are  commented  upon  in 
the  Negro  Year  Book  of  1 918-19  in  the  following  paragraph: 

That  the  unions  are  doing  much  to  organize  Negro  labor  is  indicated  by  the 
fact  that  of  the  more  than  ten  thousand  Negro  workers  in  the  Chicago  packing  houses, 
over  60  per  cent  are  reported  in  the  unions.  The  International  Union  of  Butchers' 
Workmen,  which  has  jurisdiction  over  90  per  cent  of  the  employees  in  the  packing 
houses  of  the  country,  has  three  paid  Negro  organizers.  In  other  lines  of  work  there 
is  equal  activity  in  organizing  Negro  labor. 

The  unions  succeeded  in  securing  an  agreement  under  which  Judge  Samuel 
Alschuler  was  mutually  accepted  by  the  packing  companies  and  the  unions  as 
an  arbitrator  on  matters  affecting  working  conditions  in  the  Yards,  especially 
hours  and  wages.  This  agreement  applies  to  all  who  work  in  the  Yards, 
whether  in  or  out  of  the  union,  but,  according  to  labor  leaders,  union  action 
and  union  money  "put  it  across."  Consequently  there  was  the  feeling  that 
all  who  benefited  should  join  and  help  share  in  the  expense,  and  a  feeling  of 
hostility  toward  such  Negroes,  and  whites  as  well  for  that  matter,  who  did  not 
join  because  they  found  that  they  could  get  all  the  benefits  of  the  arrangement 
without  paying  dues. 

While  the  Commission's  investigator  was  interviewing  the  officials  of  one 
of  the  unions  of  the  packing  industry  at  their  headquarters,  a  number  of  the 
white  members  dropped  in  to  pay  their  dues.  In  conversation  they  showed, 
quite  unsolicited,  that  considerable  feeling  existed  because  the  Negro  workers 
were  not  coming  into  the  union.  They  felt  that  the  Negroes  were  receiving 
all  the  benefits  secured  for  the  workers  by  the  unions  without  paying  their 
proportion  of  the  expense  of  the  organization.  In  fact,  several  used  rather 
strong  terms  with  the  words  "fink"  and  "scabs." 

The  sentiment  of  the  men  present  seemed  to  be  that,  while  mistakes  had 
been  made  on  both  sides  in  the  1904  strike  and  since,  the  antagonistic  feeling 
had  been  pretty  largely  eliminated,  as  was  shown  by  the  large  Negro  member- 
ship prior  to  the  riot,  and  they  said  that  every  effort  was  being  made  at  that 
time  and  since  to  bring  the  Negro  into  the  union.  Conferences  had  been  held 
with  Negro  ministers  and  other  organizations  ex-plaining  the  position  of  the 
unions,  literature  had  been  distributed,  and  a  great  deal  of  money  had  been 
spent  through  Negro  organizers,  and  yet  the  results  were  disappointingly 
small.    These  white  union  men  contended  that  they  were  opposed  by  an 


414  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

effective  combination  of  "packers'"  influence  hard  to  beat  and  intensively 
interested  in  keeping  the  races  apart  for  its  own  purposes  in  opposing  union 
organization. 

The  Hod  Carriers  have  sixteen  locals  in  Chicago  with  a  large  total  member- 
ship. No  racial  record  is  kept,  but  Negroes  are  admitted  without  discrimina- 
tion into  all  of  the  unions.  A  few  years  ago  the  Negro  membership  was  between 
1,200  and  1,400;  at  present  with  an  increase  of  300  to  500  from  the  South,  the 
secretary  of  the  executive  council  estimates  the  total  Negro  membership  to 
be  at  least  1,700,  most  of  whom  have  joined  two  locals.  The  president  of 
the  Evanston  union  and  the  vice-president  of  the  Chicago  Heights  union  are 
colored.  No  feeling  of  discrimination  exists,  all  being  treated  alike  as  long 
as  they  pay  their  dues  and  live  up  to  the  rules.  The  Hod  Carriers  have  joint 
arbitration  agreements  with  the  employing  contractors'  associations  in  this 
industry,  and  no  strikes  have  been  called  since  1900. 

The  International  Ladies'  Garment  Workers'  Union  is  another  illustration 
of  a  union  which  accords  Negroes  the  same  treatment  as  white  members,  and 
where  the  relationship  is  entirely  harmonious.  This  union  has  never  drawn 
the  race,  creed,  or  color  line  and  is  trying  to  leave  out  the  word  "white"  and 
"colored"  from  its  minutes  and  reports.  The  Negro  girls  came  into  this 
industry  as  strike  breakers  within  the  last  three  years. 

The  ofl&cials  of  this  union,  in  interviews  and  in  testimony  before  the  Com- 
mission, claimed  that  whenever  any  friction  did  arise  it  was  due  to  the  fact 
that  the  employers  in  this  industry  discriminated  against  Negro  girls  and  paid 
them  less  than  white  girls.  The  agreement  between  the  ladies'  garment 
manufacturers  and  the  union  provided  a  weekly  wage  of  $37.40  for  skirt  and 
dress  operators — 85  cents  per  hour  for  a  forty-four-hour  week.  Negro  oper- 
ators in  non-union  factories  for  the  same  work  were  being  paid  from  $18.00 
to  $25.00  per  week.  Union  skirt  and  dress  finishers  were  being  paid  $26.40 
per  week — 60  cents  per  hour  for  forty-four  hours.  Negro  operators  in  non- 
union factories  averaged  $15.00  per  week  for  the  same  work  and  frequently 
worked  longer  than  forty-four  hours. 

The  relations  of  whites  and  Negroes  in  the  union  were  discussed  before  the 
Commission  by  Max  Brodsky,  a  representative  of  the  union,  who  said: 

As  a  result  of  the  191 7  strike  we  have  now  about  450  colored  women  workers  in 
our  industry.  We  lost  the  strike,  and  this  is  how  the  colored  women  got  into  our 
industry.  Now  the  union  knew  the  object  of  the  colored  women  coming  into  our 
industry,  and  we  decided  to  have  them  organized  just  like  the  white  women  and  girls, 
so  we  established  this  particular  union.  They  are  at  present  conscientious  union 
girls  and  women.  It  was  the  policy  of  the  union  not  to  discriminate  against  the  colored 
women  who  broke  the  strike  in  191 7.    This  helped  us. 

At  the  same  conference,  Agnes  Nestor,  president  of  the  Women's  Trade 
Union  League,  testified  as  follows: 


THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY  415 

Miss  Nestor:  In  the  ladies'  garments  work,  the  unions  have  taken  in  colored 
girls  on  the  same  basis  as  the  white  girls.  They  made  a  colored  girl  a  chairman  of 
their  shop  meeting.    There  is  no  feeling  there  with  them  as  far  as  I  know. 

Miss  McDowell:  Didn't  they  elect  a  colored  girl  as  shop  steward  where  they  had 
both  white  and  colored  girls  ? 

Miss  Nestor:    Yes. 

As  an  illustration  of  employers'  discrimination  against  Negro  workers,  and 
of  the  eflForts  of  the  union  to  protect  Negroes  when  they  become  members  of 
the  union,  the  case  of  a  manufacturer  was  cited  whose  shop  had  only  Negro 
workers.  Shortly  after  the  union  had  organized  them  they  were  locked  out. 
Later  the  employer  was  willing  to  settle  "providing  you  sent  us  a  set  of  white 
workers."    The  union  refused  to  do  this  and  called  a  strike. 

The  union  claimed  that  in  many  recent  cases  where  Negro  girls  were  sent 
out  on  jobs  the  employers  would  refuse  them  when  they  found  out  that  they 
had  to  pay  them  the  same  scale  as  white  workers.    During  191 7-18,  owing  to 
the  war,  the  manufacturers  worked  in  harmony  with  the  unions  because  thev 
had  to;   since  the  war,  and  largely  within  the  first  few  months  of  1920,  the  \ 
manufacturers  have  opened  many  shops  on  the  South  Side  employing  only  1         > 
non-union  colored  girls.    In  the  various  strikes  in  which  this  union  has  been    j 
engaged  for  this  same  period,  the  strike  breakers  have  been  Negro  girls  secured    \ 
for  the  employers  through  a  Negro  minister  acting  as  a  labor  agent  or  solicitor.     \ 

The  Flat  Janitors'  Union  has  a  membership  of  approximately  5,000,  of 
whom  1,000  are  Negroes.  It  includes  many  nationalities  with  strong  racial 
feelings,  yet,  as  stated  by  Mr.  Fitzpatrick,  president  of  the  Chicago  Federation 
of  Labor,  rarely  is  any  complaint  made  against  this  union  by  Negroes. 

Interviews  with  the  president  and  other  officials,  attendance  at  a  session 
of  the  Executive  Board,  and  attendance  at  a  crowded  meeting  of  the  union, 
where  transaction  of  general  business,  nomination  of  candidates  for  the  coming 
election,  and  initiation  of  new  members  occurred,  gave  the  Commission's 
investigator  ample  opportunity  for  observation  of  the  attitude  toward  Negroes. 

This  union,  organized  in  1904,  started  out  with  a  Negro  as  recording 
secretary  and  business  agent.  At  the  time  of  the  interviews,  the  vice-president 
and  three  members  of  the  Executive  Board  were  Negroes.  These  had  been 
elected  for  a  three-year  term.  At  the  general  meeting  attended,  the  Negro 
officers  wxre  renominated  unanimously  to  hold  office  for  a  period  of  five  years. 
In  addition,  several  more  Negroes  were  nominated  as  stewards  and  as  delegates 
to  the  Chicago  Federation  of  Labor. 

According  to  the  members,  discrimination  in  this  craft  is  practiced  by  the 
flat  and  apartment  owners.  The  experience  of  the  union  is  that  as  soon  as  a 
Negro  is  taken  into  the  union  and  demands  the  union  scale  the  owner  calls  up 
the  union  and  says,  "  If  I  have  to  pay  these  wages  I'm  going  to  get  a  good  white 
man." 


4i6  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

The  position  taken  by  the  union  is  that  if  a  Negro  has  had  the  job  he  must 
be  allowed  to  stay  there  and  get  the  scale,  and  the  union  will  back  him  up  in 
the  fight  for  it.  The  threat  of  a  strike  against  a  building  is  usually  effec- 
tive. 

Inquiry  among  Negro  janitors  in  the  residence  districts  brought  up  a  case 
in  which  one  Negro  claimed  that  Negroes  were  forced  into  the  union  and  then 
usually  found  themselves  discriminated  against  by  the  white  members,  especi- 
ally by  Belgians,  and  soon  or  later,  were  squeezed  out  of  the  good  jobs.  How- 
ever, this  Negro  admitted  that  he  had  not  attended  a  union  meeting  since  his 
initiation,  except  to  stop  in  to  pay  his  dues,  and  that  he  had  never  made  a 
complaint  to  the  Negro  ofi&cer  of  the  union.  The  officers  of  the  union  admitted 
that  there  was,  in  the  many  racial  groups  in  this  craft,  strong  racial  feeling, 
especially  among  Austrians  and  Belgians,  who  seemed  to  feel  that  whenever  a 
janitor  died  or  left  the  job,  or  an  assistant  or  helper  was  needed,  such  job 
should  always  be  filled  with  members  of  their  own  nationality.  However,  the 
Negro  officials  claimed  that  with  three  Negroes  on  the  Executive  Board  and 
a  Negro  vice-president,  any  complaint  coming  from  a  Negro  would  surely  be 
fairly  dealt  with;  but  that  unless  their  attention  was  called  to  unsatisfactory 
conditions  the  union  could  not  be  expected  to  know  of  them,  and  in  such  cases 
it  was  not  the  union  that  was  to  blame,  but  the  member  himself. 

Frequently,  in  those  unions  in  which  the  Negroes  are  not  admitted  into 
the  same  locals  with  the  whites,  the  reasons  given  for  putting  them  into  separate 
locals  or  auxiliaries  is  that  the  white  members  object  to  the  close  physical 
contact  or  association  in  meetings,  especially  where  there  is  some  element  of 
ritual  in  connection  with  the  meetings.  At  the  meeting  of  the  Janitors' 
Union  attended  by  the  investigator,  new  pass  words  were  given  out,  and  all 
members,  white  and  Negro,  had  to  come  before  the  Negro  vice-president,  who 
whispered  the  words  to  each  and  they  in  turn  repeated  them  to  him.  Not  the 
slightest  hesitancy  was  noted  on  the  part  of  the  white  members,  but  rather  a 
hearty  handshake  or  a  slap  on  the  back  seemed  to  be  the  rule.  Again,  in  taking 
in  nineteen  new  members,  four  of  whom  were  Negroes,  the  major  part  of  the 
ceremony  was  performed  by  the  Negro  vice-president.  At  this  meeting,  packed 
to  standing-room  and  attended  by  well  over  a  thousand  members,  Negroes  were 
a  large  percentage  of  those  present.  These  were  not  confined  to  a  group  by 
themselves,  but  were  scattered  in  all  parts  of  the  hall  and  seemed  to  be  in 
cordial  conversation  with  the  white  members. 

A  number  of  interesting  comments  by  members  and  officers  of  unions 
admitting  Negroes  on  equal  terms  with  whites  were  volunteered,  either  in 
interviews  or  in  correspondence.  In  one  union  of  700  highly  skilled  workers 
receiving  $1.50  an  hour,  or  $12.00  a  day,  no  Negroes  were  found  to  be  members, 
although  they  are  not  barred  by  the  constitution.  It  was  suggested  that  the 
five-year  apprenticeship  period  discouraged  Negroes.  It  was  further  noted 
that  admittance  was  by  a  two-thirds  vote,  a  provision  which  could  easily  result 


THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY  417 

in  the  exclusion  of  any  race  which  two-thirds  of  the  members  did  not  Uke.  The 
investigator's  report  of  his  interview  says: 

The  business  representative  of  this  union  was  strongly  of  the  personal  opinion  that 
unions  had  made  a  mistake  in  ever  admitting  the  Negro  into  any  of  the  unions.  He 
claimed  that  the  employers'  only  interest  in  them  was  as  a  lever  to  keep  wages  down 
for  the  workers. 

Two  other  members  of  the  League  took  a  contrary  position  and  held  that  Negro 
labor  was  in  the  field,  and  that  while  the  employer's  interest  in  the  Negro  was  simply 
to  play  one  group  against  another  to  keep  expense  down  as  low  as  possible,  it  was  really 
up  to  labor  itself  to  solve  the  question  and  that  the  Negroes  must  be  taken  into  unions. 
They  admitted  that  undoubtedly  prejudice  existed,  but  that  it  was  gradually  being 
overcome. 

Other  comments  are  as  follows: 

From  an  ofl&cer  of  the  Teamsters  and  Chauffeurs:  "We  have  had  one 
Negro  holding  office  as  trustee  for  several  years.    So  feeling  is  brotherly." 

From  an  officer  of  a  specialized  mechanics'  union:  "There  has  been  no  sign 
of  race  feeling  or  hatred  since  we  have  been  organized.  We  have  six  officers 
(one  colored).  I  myself,  being  colored,  have  no  complaints  whatever  against 
my  white  brothers." 

From  a  Negro  officer  of  the  Mattress  Makers:  "Discrimination  and  race 
prejudice  does  not  exist  in  this  union.  We  are  one  happy  family.  It  seems 
impossible  to  organize  the  other  Negro  mattress  makers.  Would  appreciate 
some  assistance." 

B.      UNIONS   ADMITTING  NEGROES  TO   SEPARATE   CO-ORDINATE  LOCALS 

Certain  unions  organize  Negroes  into  separate  locals  which  are  in  all 
respects  co-ordinate  with  the  white  locals  belonging  to  the  same  unions.  The 
reason  for  maintaining  separate  Negro  locals  is  either  (i)  preference  of  the 
Negro  workers  for  locals  of  their  own,  or  (2)  unwillingness  of  white  workers  to 
admit  Negroes  to  white  locals.  It  often  seemed  that  the  second  indicated  the 
real  situation,  the  first  reason  being  given  as  an  excuse  for  it. 

The  important  factor  is  the  reason  for  the  existence  of  separate  Negro  locals 
rather  than  the  fact  of  separation.  This  is  illustrated  by  the  experience  of 
the  Painters'  and  Musicians'  unions  on  the  one  hand,  and  that  of  the  Waiters' 
Union  on  the  other. 

During  July,  1920,  twenty  Negro  painters  applied  to  the  Painters'  District 
Council  for  membership  in  the  Painters'  Union.  They  passed  the  required 
examination  but,  instead  of  being  placed  in  the  existing  Painters'  Union,  were 
given  temporary  working  permits  which  identified  them  as  members  of  "  South 
Side  Colored  Local."  They  immediately  suspected  that  some  effort  was  being 
made  to  place  them  in  a  separate  Negro  local  in  which  they  could  not  get  the 
full  benefits  of  union  membership.  They  then  went  to  discuss  the  matter  with 
the  editor  of  a  Negro  paper  which  had  expressed  the  point  of  view  of  many 
Negroes  concerning  labor  unions  in  its  editorial  columns.    This  editor  told 


4i8  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

them  his  belief  that  the  Painters'  District  Council  was  merely  duplicating  the 
practices  of  several  other  unions  in  the  city,  and  was  attempting  to  limit 
these  men  to  a  "Jim  Crow"  union.  They  returned  to  the  president  of  the 
District  Council,  who  explained  that  he  had  to  keep  track  of  all  temporary 
permits  issued,  and  inasmuch  as  the  charter  for  their  local  was  not  yet  issued 
he  could  not  know  the  number  until  issued.  He  had  to  put  the  description 
on  the  cards  to  identify  the  men  temporarily. 

A  charter  for  the  local  was  given  from  national  headquarters,  and  the  new 
cards  were  issued,  designating  them  simply  as  members  of  Local  No.  — .  The 
membership  of  this  local,  exclusively  Negro,  grew  from  twenty  to  seventy-five 
in  two  months.  One  of  the  Negro  officials  of  the  local  stated  that  its  members 
had  been  working  in  all  parts  of  the  Chicago  District,  including  the  North 
Side  and  Evanston,  and  that  they  had  a  representative  on  the  District  Council. 
The  attitude  of  the  white  workers,  he  stated,  was  a  little  cool  on  the  first  day, 
but  there  is  now  no  evidence  of  friction.  He  thought  that  the  members  of 
this  local  were  well  pleased  and  happy. 

The  Negro  Musicians  are  organized  into  a  strong  separate  local,  chartered 
in  1902.  It  has  a  membership  of  approximately  325.  It  has  held  the  Muni- 
cipal Pier  dance-hall  contract  for  three  years,  and  besides  many  other  contracts 
in  the  city.  It  furnishes  players  for  various  occasions  for  a  considerable 
territory  outside  of  Chicago.  This  group  much  prefers  its  own  union,  but  works 
jointly  with  the  large  white  union,  the  Chicago  Federation  of  Musicians, 
whenever  matters  come  up  affecting  both  organizations.  Both  unions  have 
the  same  wage  scale. 

Where  Negro  workers  are  permitted  to  join  white  locals  but  prefer  to  have 
their  own  colored  local  there  is  no  feeling  that  they  are  discriminated  against, 
occasional  joint  meetmgs  with  white  locals  being  characterized  by  friendly 
interest  and  good  fellowship.  Where,  however,  a  union  closes  the  door  of  its 
white  locals  to  Negroes  and  organizes  them  into  separate  locals  because  the 
white  members  object  to  contact  with  Negroes,  a  very  difficult  situation  exists. 
This  condition  is  illustrated  by  the  methods  of  the  Waiters'  Union  in  Chicago. 
Negro  waiters  are  not  admitted  into  the  white  Waiters'  Union,  but  are 
placed  in  the  Pullman  Porters  and  Dining-Car  Waiters'  Union,  which  is  a  local 
affihated  with  the  same  international  as  the  white  Waiters'  Union.  The  make- 
shift of  putting  Negro  waiters,  although  employed  in  city  hotels,  restaurants, 
and  cafes,  into  this  local  is  pointed  to  by  Negroes  as  immistakable  evidence  of 
discrimination. 

The  cuhnary  strike  in  Chicago,  which  started  May  i,  1920,  resulted  in 
failure  for  the  unions  concerned  largely  because  Negroes  acted  as  strike 
breakers.  This  is  easily  accounted  for  by  the  fact  that  seventeen  years  ago 
Negro  waiters  lost  their  positions  in  many  of  the  first-class  hotels  and  restau- 
rants in  the  business  district  through  circumstances  in  which  they  felt  that  they 
had  been  "double-crossed"  by  the  unions,  of  which  they  then  were  members. 


THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY  419 

The  Negro  strike  breakers  in  1920,  however,  found  themselves  again  dis- 
placed, this  time  through  the  action  of  employers.  A  typical  instance  was 
found  in  the  restaurant  of  a  hotel  patronized  largely  by  people  of  German 
descent,  the  managers  as  well  as  many  of  the  former  waiters  being  of  German 
extraction.  These  waiters,  some  of  whom  had  been  employed  for  many  years 
in  this  restaurant,  were  members  of  the  union  and  went  out  when  the  strike 
was  called.  The  managers  replaced  them  with  Negroes.  The  latter  filled 
the  positions  with  apparent  satisfaction  for  nearly  a  year,  when  suddenly  they 
were  all  discharged  and  the  old  waiters  taken  back. 

A  regular  patron  of  the  restaurant,  a  man  of  German  descent,  expressed 
vigorous  views  upon  the  "injustice"  with  which  the  Negroes  had  been  treated 
by  the  management,  which  should  have  appreciated  their  service  through  the 
period  when  the  former  waiters  caused  trouble.  He  said  he  had  always  found 
the  Negroes  efficient  and  willing,  and  many  of  them  "very  inteUigent  fellows." 
Although  of  the  same  nationaUty  as  the  managers  and  the  former  waiters,  many 
of  whom  he  had  known  for  years,  he  did  not  let  this  national  feeling  blind  him 
to  what  he  considered  most  unfair  treatment  of  the  Negroes.  He  said  that 
he  had  discussed  the  matter  with  one  of  the  managers  and  had  been  told  that 
the  reason  why  the  Negroes  had  been  discharged  and  the  old  waiters  taken 
back  was  because  of  complaints  against  the  Negroes  by  patrons  of  the  restau- 
rant.   He  added,  "I  think  that's  bunk." 

A  change  in  the  officers  of  the  Waiters'  ,Union  at  the  recent  election  has 
placed  in  power  a  group  which  recognizes  that  the  entire  policy  of  the  culinary 
unions  must  be  co-ordinated  and  proper  provision  made  for  the  large  Negro 
element  in  the  field.  If  this  is  not  done,  it  is  felt  that  a  rival  Negro  union  may 
be  organized,  similar  to  that  organized  by  the  Negro  railway  workers.  In 
fact,  even  now  a  beginning  has  been  made  toward  such  an  organization  by  a 
few  high-grade  Negro  waiters  who  have  been  in  active  charge  of  the  waiters 
of  several  of  the  large  hotel  dining-rooms  during  the  recent  strike. 

C.      UNIONS   ADMITTING  NEGROES  TO   SUBORDINATE   OR   AUXILIARY  LOCALS 

The  practice  of  admitting  Negroes  to  subordinate  locals  appears  to  be  very 
unusual  in  Chicago.  The  investigation  disclosed  only  one  instance  where 
the  policy  of  the  union  was  to  admit  Negroes  only  to  subordinate  locals.  The 
Commission  is  not  at  Uberty  to  publish  the  name  of  this  union,  which  makes 
the  following  provision  for  Negro  locals  in  its  constitution: 

Where  there  are  a  sufficient  number  of  colored  helpers  they  may  be  organized 
as  an  auxiliary  local  and  shall  be  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  white  local  union  having 
jurisdiction  over  that  locaUty;  and  minutes  of  said  auxiliary  local  must  be  submitted 
to  duly  authorized  officers  of  said  white  local  for  their  approval. 

In  shops  where  there  is  a  grievance  committee  of  the  white  local,  grievances  of 
members  of  said  auxiliary  local  will  be  handled  by  that  committee. 

Members  of  auxiliary  locals  composed  of  colored  helpers  shall  not  transfer  except 
to  another  auxiliary  local  composed  of  colored  members,  and  colored  helpers  will  not 


420  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

be  promoted  to  ....  or  helper  apprentice;    and  will  not  be  admitted  to  shops 
where  white  helpers  are  now  employed. 

Auxiliary  locals  will  be  represented  in  all  conventions  by  the  delegates  elected 
from  the  white  local  in  that  locality. 

The  ofl&cials  of  this  union  stoutly  maintain  that  the  provisions  above 
quoted  are  not  discriminatory,  and  they  are  at  a  loss  to  explain  why  attempts 
to  organize  Negro  workers  in  Chicago  into  auxiliary  locals  have  not  met  with 

success. 

D.      XINIONS  EXCLUDING  NEGROES   FROM  MEMBERSHIP 

Chicago  locals  which  exclude  the  Negro  do  so  either  in  conformity  with  the 
laws  of  their  national  unions  or  in  the  exercise  of  "local  option."  Locals 
belonging  to  the  national  and  international  unions  which  bar  the  Negro  by 
written  provision  in  their  constitutions  or  rituals  are  obliged  to  follow  the  same 
racial  policy  as  their  parent  bodies.  This  number  includes  the  Chicago  locals 
belonging  to  the  eight  American  Federation  of  Labor  national  unions  which 
exclude  the  Negro,  and  the  locals  of  the  four  railway  brotherhoods  which  like- 
wise exclude  the  Negro  by  constitutional  provision. 

In  addition  to  the  locals  which  are  bound  to  follow  the  policy  of  their 
nationals,  there  are  certain  other  locals  which  are  known  to  reject  Negro 
applicants.  By  allowing  their  locals  to  practice  ''local  option"  or  to  require  a 
majority  or  two-thirds  vote  for  election  to  membership,  the  progressive  policy 
of  certain  American  Federation  of  Labor  national  and  international  unions 
which  admit  the  Negro  is  nullified. 

The  Machinists'  Union  has  frequently  been  referred  to  as  a  union  which, 
although  complying  in  its  constitution  with  the  American  Federation  of  Labor 
policy  of  no  racial  discrimination,  still  effectually  bars  the  Negro  by  a  provision 
in  its  secret  ritual.  In  effect,  however,  there  is  no  real  difference  between  such 
a  policy  on  the  part  of  the  Machinists'  Union  and  that  of  the  unions  which 
apparently  practice  exclusion  as  an  unwritten  law.  With  the  Machinists' 
Union  must  then  be  grouped  such  unions  as  the  Amalgamated  Sheet  Metal 
Workers'  International  Alliance,  International  Brotherhood  of  Electrical 
Workers  of  America,  and  United  Association  of  Plumbers  and  Steam  Fitters 
of  United  States  and  Canada.  The  Electricians'  Union  has  only  one  Negro 
member  out  of  a  total  membership  of  ii,ooo  in  Chicago. 

V.      ATTITUDE   OF  NEGROES   TOWARD  UNION   ORGANIZATION 

From  its  attitude  toward  labor  unions  the  Negro  population  of  Chicago 
may  be  considered  in  four  groups:  (i)  racial  leaders  outside  the  labor  move- 
ment— ministers,  editors,  politicians,  etc.;  (2)  Negroes  with  a  special  interest 
in  opposing  unions;  (3)  Negro  workers  outside  of  the  unions;  (4)  Negro 
workers  within  the  ranks  of  the  unions. 

I.      RACIAL  LEADERS   OUTSIDE  OF   THE   LABOR   MOVEMENT 

Within  this  group  are  found  many  sincere  workers  for  the  welfare  of  the 
race.    Their  attitude  is  determined  by  the  apparent  practicability  of  courses 


THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY  421 

of  action  for  Negroes  in  relation  to  the  unions.  These  attitudes  again  depend 
upon  their  familiarity  with  the  principles  and  purposes  of  unionism.  They 
recognize  that  the  entrance  of  large  numbers  of  Negroes  in  industry  has  been 
recent.  The  belief  is  that  the  employers  rather  than  the  labor  unions  pro- 
vided this  first  opportunity,  and  since,  under  most  frequent  circumstances,  the 
holding  of  these  positions  has  been  due  to  the  kindly  attitude  of  employers, 
they  felt  that  first  loyalty  was  due  to  them. 

They  have  also  been  affected  by  experiences  with  labor  unions  which  in 
the  past  have  not  been  disposed  to  accept  Negroes  freely  into  membership 
with  them. 

Although  the  interest  of  employers  in  securing  Negroes  has  not  always  been 
merely  the  granting  of  an  opportunity  for  work,  where  Negroes  have  entered 
as  strike  breakers  they  have  usually  remained.  This  recent  entrance  into 
industry  has  made  them,  for  the  first  time,  a  considerable  factor,  and  they 
feel  that  the  unions,  recognizing  their  importance  to  the  accompHshment  of 
union  aims,  are  making  appeals  to  them  for  membership,  not  out  of  a  spirit 
of  brotherhood,  but  merely  to  advance  their  purposes. 

These  considerations  have  largely  determined  the  attitude  of  many  Negro 
leaders,  especially  the  ministers,  some  of  whom  have  been  requested  by 
employers  to  recommend  members  of  their  congregations  for  jobs  in  various 
fields  of  industry.  At  a  recent  industrial  convention  of  Negro  organizations 
controlling  the  employment  of  thousands  of  Negro  workers,  it  was  decided  that 
Negroes  would  not  be  sent  as  strike  breakers  to  plants  where  the  strikers' 
unions  accepted  Negroes,  and  that  they  would  advise  Negroes  to  join  the 
unions  wherever  possible,  but  that  where  Negroes  are  offered  positions  by 
employers  in  trades  where  Negroes  are  excluded  from  the  unions,  they  would 
not  be  advised  to  forego  the  opportunity. 

An  intelligent  Negro  woman,  who  has  been  active  in  trying  to  acquaint 
ministers  with  union  aims  and  methods,  commented  upon  the  fact  that  until 
recently  Negro  ministers  knew  very  little  about  unionism,  except  that  employ- 
ers were  opposed  to  it.  This  was  enough  to  influence  many  ministers  to  urge 
Negro  workers  to  stay  out  of  labor  unions  and  thus  demonstrate  their  loyalty 
to  employers  who  had  given  them  a  chance  in  industry. 

A  prominent  Negro  leader,  a  member  of  the  Illinois  legislature,  stated  his 
position  respecting  unions,  at  one  of  the  industrial  conferences  held  by  the 
Commission,  as  follows: 

I  want  to  confess  that  I  have  never  felt  that  I  could  intelligently  advise  the  colored 
people  who  ask  me  whether  laboring  people  should  join  the  unions.  It  has  been  the 
opinion  of  the  leaders  of  our  race  for  years  that  employers  of  labor  felt  more  kindly 
toward  colored  labor  and  were  less  concerned  about  the  color  of  the  workmen — were 
only  concerned  about  the  character  of  the  service.  We  felt  as  leaders  of  the  race 
that  the  labor  employer  was  given  a  square  deal  much  more  than  the  employee  him- 
self  We  had  a  strike  here  of  waiters  several  years  ago  when  the  Kohlsaat 

lunchroom  waiters  were  involved.  I  was  the  president  of  a  men's  Sunday  club,  and 
some  labor  agitators  got  the  colored  boys  to  join  the  white  Waiters'  Union,  and  I 


/ 


t 


422  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

remember  when  the  matter  came  before  the  club  I  told  them,  "They  raised  your 
wages  to  the  white  man's  scale,  and  the  white  men  are  raising  you  out  in  the  street," 

and  that  is  what  they  did  too I  have  been  somewhat  influenced  by  that 

experience. 

2.      NEGROES  WITH  A   SPECIAL  INTEREST  IN   OPPOSING  UNIONS 

The  rift  between  employers  and  labor  unions  has  provided  a  field  of 
exploitation  for  certain  less  responsible  Negroes.  Their  operations  have 
occasioned  bitter  feeling  between  Negroes  and  labor  unions  and  have  accom- 
plished little  or  nothing  for  the  Negro  workers.  A  Negro  editor  of  a  small  and 
irresponsible  paper  advises  Negro  workers  not  to  join  the  white  man's  union, 
but  instead  to  join  a  union  which  he  has  formed  and  of  which  he  is  president. 
He  is  looked  upon  with  suspicion  by  representative  Negroes  of  Chicago,  who 
believe  that  he  is  willing  to  sacrifice  the  best  interests  of  the  race  to  serve  his 
own  purposes.  A  well-informed  Negro  outlined  the  method  employed  by 
the  editor  in  question  to  represent  himself  to  employers  of  labor  as  one  who 
controls  large  numbers  of  Negro  laborers.  In  furtherance  of  this  plan,  which 
appears  to  have  prospered,  he  organized  a  group  which  he  called  the  "American 
Unity  Labor  Union."  The  appeal  on  the  one  hand  to  Negroes  was  that  white 
unions  would  not  admit  them  on  an  equal  basis  and  that  white  employers  pre- 
ferred Negro  non-unionists  to  white  unionists  and  would  pay  them  the  same 
wages  while  according  them  better  treatment.  To  white  employers  he  repre- 
sented the  Negroes  as  being  opposed  to  unions  because  they  were  white 
men's  unions,  and  as  such  discriminated  against  Negroes,  and  that  they 
belonged  in  large  numbers  to  his  organization,  which  was  designed  to  improve 
the  quality  of  Negro  labor  by  increasing  Negro  pride  in  special  and  unmixed 
endeavors. 

That  certain  employers  did  give  money  for  this  kind  of  service  is  apparent 
in  several  instances.  A  Negro  ex-clergyman  secured  for  a  long  period  some- 
thing like  $2.00  per  capita  for  every  Negro  supplied  by  him  to  any  one  of  ten 
iron  foundries  in  the  Calumet  district. 

The  following  are  typical  of  advertisements  which  appear  regularly  in  the 
paper  of  the  Negro  editor  referred  to  above: 

Wanted 

100  Building  Laborers  to  work  in  the  city  of  Chicago  at  BuUding  Scale  Wages. 
Um'on  Job.  If  you  are  not  a  Union  man  you  can  get  a  permit  to  work  as  a  Union 
Man  at Indiana  Avenue. 

Do  not  pay  $33.00  to  join  a  white  man's  union,  when  you  can  join  the  black 
man's  union  for  $5.00  and  work  on  any  building  in  Chicago. 

Wage  Earners  Club 
American  Unity  Labor  Union  was  organized  March  loth,  191 7,  Chicago,  Illinois. 


THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY  423 

Get  a  Square  Deal  with  Yoxjr  Own  Race 
Time  has  come  for  Negroes  to  do  now  or  never.  Get  together  and  stick  together 
is  the  call  of  the  Negro.  Like  all  other  races,  make  your  own  way;  other  races  have 
made  their  unions  for  themselves.  They  are  not  going  to  give  it  to  you  just  because 
you  join  his  union.  Make  a  union  of  your  own  race;  union  is  strength.  Join  the 
American  Unity  Packers  Union  of  the  Stock  Yards,  this  will  give  you  a  card  to  work 
at  any  trade  or  a  common  laborer,  as  a  steam  fitter,  electrician,  fireman,  merchants, 
engineers,  carpenters,  butchers,  helpers,  and  chauflfeurs  to  drive  trucks  down  town, 
delivering  meat  as  white  chauflfeurs  do  for  Armour's  and  Swift's,  or  other  Packers.  A 
card  from  this  Union  will  let  you  work  in  Kansas  City,  Omaha  and  St.  Louis,  or  any 
other  city  where  the  five  Packers  have  packing  houses. 

This  Union  does  not  believe  in  strikes.    We  believe  all  differences  between  laborers 
and  capitalists  can  be  arbitrated.    Strike  is  our  last  motive  if  any  at  aU. 
Get  in  line  for  a  good  job.     You  are  next.    Office, Indiana  Ave. 

The  Working  Men's  Club 

Join  the  American  Unity  Steel  and  Metal  Union,  a  Uiu'on  of  your  own  race  with 
officers  of  your  own  race  with  a  President.  A  card  from  this  Union  will  entitle  you  to 
work  any  place  in  the  United  States  as  a  steel  and  iron  worker,  craneman,  engineer, 
molders,  rail  straighteners,  and  any  job  that  it  takes  brains  and  skUl  to  do  and  common 
laborer.  Join  one  big  union  and  demand  a  square  deal  with  your  own  strength.  8  hour 
day's  work. 

Get  in  line  for  a  good  job.     You  are  next.    Office, Indiana  Ave. 

All  classes  and  kinds  of  work  waiting  for  good  people  in  our  Association. 

During  the  latter  part  of  December,  1920,  the  editor  in  question  visited 
the  large  daily  newspapers  in  Chicago  and  presented  an  article  which  purported 
to  tell  of  a  large  mass  meeting  of  his  union  at  which  this  group  decided  that 
they  would  work  at  the  Stock  Yards,  steel  mills,  and  all  other  plants  in  Chicago 
and  the  Calimiet  region  and  at  all  foundries  and  factories  at  a  15  per  cent 
discount  on  wages  previously  paid  for  skilled  labor,  and  10  per  cent  on  common- 
labor  wages.  Although  only  one  paper  gave  any  attention  to  this  statement, 
the  opinion  of  some  of  the  more  responsible  Negroes  was  expressed  in  a  Negro 
newspaper  in  Chicago,  which  characterized  the  man  as  "a  public  nuisance" 
and  his  story  as  "bunk." 

3.      NEGRO  WORKERS  OUTSIDE   OF  UNIONS 

Negro  workers  outside  of  the  union  ranks  often  do  not  see  any  necessity  for 
unonism  or  do  not  understand  its  aims  and  methods;  many  are  frankly  sus- 
picious of  the  good  intentions  of  white  unionists  toward  Negroes;  others 
condemn  unions  generally  because  of  some  bitter  experience  with  a  particular 
union,  while  still  others  are  enthusiastic  believers  in  unionism  and  expect  to 
join  a  union  at  some  time.  Several  shades  of  opinion  are  illustrated  by  the 
following  quotations  taken  at  random  from  interviews  with  a  large  number  of 
Negro  workers. 


424  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

H —  G — ,  thirty-four  years  old,  left  a  farm  in  Georgia  to  come  to  Chicago  in 
October,  1919.  Employed  as  a  laborer  in  a  paper-box  manufacturing  plant.  He 
said  he  didn't  know  much  about  unions  but  couldn't  see  what  good  they  were  doing. 
They  made  prices  go  up,  but  wages  didn't  go  up  with  prices.  If  unions  did  any  good 
he  would  join,  but  he  can't  see  that  they  do. 

W —  W —  had  spent  nearly  all  of  his  Ufe  hauling  logs  to  be  made  into  ties  for 
railroads.  When  he  came  here  from  the  South  he  worked  as  a  trucker  in  the  Quarter- 
master's Department  of  the  army  until  the  department  closed.  After  loafing  half  a 
month,  he  got  his  present  job  trucking  at  a  box  factory.  Unions  would  be  aU  right, 
in  his  opinion,  if  they  let  all  of  the  men  in  who  would  do  right,  but  when  they  don't, 
they  do  more  harm  than  good.  He  used  to  belong  to  the  Butchers'  Union  at  the 
Stock  Yards  and  "got  along  fine,"  but  he  quit  butchering.  He  intends  to  get  back 
in  a  union  if  possible.  Strikes  are  too  hard  on  the  man  that  "ain't  in  the  union; 
strike  out  here  recently  and  now  we  can't  make  overtime  and  we  hardly  make  enough 
in  regular  time  to  live  on.  Unions  are  secret — I  can't  remember  all  the  bunk  about 
them  now,  but  you  pay  dues  and  go  to  meetings,  something  like  a  lodge  I  guess.  If 
anything  goes  wrong  on  your  job  you  tell  it  in  meeting,  and  your  branch  of  the  union 
takes  it  up  with  the  people.  You  don't  have  any  of  that  worry  on  yourself.  They 
are  aU  right  if  you  are  on  the  inside,  but  mighty  hard  if  you  ain't." 

J —  McN — ,  forty-two  years  old,  had  been  a  farmer  in  the  South  all  of  his  life 
imtil  he  came  to  Chicago  in  January,  1920,  and  went  to  work  in  the  Yards  as  a  meat 
trimmer.  He  has  been  asked  to  join  the  unions  but  hasn't  done  it  as  yet — he  isn't 
quite  sure  they  mean  a  square  deal  by  the  colored  man,  although  he  can't  see  why  they 
would  ask  him  to  join  if  they  didn't.  Don't  know  much  about  the  "workings  of  'em" 
but  they  pull  together,  sort  of  "lodge  like."  He  thinks  everybody  who  belongs  is 
mighty  "close  mouthed"  about  what  they  do  at  the  meetings.  He  knows  that  they 
pay  dues  and  have  assessments,  that  they  look  after  sick  members  and  have  some  sort 
of  initiation. 

J —  L — ,  fifty-two  years  old,  is  foreman  over  the  truckers  in  a  box  factory.  He 
said:  "Unions  ain't  no  good  for  a  colored  man,  I've  seen  too  much  of  what  they  don't 
do  for  him.  I  wouldn't  join  for  nothing — wanted  me  to  join  one  at  the  Yards  but 
I  wouldn't;  no  protection;  if  they  had  been,  the  colored  men  who  belonged  might 
have  worked  while  the  riot  was  going  on;  only  thing  allowed  out  there  then  was 
foreigners.  If  a  thing  can't  help  you  when  you  need  help,  why  have  it  ?  That's 
the  way  I  feel  about  unions.    I  tell  you  they  don't  mean  nothing  for  me." 

H —  S — ,  twenty-four  years  old,  had  Uved  in  Chicago  only  two  months.  He 
said:  "Well  I  don't  know,  you  see  these  other  folks  been  here  longer  than  me;  they 
ain't  joined,  and  I  reckon  they  know  more  about  it  than  me.  No,  they  didn't  have 
no  imions  where  I  comed  from — ain't  nothing  there  anyway  but  farmers.  I  reckon, 
though,  if  I  had  a  chance  I  might  join.    They  can't  do  much  harm  here  to  a  fellow." 

J —  H — ,  thirty-eight  years  old,  came  up  from  Alabama  in  1916  with  about  thirty 
other  men  during  the  big  rush  from  the  South.  They  went  to  work  almost  immedi- 
ately at  the  Stock  Yards,  where  he  worked  as  a  laborer,  stripping  bacon.  After  he 
quit  this  he  was  out  of  work  for  nearly  a  month.  He  heard  about  the  wool  mills. 
They  put  him  on  the  very  first  day  and  he  has  been  there  ever  since. 

He  does  not  belong  to  a  union.  He  "would  join  one  if  I  had  a  chance  and  it 
meant  anything  to  me  materially."  He  does  not  understand  them,  "  can't  understand 
why  they  strike  and  keep  men  out  of  work." 


THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY  425 

M —  L — ,  forty-two  years  old,  came  to  Chicago  from  Tennessee  in  1894.  He 
said:  "I  tried  every  job  under  the  sun  since  I  came.  My  first  job  was  porter  in  the 
Palmer  House;  made  good  tips  here  but  not  very  much  salary.  Changed  to  bellboy; 
was  finally  made  head  bellboy;  stayed  there  four  years;  boss  made  me  mad  and  I 
quit.  Along  about  this  time  I  met  my  wife.  I  wanted  to  make  her  think  I  was  a 
regular  man,  so  got  a  job  as  a  laborer  in  a  foundry.  Since  then  I've  gone  from  one 
foundry  to  the  other.  Work  got  so  hard  I  quit  one  time;  went  on  the  road;  stayed 
there  for  about  four  years,  then  went  back  to  the  foundry  work ;  worked  for  Illinois 
Malleable  for  three  years  first  time;  had  trouble  with  straw  boss;  he  fired  me;  went 
to  McCormick's  but  they  didn't  pay  so  well,  so  I  got  back  on  my  old  job.  Yes, 
imions  are  the  best  thing  in  the  world  for  a  working  man.  If  I'd  been  in  a  union 
my  boss  couldn't  have  fired  me  that  time.  I  wish  it  was  so  you  could  join  a  union 
regardless  of  your  color.  We  need  protection  on  our  jobs  as  well  as  the  white  man. 
I  guess  though  that  time  is  coming.  I  don't  know  much  about  the  workings  of  a 
union,  but  I  do  know  it's  a  protection  to  the  man  who  belongs." 

F —  D— ,  twenty-eight  years  old,  does  not  belong  to  a  union  because  there  are  no 
unions  in  the  car  shops  where  he  works.  He  says  unions  are  the  best  things  in  the 
world  if  the  right  kind  of  people  are  at  the  head,  and  if  all  the  fellows  will  join,  but 
when  half  of  them  won't  join,  unionism  won't  do  because  it  just  means  loss  of  your  job. 

R —  R — ,  thirty-four  years  old,  has  been  working  in  Chicago  three  months  at  his 
regular  trade  as  a  stove  joiner.  He  learned  to  join  stoves  at  a  mill  in  Helena.  He  has 
never  had  a  chance  to  join  a  union,  but  aU  the  white  men  in  the  mill  at  Helena  belonged, 
and  they  fared  lots  better  than  the  Negro  men.  He  wants  to  join  one  here  the  very 
first  chance  he  gets.  He  is  a  skilled  laborer,  knows  he  can  put  out  as  much  work  as 
any  man  doing  his  line  of  work,  feels  he  should  be  paid  as  much  as  anyone  else,  and 
knows  the  only  way  this  can  happen  to  him  is  to  get  in  a  union  where  he  has  some 
protection  and  backers.  There  is  a  union  where  he  is,  but  he  hasn't  been  asked  to 
join  it  yet.  He  says  he  has  found  out  that  the  colored  man,  if  he  wants  the  same 
thing  as  a  white  man  gets,  has  to  get  in  things  with  them. 

Mrs.  N —  M —  found  work  as  a  maid  in  a  Chicago  hospital  after  she  was  deserted 
by  her  husband.  She  wants  to  save  money  enough  to  run  her  while  she  takes  "nurse 
training."  She  did  not  know  anything  about  imions  imtil  she  went  to  the  hospital. 
The  nurses  there  had  a  vmion,  and  she  saw  just  how  much  they  can  mean  to  people. 
"They  usually  make  the  employers  do  the  right  thing  by  the  people;  unless  the  nurses 
asked  too  much  they  got  what  they  wanted."  That  was  what  made  her  decide  she 
wanted  to  be  a  nurse;  she  saw  how  square  they  were  with  each  other,  and  how  the 
imion  made  them  pull  together  regardless  of  whether  or  not  they  liked  each  other. 
That  is  what  she  liked  about  the  unions:  "They  make  you  treat  the  other  fellow 
right  regardless  how  you  feel  toward  him." 

Nellie  W — ,  age  thirty,  doing  clerical  work  in  a  large  mail-order  estabUshment, 
said  that  "unions  don't  mean  anything  to  colored  people.  The  only  reason  they  let 
them  in  when  they  do  is  so  they  can't  become  strike  breakers."  She  didn't  know  how 
her  husband  felt  about  imions,  as  they  had  never  talked  about  the  matter,  but  she 
knew  that  she  wouldn't  join  one. 

O —  L — ,  thirty-eight  years  old,  had  migrated  from  Georgia  in  the  summer  of 
191 7.    To  him  imions  are  "the  best  thing  that  ever  came  the  colored  man's  way.       ^ 
Out  here  [in  a  box  factory]  it  doesn't  make  quite  so  much  difference  whether  I'm  in 
one  or  not,  but  if  I  ever  go  back  to  my  trade  as  plasterer,  that's  the  first  thing  I 


426  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

intend  to  try  and  do.  You  get  protection,  you  get  more  money,  and  then  too  the 
white  man  gets  a  chance  to  see  that  you  are  not  all  for  yourself,  for  when  you  are  in 
a  imion  you  work  for  everybody's  good." 

H —  has  been  a  head  waiter  in  a  hotel.  He  beUeves  the  big  reason  why  Negroes 
are  not  strongly  enthusiastic  for  unions  is  because  they  feel  they  will  not  get  square 
treatment.    This  he  based  upon  continual  references  to  the  1903  waiters'  strike. 

The  attitude  of  indifference  or  suspicion  so  frequently  encountered  among 
Negro  workers  outside  of  the  unions  is  attributed  by  white  and  Negro  labor 
leaders  and  union  men  to  the  following  reasons:  (a)  traditional  treatment  of 
Negroes  by  white  men;  (b)  influence  of  racial  leaders  who  oppose  unionism; 
and  (c)  influence  of  employers'  propaganda  against  unionism. 

The  traditional  treatment  of  Negroes  in  the  South,  increasingly  reflected 
in  the  North,  has  made  the  Negro  suspicious  of  the  white  man's  sincerity. 
Negroes,  therefore,  naturally  feel  that  they  will  not  get  a  "square  deal"  in 
white  unions.  In  support  of  this  attitude  the  waiters'  strike  of  1903  is  still 
cited  as  an  instance  of  "double-crossing"  by  white  unions. 

This  strike  was  so  often  referred  to  by  Negroes  as  a  justification  for  their 
attitude  toward  labor-union  policies  that  it  seemed  worth  while  to  attempt  to 
learn  the  facts,  even  though  seventeen  years  had  elapsed  since  the  strike 
occurred. 

Two  organizers  for  the  American  Federation  of  Labor,  a  newspaper  editor, 
an  ofiicer  of  the  Negro  local  during  the  strike,  the  head  waiter  of  one  of  the 
large  hotels  (all  Negroes),  and  John  Fitzpatrick,  president  of  the  Chicago 
Federation  of  Labor,  were  asked  to  tell  the  facts. 

Reports  are  conflicting  in  many  instances.  However,  the  explanations  of 
circumstances  as  presented  to  the  Commission  are  as  follows: 

The  union  of  cooks  and  waiters  involved  in  the  strike  of  1903,  affiliated  with 
the  American  Federation  of  Labor,  had  a  membership  of  20,000,  of  whom  over 
2,000  were  Negroes.  The  Negroes  had  only  recently  been  taken  into  the  union 
as  a  separate  local  under  their  own  officers.  The  strike  first  centered  on 
Kohlsaat's  chain  of  restaurants.  This  lasted  seven  weeks,  during  which  time 
all  of  the  union  members  were  out.  The  strike  terminated  in  circumstances 
on  which  there  is  general  disagreement.  Negroes  state  that  the  white  unionists 
"double-crossed"  them,  and  when  Kohlsaat  refused  to  take  back  the  Negro 
waiters  who  had  walked  out  with  the  whites  the  latter  went  back  to  work  and 
left  the  Negroes  without  jobs.  It  is  known  that  during  the  general  excitement 
the  charter  of  the  Negro  local  was  revoked,  although  no  one  appears  to  know 
how  or  by  whom  this  was  done.  The  white  union  leaders  have  frequently 
attempted  to  absolve  the  union  of  responsibility  for  this  situation  and  place 
the  blame  on  the  Kohlsaat  restaurants  and  the  Chicago  Herald,  controlled  by 
Kohlsaat.  John  Fitzpatrick,  before  the  Corrmiission,  referred  to  the  incident 
thus: 

Commissioner:  Concerning  the  waiters'  strike  several  years  ago,  the  Kohlsaat 
strike,  were  they  unionized  vmder  your  direction  in  order  to  raise  the  scale  of  dinner 


THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY  427 

men  [they  were  known  as  dinner  men]  to  the  union  scale  ?  What  was  the  success 
of  it  as  far  as  the  colored  waiters  were  concerned  ? 

Mr.  Fitzpalrick:  They  weren't  organized  for  financial  purposes.  They  were 
organized  as  workers.  We  felt  they  ought  to  have  our  co-operation,  so  we  went  out 
to  organize  them.  The  Kohlsaat  newspaper  was  one  of  the  instruments  by  which 
they  perpetrated  the  conspiracy,  and  some  other  papers  went  into  a  scheme  and  tried  to 
bring  about  an  atmosphere  of  fear  and  suspicion  between  the  colored  and  white  workers. 

It  was  Sunday,  and  the  charter  of  the  colored  workers  was  in  my  possession.  That 
night  they  met,  and  I  was  installing  officers  at  Twenty-third  Street  and  Washington 
Avenue.  That  morning  the  Herald  ran  a  front-page  story,  first  column,  teeming  with 
a  set-up  against  organized  labor  and  warning  the  colored  workers  to  beware. 

When  I  got  up  on  the  platform  I  read  the  story  to  them  and  said,  "That  sets  up 
one  side  of  the  story,  and  there  is  a  conspiracy  to  destroy  your  rights.  What  do 
you  want  to  do  about  it  ?" 

They  said,  "We  will  go  ahead.  We  know  what  the  employers  want  and  you  go 
ahead  and  instal  us."  They  went  ahead  and  got  into  that  strike.  The  employers 
said:  "We  are  going  to  supplant  colored  men  with  white  union  girls."  We  told  them 
we  wouldn't  permit  imion  girls  to  go  on  the  job.  The  Kohlsaats  begged  of  us  to  give 
them  white  union  women,  and  we  refused  to  do  so. 

Now  then,  while  this  was  going  on,  the  newspapers  had  different  reports  out,  and 
they  went  out  and  had  the  charter  of  this  local  revoked.  How  they  did  it,  I  don't 
know.  But  I  have  my  own  notions  how  a  newspaper  operates.  I  think  that  a  news- 
paper has  influence  and  money  and  other  things,  and  that  is  the  only  way  I  can  account 
for  that  thing  happening.  They  went  to  the  international  organization  to  revoke  the 
charter  of  this  organization. 

This  whole  situation  was  obscured  by  a  mass  of  charges  and  counter- 
charges, but  the  fact  that  the  strike  failed  was  evident  enough.  Regardless 
of  what  the  facts  actually  were,  there  is  a  widespread  belief  among  Negro 
workers  that  the  colored  waiters  were  "double-crossed"  by  white  unions  in 
this  strike.  Since  it  is  men's  belief  about  facts  which  determines  behavior,  it 
is  not  surprising  to  find  that  Negro  strike  breakers  could  be  found  in  large 
numbers  to  take  the  place  of  waiters  who  went  on  strike  in  May,  1920. 

The  influence  of  some  employers  is  also  a  factor  in  the  attitude  of  Negroes 
toward  labor  unions.  In  many  open  shops  the  employers  and  unions  are 
engaged  in  a  continuous  struggle.  In  such  cases,  if  persuasion  and  argument 
faU,  there  is  an  effective  instrument  in  strike  breakers.  For  this  purpose 
Negroes  have  frequently  been  used.  Instances  in  Chicago  are  found  in  the 
strikes  in  the  steel  industry,  the  Stock  Yards,  and  the  culinary  industry. 
Many  labor  leaders  and  union  members  believe  that  welfare  clubs,  company 
Y.M.C.A.'s,  glee  clubs,  and  athletic  clubs  are  encouraged  and  supported  by 
employers  as  a  substitute  for  a  form  of  organization  which  they  cannot  control. 
The  subsidizing  of  social  movements  and  churches  is  regarded  as  one  of  the 
means  employed  by  large  employers  to  insure  this  reserve  of  strike  breakers. 
The  imion  organizer  in  the  steel  strike,  W.  Z.  Foster,  stated  at  one  of  the 
conferences  held  by  the  Commission  that,  after  an  address  to  the  Negro  steel 
workers  at  a  church  in  Pittsburgh,  the  Negro  preacher  had  said  to  him:  "It 


y^ 


,J 


/ 


428  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

nearly  broke  up  the  congregation,  but  we  decided  you  were  going  to  speak  here 
in  this  church."     The  organizer  continued: 

Then  I  got  the  underneath  of  all  this  thing  and  found  that  this  church  had  lost  a 
donation  of  $2,500.00  from  the  Steel  Corporation  for  allowing  me  to  speak.  They 
had  tried  to  block  my  speech  to  these  colored  workers  in  Pittsburgh.  Whenever  it's  a 
question  of  a  donation  to  a  poor,  struggUng  church  like  that,  we  know  what  usually 
happens. 

The  statement  made  by  George  W.  Perkins,  president  of  the  Cigarmakers' 
International  Union,  was  typical  of  the  view  of  labor  leaders: 

If  you  go  to  the  root,  you  will  find  that  economic  reason;  the  employers,  not  all 
of  them  but  many  of  them,  in  our  industry  as  well  as  others,  will  divide  the  workers  if 
they  can.  That  is  the  history  all  along.  They  will  divide  them,  not  because  they 
are  black  and  white,  but  to  keep  them  divided  so  they  won't  unite  in  the  organization. 

Another  labor  leader,  acting  as  an  organizer  in  large  industries  in  various 
cities,  stated  at  another  conference : 

I  want  to  tell  you  that  a  strike  breaker  is  a  very  precious  animal  for  the  employer, 
and  if  he  thinks  he  has  a  great  body  of  colored  workers  in  this  country  who  are  apt 
to  learn  trades  with  very  little  practice,  as  an  inexhaustible  well  of  strike  breakers,  he 
is  not  going  to  stop  at  a  little  thing  like  propaganda.  He  will  find  plenty  of  excuses 
to  keep  men  out  of  the  union.  In  the  Stock  Yards,  in  the  steel  industry,  he  will  find 
arguments  and  he  wiU  carry  on  propaganda. 

The  difl&culties  inherent  in  the  whole  question  of  organizing  Negroes  were 
probably  best  brought  out  before  the  Conmiission  by  W.  Z.  Foster,  who  took 
a  leading  part  in  organizing  Negroes  in  the  Stock  Yards,  the  most  important 
industry  in  Chicago  so  far  as  Negroes  are  concerned: 

We  found  in  the  steel  industry  that  the  colored  worker  was  very  unresponsive  to 
organization.  The  same  was  true  in  the  packing  industry.  Let  me  give  you  first 
what  steps  we  took  in  the  packing  industry  in  Chicago  in  191 7,  the  big  campaign  which 
resulted  in  the  organization  of  men.  The  first  meeting  we  had  we  sat  around  a  table 
and  talked  it  over,  and  we  realized  that  there  were  two  big  problems,  the  organization 
of  the  foreign  worker  and  the  organization  of  the  colored  worker.  We  shortly  dis- 
missed the  problem  of  organizing  the  foreign  worker,  but  we  realized  that  to  accom- 
plish the  organization  of  the  colored  worker  was  the  real  problem.  When  we  went 
into  the  packing-house  situation  we  were  determined  to  organize  the  colored  worker  if 
it  was  humanly  possible  to  do  so,  and  I  think  I  can  safely  say  that  the  men  who 
carried  on  that  campaign  realized  fully  the  necessity  for  the  organization  of  the  colored 
worker,  not  whoUy,  or  at  least  not  only,  from  the  white  man's  point  of  view,  but  from 
his  own  point  of  view  to  a  certain  extent.  In  other  words,  we  were  not  altogether 
materialistic.  We  hke  to  think  that  we  were  a  little  bit  altruistic  in  the  situation. 
There  was  a  total  employment  of  twelve  or  fourteen  thousand.  We  found  that  we 
had  tremendous  opposition  to  encounter. 

First  of  all  it  took  this  attitude,  that  the  colored  man  would  not  be  allowed  to 
join  the  unions  at  all.  We  met  that  broadcast  with  such  circulars  as  those  already 
shown.  I  wrote  some  of  them  up  myself  as  secretary  of  the  council,  inviting  these 
men  in  such  a  way  that  these  colored  men  could  not  help  but  realize  that  there  was 


THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY  429 

nothing  to  this  argument  that  they  would  not  be  allowed  to  join  the  union The 

next  argument  that  developed  was,  "Sure,  the  white  man  will  take  you  into  his  union 
because  you  are  in  the  minority."  But  we  fought  all  of  these  arguments,  and  we 
organized  a  local  union  on  State  Street. 

Then  the  argument  was  raised  that  it  was  a  "Jim  Crow"  proposition.  It  was 
quite  general  along  State  Street  that  it  was  a  "Jim  Crow"  proposition.  It  seemed  to 
make  no  difference  what  move  we  made,  there  was  always  an  argument  against  it, 
so  we  overcame  the  "Jim  Crow"  argument  by  combining  the  white  locals  and  the 
black.  We  said  to  the  boys:  "This  is  not  a  colored  local.  This  is  a  neighborhood 
local  of  miscellaneous  locals.  Any  colored  man  can  belong  to  this  local."  We  told 
the  white  men:  "You  are  free  to  come  in  here  and  join  this  union." 

Well,  we  punctured  that  argument  that  there  was  discrimination  in  the  Stock 
Yards,  and  I  would  challenge  anyone  to  show  where  the  unions  in  the  Stock  Yards 
campaign  have  discriminated  against  the  colored  man.  There  may  have  been  isolated 
cases  of  an  individual  here  and  there,  but  I  will  say  this,  and  I  was  on  the  organizing 
committee  and  probably  in  closer  touch  with  the  situation  than  anyone  else  here  in 
the  city  with  those  four  or  five  thousand  colored  workers  that  we  organized,  I  dare 
say  that  40  per  cent  of  the  total  amount  of  grievances  that  were  presented  by  all  the 
workers  in  the  Stock  Yards  came  from  these  colored  workers,  and  the  standing  instruc- 
tions were  to  look  after  them  very  carefully 

But  the  more  we  tried  to  help  the  colored  worker  the  more  intense  the  opposition 
was,  because  there  was  a  force  working  against  us,  and  we  could  not  help  but  feel  it. 
We  got  it  from  the  colored  people  themselves,  and  it  is  a  fact  that  some  of  the  organ- 
izers were  actually  afraid  to  go  around  to  some  of  these  saloons  and  poolrooms  where 
they  congregated  because  of  the  agents  of  the  packers,  or  whoever  was  responsible 

for  that  propaganda,  and  they  felt  that  their  lives  were  in  danger Out  in  the 

Stock  Yards  we  could  not  win  their  support.  It  could  not  be  done.  They  were  con- 
stitutionally opposed  to  unions,  and  all  our  forces  could  not  break  down  that  opposi- 
tion  We  tried  to  make  our  appeal  quite  general  in  scope.     We  got  the  best 

organizers.  A  good  colored  organizer  is  very  rare — a  man  who  is  thoroughly  qualified 
to  represent  the  trade-union  point  of  view.  We  tried  to  find  one  and  picked  out  a 
colored  member  of  the  Engineers'  Union,  a  man  highly  honored  in  all  the  trade  unions 

of  Chicago The  reason  the  colored  man  gave  for  not  joining  you  will  find  in 

the  circular  "Beware  of  the  White  Man's  Union,"  and  that  the  only  way  that  they  can 
ever  make  any  headway  in  the  industry  is  to  stick  in  with  the  boss  and  then  when  there 
is  a  strike  to  step  in  and  take  the  jobs  that  are  left  there 

Race  prejudice  has  everything  to  do  with  it.  It  lies  at  the  bottom.  The  colored 
man  as  a  blood  race  has  been  oppressed  for  hundreds  of  years.  The  white  man  has 
enslaved  him,  and  they  don't  feel  confidence  in  the  trade  unions.  But  there  is  more 
real  fraternal  feeling  among  the  black  and  white  workers  than  in  any  other  grade  of 

society As  soon  as  the  colored  man  becomes  a  factor  in  industry,  he  is  going 

to  be  organized,  providing  he  does  not  become  a  victim  to  the  line  of  tactics  that  are 
laid  out  by  the  employer.     In  the  steel  strike  he  lined  up  with  the  bosses. 

4.      NEGRO  WORKERS  WITHIN  THE  UNIONS 

Negro  workers  inside  the  ranks  of  such  unions  as  the  Stock  Yards',  Janitors', 
and  Hodcarriers',  types  of  the  unions  which  accept  Negroes  with  complete 
equality,  feel,  with  very  few  exceptions,  that  they  are  being  given  a  "square 


430  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

deal"  by  the  unions.  By  coming  into  the  unions  they  say  they  have  been  able 
to  secure  better  working  conditions  and  higher  wages.  They  express  satisfac- 
tion with  the  treatment  accorded  them  by  white  unionists  on  the  job  and  at 
meetings,  where  the  grievances  of  Negro  members  are  given  the  same  attention 
as  the  complaints  of  white  members.  The  situation  in  the  unions  mentioned 
has  been  so  fully  described  already  in  this  report  that  there  is  no  need  for  further 
details  on  the  friendly  relationship  which  exists  between  white  and  colored 
members  of  these  unions.  Many  Negro  unionists  look  to  labor  organization 
as  one  of  the  most  promising  solutions  of  race  problems. 

VI.      THE   NEGRO   AND   STRIKES 

The  attitude  of  Negro  workers  during  strikes  is  closely  connected  with 
the  attitude  of  Negroes  toward  union  organization.  As  stated  before,  there 
are  many  cross-currents  at  work,  some  tending  to  keep  Negroes  out  of  unions 
and  others  impelling  them  toward  the  unions.  All  the  forces  at  work  to 
prejudice  the  Negro  against  union  organization  are  factors  which  help  to  explain 
his  willingness  to  take  the  place  of  striking  white  workers.  The  loyalty  of  the 
Negro  during  strikes  by  white  employees  was  referred  to  by  a  number  of  the 
representatives  of  large  employers  attending  the  industrial  conferences  held 
by  the  Commission. 

Some  of  the  most  conspicuous  cases  coming  to  the  attention  of  the  Com- 
misson  in  which  Negroes  have  taken  the  place  of  white  strikers  or  have 
remained  at  work  during  strikes  are  the  following: 

The  Stock  Yards  strike  of  1904  lasted  from  July  4  to  the  middle  of  September. 
The  general  superintendent  of  one  of  the  plants  in  the  Yards,  appearing  before  the 
Commission,  said:  "The  strike  was  called  at  12:00  o'clock.  Every  employee  prac- 
tically that  we  had  went  out.     Within  two  or  three  days  we  had  any  number  of  colored 

employees  return  to  work I'd  say  Negroes  helped  us  to  break  the  strike  by 

coming  to  work.  A  number  of  Negroes  that  we  understand  belonged  to  the  union  did 
not  remain  out  more  than  two  or  three  days.  Practically  all  the  Negroes  came  back 
before  the  strike  was  called  ofif." 

The  strike  in  the  Corn  Products  Refining  Company  plant  at  Argo,  where,  in  the 
summer  of  1919,  before  the  strike,  300  Negroes  were  employed,  during  the  strike  900, 
and  when  it  was  over  about  500. 

The  steel  strike  of  1919.  Representatives  of  several  of  the  iron  and  steel  plants 
stated  that  Negroes  had  helped  to  break  this  strike.  The  Inter-Chiirch  World  Move- 
ment Report  on  the  Steel  Strike  of  igig  (p.  177)  lists  the  "successful  use  of  strike- 
breakers, principally  Negroes,  by  the  steel  companies"  as  the  second  cause  of  the 
failure  of  the  steel  strike.  "'Niggers  did  it'  was  a  not  uncommon  remark  among 
company  officials." 

The  waiters'  strike  in  1920. 

Less  important  cases  were  the  following: 

A  clothing  shop  where  Negro  women  broke  a  strike  in  191 6  and  continued  in  the 
employ  thereafter.    A  wool  warehouse  and  storage  company  which  used  Negroes 


THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY  431 

at  slightly  higher  wages  to  replace  striking  Polish  laborers  in  191 6,  and  have  since  con- 
tinued to  employ  Negroes, 

The  strike  of  Pullman-car  cleaners  about  1916.  Negroes  were  used  as  strike 
breakers  and  have  since  been  employed  in  large  numbers,  men  cleaning  the  windows 
and  outside  of  cars  and  Negro  women  doing  most  of  the  inside  cleaning. 

Many  other  instances  where  Negroes  have  been  used  as  strike  breakers  could  be 
cited. 

During  a  strike,  feeling  runs  high  and  the  word  "strike  breaker"  or  "scab" 
carries  with  it  a  decided  stigma  among  the  strikers.  White  workers  ordinarily 
do  not  try  to  understand  why  the  Negro  acts  as  he  does.  They  do  not  reason 
that  the  Negro  is  often  loyal  to  the  employer  because  he  feels  that  the  employer, 
sometimes  at  considerable  risk,  has  opened  to  him  industrial  opportunities 
which,  translated  into  wages,  mean  better  living  conditions  for  himself  and 
his  family.  If  the  white  worker  took  into  account  the  struggle  of  the  Negro 
to  gain  entrance  into  the  fields  outside  of  personals  ervice,  the  latter's  eagerness 
to  take  advantage  of  any  opening,  however  created,  might  be  better  understood 
and  regarded  with  more  tolerant  spirit. 

What  bearing  this  use  of  Negro  labor  has  on  the  attitude  of  white  workers 
toward  Negroes  depends  upon  whether  the  subject  is  approached  from  the 
point  of  view  of  the  employer  or  of  the  trade  unionist.  Representatives  of 
the  packing  companies  emphasized  the  employers'  appreciation  of  the  Negro's 
loyalty  and  discounted  the  antagonism  caused  by  Negroes  serving  as  strike 
breakers,  while  trade-union  leaders  and  others  having  the  workers'  point  of 
view  emphasized  the  seeds  of  dissension  that  were  sown  by  such  action  and 
contended  that  the  good  will  of  the  employer  gained  at  such  a  cost  was  in 
reality  a  handicap  to  the  Negro.  White  workers  feel  that  Negroes  who  serve 
as  strike  breakers  are  helping  to  earn  for  their  race  the  stigma  of  being  a  "  scab  " 
race.  This  is  especially  serious  in  the  case  of  Negroes,  because  color  identifica- 
tion makes  it  easy  to  focus  hatred  for  the  "scab." 

Union  leaders  and  social  workers  who  participated  in  the  conferences  held 
by  the  Commission  condemned  the  practice  of  some  private  employment 
agencies  in  sending  Negroes  to  plants  as  strike  breakers  without  informing 
them  that  a  strike  was  in  progress.  Investigations  in  several  states  have  dis- 
closed such  practices  of  some  private  employment  agencies,  "misrepresenta- 
tion of  terms  and  conditions  of  employment"  being  the  most  frequent  abuse, 
according  to  the  report  of  the  Federal  Commission  on  Industrial  Relations: 
"Men  are  not  informed  about  strikes  that  may  be  on  at  places  to  which  they 
are  sent,  nor  about  other  important  facts  which  they  ought  to  know."' 

Private  employment  agencies  following  such  practices  try  to  do  so  against 
colored  as  well  as  white  workers,  although  with  probably  less  success  because 
of  the  ability  of  the  Negro  to  speak  English,  However,  the  part  played  by 
private  employment  agencies  in  supplying  Negro  strike  breakers  in  Chicago 

'  U.S.  Commission  on  Industrial  Relations,  Final  Report  and  Testimony  (1916),  p.  iii. 


432  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

appears  to  be  of  relatively  little  importance.  Ordinarily  agents  of  employers 
find  Negro  strike  breakers  directly  by  going  into  the  Negro  residence  section 
with  autos  or  trucks  and  recruiting  the  number  of  men  desired.  The  industrial 
secretar>^  of  the  Urban  League  made  the  following  statement  regarding  Negro 
strike  breakers: 

According  to  all  information  available  to  the  Chicago  Urban  League,  it  does  not 
appear  that  any  of  the  private  employment  agencies  except  the  one  conducted  by  R.  G. 
Parker,  editor  of  the  Chicago  Advocate,  who  advertised  for  cooks  and  waiters  to  break 
the  strike  of  the  Cooks  and  Waiters'  Alliance  during  the  National  Republican  Con- 
vention in  June,  1920,  have  been  instrumental  in  strike  breaking. 

The  method  used  in  the  organization  of  strike  breakers  among  colored  people  is 
not  well  defined.  Generally  labor  scouts  work  directly  for  companies  affected  by 
strikes.  These  scouts  have  frequently  applied  to  our  ofiice  for  workers,  but  we  have 
refused  assistance.  The  men  are  usually  gathered  from  the  streets,  poolrooms,  or 
wherever  they  can  be  found.  It  is  the  policy  of  the  Chicago  Urban  League  not  to 
interfere  in  strikes  unless  the  striking  unions  have  refused  to  admit  colored  workers 
to  their  membership.  The  League  is  not  opposed  to  unionism,  but  is  interested 
primarily  in  the  welfare  of  colored  workers. 

VII.      ATTITUDE   AND   OPINIONS   OF   LABOR   LEADERS 

From  the  eleven  representative  labor  leaders  attending  the  trade-union 
conferences  held  by  the  Commission,  from  the  various  interviews  by  the 
investigators  with  these  and  other  union  officials  and  members,  and  from  letters 
received  from  labor  officials  from  various  parts  of  the  United  States,  it  was 
apparent  that  there  were  certain  definite  views  held  by  most  of  these  leaders 
as  to  the  relationship  of  organized  labor  to  the  Negro.  These  views  are  sum- 
marized and  set  forth  in  the  following  pages: 

I.      GENEEAL  PUBLIC  HAS  RACE  PREJUDICE 

Race  prejudice  exists  generally  in  all  groups  of  the  white  race  and  only 
changes  slowly.  The  worker  is  just  as  much  subject  to  it  in  the  beginning  as 
are  the  members  of  all  other  groups. 

2.      UNIONS  FAIRER  TO  NEGRO  THAN  ARE   OTHER  GROUPS 

The  unions  have  given  the  Negro  a  fairer  deal  than  other  social  institutions 
or  groups,  such  as  department  stores,  clubs,  churches,  theaters,  fraternal  organ- 
izations, hotels,  and  railways. 

3.      UNIONS  BLAMED  FOR  CONDITIONS  THEY  CANNOT  CONTROL 

Unions  are  many  times  blamed  for  situations  in  which  Negroes  are  not 
admitted  to  an  occupation  or  industry  over  which  the  unions  have  no  control, 
the  exclusion  existing  because  the  attitude  of  either  the  public  or  the  employer 
prevents  the  entrance  of  Negroes  into  the  industry.  For  example,  Negroes 
are  not  employed  in  Chicago  as  motormen  or  conductors  on  surface  or  elevated 
transportation  lines,  as  telephone  operators  by  the  telephone  company,  as 


THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY  433 

sales  clerks  in  department  stores,  as  chauffeurs  by  taxicab  companies,  nor  as 
upholsterers  and  drapers  by  firms  sending  such  employees  to  work  in  private 
homes. 

The  position  taken  by  the  unions  is  that  they  cannot  organize  a  miscellane- 
ous public,  but  that  they  can  only  organize  those  that  have  the  jobs,  that  as  long 
as  street  and  elevated  lines  do  not  employ  Negroes  as  motormen  and  conductors 
the  unions  cannot  take  them  in.  True,  there  might  be  objection  on  the  part 
of  the  members  in  these  unions,  but  the  question  has  never  come  up.  Also 
the  traction  companies  are  not  in  business  to  reform  public  opinion  and  so, 
because  the  public  might  object,  do  not  engage  Negroes  in  these  jobs.  In  this 
their  position  is  similar  to  that  of  the  large  taxicab  companies,  which,  however, 
employ  non-union  workers.  They  have  Negroes  in  the  garages  but  not  as 
chauffeurs,  probably  because  they  believe  that  the  general  public  would  object 
if  Negroes  were  employed  as  chauffeurs.  In  such  cases  the  unions  feel  that 
they  are  not  responsible,  any  more  than  they  are  accountable  for  the  policy 
of  the  telephone  company  which  engages  no  Negro  operators.  Among  other 
large  businesses  must  be  listed  the  department  stores,  which  have  no  Negroes 
as  sales  clerks. 

Exclusion  of  Negroes  from  a  trade  or  industry  results  in  inability  to  join 
the  unions  in  such  trades.  This  fact  is  well  illustrated  by  the  Upholsterers' 
Union,  which  has  three  branches — furniture  upholsterers,  drapers,  and  mattress 
makers.  Upholsterers  and  drapers  are  frequently  sent  out  by  the  large  stores 
to  residences  of  customers,  and  the  stores  will  not  risk  offending  customers  by 
sending  a  Negro  into  their  homes.  Consequently  there  are  no  Negroes  in 
these  branches  of  the  union.  The  mattress  makers'  local,  on  the  other  hand, 
has  more  Negro  than  white  members,  and  the  secretary  of  the  union  is  a 
Negro.  This  situation  would  not  be  possible  if  Negroes  were  excluded  from 
employment  in  mattress  factories.  In  view  of  the  fact  that  the  Uphol- 
sterers' Union  freely  admits  Negroes  into  the  mattress  makers'  local,  Negroes 
would  also,  no  doubt,  be  admitted  into  the  locals  of  the  upholsterers  and  the 
drapers  if  employers  hired  Negroes  for  such  work. 

4.      EXCLUSION  POLICY  CONDEMNED 

The  policy,  wherever  it  exists,  of  excluding  Negroes  from  unions,  whether 
by  direct  or  indirect  means,  is  considered  wrong  and  shortsighted  by  the  great 
majority  of  labor  leaders.  They  believe  that  the  small  group  of  "aristocratic 
and  conservative"  unions  cannot  long  withstand  the  American  Federation  of 
Labor  policy  of  organizing  Negroes  in  local  and  federal  unions,  nor  the  policy 
of  the  more  progessive  national  and  international  unions.  As  the  number  of 
Negroes  increases  in  the  unions  now  admitting  them,  as  the  number  of  Negro 
delegates  to  city  centrals,  like  the  Chicago  Federation  of  Labor,  increases, 
and  as  the  number  of  delegates  to  conventions  of  the  State  Federation  of  Labor 
and  to  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  increases  each  year,  more  and  more 


434  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

pressure  is  being  brought  to  bear  on  these  unions  from  without  and  also  by 
the  progressive  leaders  from  within,  so  that  gradually  all  barriers  will  be  swept 
aside.  That  a  gradual  change  is  taking  place  in  the  policy  of  many  unions  is 
evidenced  by  the  following  instances: 

International  Brotherhood  oj  Firemen  and  Oilers. — "  In  1902  a  local  union  of 
Negro  stationary  firemen  in  Chicago  could  not  be  chartered  because  the  white 
local  union  would  not  give  its  consent."^  In  1920  the  president  of  Local  7, 
Chicago,  reported  as  follows: 

The  symbol  of  our  organization  is,  "We  shall  not  discriminate  against  creed,  color 
or  nationality."  The  membership  of  our  organization  is  open  to  the  Negro  as  much 
as  to  any  other  man  who  earns  his  living  by  the  sweat  of  his  brow.  I  should  say, 
oflfhand,  that  we  have  approximately  about  100  Negroes  who  are  members  of  our 
Chicago  local  and  who  take  an  active  part  in  all  of  our  deliberations.  So  far  as  has 
come  under  my  observation  the  feeling  towards  these  men  has  always  been  of  the 
most  cordial  nature. 

I  am,  however,  free  to  say  that  we  have  found  that  a  great  many  of  the  employers, 
who  do  not  desire  to  play  fair,  use  the  Negro  to  offset  any  high  standard  of  wages 
which  the  organization  may  deem  proper  and  just,  and  I  have  found,  in  my  experience, 
an  endeavor  on  the  part  of  some  of  the  employers  to  only  use  the  Negro  when  he  would 
want  to  maintain  a  lower  standard  of  wages,  but  when  compelled  by  force  of 
circiunstances  to  pay  a  living  rate  of  wages,  immediately  a  request  would  be  made 
on  the  organization  that  the  Negro  be  removed  and  a  white  man  furnished.  This  we 
emphatically  refuse  to  do.  If  the  Negro  was  efficient  and  competent  to  perform  his 
duties  prior  to  the  establishment  of  a  living  wage  he  certainly  should  be  competent 
enough  to  perform  the  same  duties  afterwards. 

Metal  Polishers^  International  Union. — ^The  general  secretary  informed  the 
Commission: 

At  the  last  international  convention  held,  the  question  of  Negroes  entering  our 
trade  was  taken  up,  and  the  delegates  anticipated  that,  at  some  future  time,  Negroes 
would  be  employed,  and  we  felt  that,  if  the  manufacturers  were  left  under  the  impres- 
sion that  we  would  refuse  to  accept  them  into  the  organization,  it  would  be  an  incentive 
to  the  Manufacturers'  Association  to  import  Negroes  or  hire  them,  so  a  resolution  was 
passed  that  any  skilled  pohsher,  buffer,  or  plater,  even  though  a  Negro,  should  be 
admitted  to  our  organization. 

International  Association  of  Machinists. — Although  at  its  convention  at 
Rochester,  New  York,  in  1920,  this  union  again  voted  down  the  proposition  to 
strike  out  the  word  "white"  from  its  ritual,  there  was  significance  in  the  fact 
that  seven  resolutions  were  introduced  at  the  convention  to  remove  the  exclud- 
ing provision.  These  resolutions  came  from  unions  in  the  following  cities: 
two  from  different  locals  in  Chicago;  one  from  Columbia,  South  Carolina; 
one  from  Akron,  Ohio;  one  from  New  Haven,  Connecticut;  one  from  Tucson, 
Arizona.    Resolutions   opposing   came   from   Bakersfield,    California;     Pine 

'  F.  E.  Wolfe,  op.  cit.,  p.  128,  n.  3. 


THE  NEGRO  IN  INDUSTRY  435 

Blufif,  Arkansas;  Whistler,  Alabama;  and  Savannah,  Georgia.  As  an  instance 
of  enthusiastic  appreciation  of  the  mutual  advantage  to  whites  and  Negroes  of 
joint  effort  in  union  organization  with  no  discrimination  the  following  comment 
from  an  office  of  the  Hotel  and  Restaurant  Employees'  National  Alliance  was 
received  by  the  Commission: 

We  have  one  local  union  composed  of  white  and  colored  workers — that  union 
is  located  in  the  city  of  Boston,  Massachusetts;  roughly  speaking,  there  are  approxi- 
mately 400  in  a  total  membership  of  about  2,000;  at  our  convention  held  at  Provi- 
dence, Rhode  Island,  last  August,  one  of  the  delegates  from  that  union  was  a  colored 
man.  Six  years  ago  Boston  colored  waiters  woke  up,  and  so  did  the  whites,  to  the 
fact  that  for  decades  they  had  been  used  one  against  the  other  by  their  employers; 
they  got  together,  and  they  affirm  with  considerable  emphasis  that  amalgamation  has 
proved  beneficial. 

5.      UNIONS  INSTRUMENTAL  IN  REMOVING  RACE  PREJUDICE 

Labor  leaders  emphasize  the  influence  of  contact  in  union  meetings  in 
promoting  a  friendly  understanding  between  white  and  colored  members. 
They  point  out  the  fact  that  the  Negro  ceases  to  be  a  stranger  or  an  object  of 
prejudice  when  once  he  has  identified  himself  with  the  union.  A  common 
interest  in  common  problems  binds  the  members  together,  and  a  spirit  of  loyalty 
to  the  union  develops  in  the  effort  to  realize  the  aims  of  the  group.  White 
members  come  to  have  a  more  kindly  feeling  for  a  Negro  within  the  union 
group  than  they  have  toward  a  white  man  who  remains  outside  the  union 
ranks.     Said  one  union  leader: 

Some  day  the  white  worker  is  going  to  coax  the  black  man  to  line  up  with  him; 
all  that  he  needs  is  a  crusader's  heart  and  a  genuine  desire  to  make  the  black  man  and 
himself  free,  and  when  he  succeeds  there  won't  be,  in  the  economic  field  at  least,  the 
differences  which  now  exist,  due  to  this  pitting  of  one  race  against  the  other  and  both 
being  walloped  by  the  action. 


CHAPTER  IX 

PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS 

The  Negro  in  the  United  States:  "A  person  of  African  blood  (much  or  Uttle) 
about  whom  men  of  English  descent  tell  only  half  the  truth,  and  because  of  whom  they 
do  not  act  with  frankness  and  sanity  either  toward  the  Negro  or  to  one  another — in 
a  word,  about  whom  they  easily  lose  their  common  sense,  their  usual  good  judg- 
ment, and  even  their  powers  of  accurate  observation.  The  Negro-in- America,  there- 
fore, is  a  form  of  insanity  that  overtakes  white  men." — The  Southerner  by  Walter 
Hines  Page. 

The  Stoic  proverb,  that  "men  are  tormented  by  the  opinions  they  have  of 
things  rather  than  by  the  things  themselves,"^  applies  as  aptly  to  the  relations 
between  the  white  and  Negro  populations  as  to  other  of  our  problems.  Because 
the  "race  problem"  has  been  so  vaguely  stated,  so  variously  explained,  and  so 
little  understood,  discussions  of  it  and  the  conduct  of  whites  and  Negroes 
toward  each  other  usually  express  feeling  rather  than  intelligence. 

The  pubKc  is  guided  by  patterns  of  behavior  and  traditions  generally 
accepted,  whether  soimd  or  unsound.  False  notions,  if  believed,  may  control 
conduct  as  effectively  as  true  ones.  And  pre-established  notions  lose  their 
subtle  influence  when  it  appears  that  their  basis  is  in  error. 

White  persons  are  generally  uninformed  on  matters  affecting  Negroes  and 
race  relations.  They  are  forced  to  rely  on  partial  and  frequently  inaccurate 
information  and  upon  traditional  sentiments.  This  same  ignorance  applies 
to  Negroes,  though  not  to  the  same  degree;  for  they  know  white  people  in 
their  intimate  personal  and  home  relations  and  in  connection  with  their  work 
in  factories  and  stores.  They  read  their  books  and  papers  and  often  hear  their 
discussions.  Negroes  are  perhaps  more  race  conscious  than  whites  because 
every  day  they  must  face  situations  which  remind  them  of  their  race.  They 
are  sensitive  to  moods  and  antagonisms  expressed  in  words  and  shown  in 
manners.  Their  impressions  from  the  white  group  are  subject  to  distortion 
as  are  those  received  by  the  whites  from  them.  Negroes  manifest  character- 
istics which,  though  the  natural  result  of  their  circumstances  and  experiences, 
are  yet  misunderstood  and  often  resented  by  the  white  group.  For  Negroes 
live  and  think  in  a  state  of  isolation  which  is  almost  complete;  and  no  white 
group  understands  it,  or  can  fully  understand  it. 

The  riot  of  19 19  is  an  example  of  the  effects  of  this  isolation  and  misunder- 
standing. The  accumulated  resentments,  unchallenged  mutual  beliefs  and 
resultant  friction,  culminated  in  a  surprising  calamity  and  wholesale  bloodshed. 

'  James  Harvey  Robinson,  Mind  in  the  Making. 

436 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  437 

This  chapter,  therefore,  has  a  thesis  and  a  purpose.     If  these  behefs,  preju-    I 
dices  and   faulty  deductions  can  be  made  accessible  for  examination  and 
analysis,  many  of  them  will  be  corrected.     If  a  self-critical  attitude  toward 
these  prejudices  can  be  stimulated  by  typical  examples,  a  considerable  step    \ 
will  have  been  taken  toward  understanding  and  harmony.  "^""^"^ 

The  study  of  public  opinion  in  race  relations  attempted  by  the  Commission 
does  not  presume  to  set  down  definite  laws  of  its  working,  or  to  tell  all  about 
how  it  works.  The  aim  is  merely  to  make  apparent  and  objective  its  place 
and  importance  in  race  relations,  to  indicate  some  of  the  ways  in  which  it  has 
developed;  how  it  expresses  itself,  how  it  affects  both  the  white  and  Negro 
groups;  how,  in  its  present  state,  it  is  strengthened,  weakened,  polluted,  or 
purified  by  dehberate  agencies  or  even  by  its  own  action,  and  finally  how  it  may 
be  used  to  reduce,  if  not  to  prevent,  racial  unfriendhness  and  misunderstanding. 

The  following  plan  is  employed  in  presenting  this  branch  of  the  subject: 

1.  Behefs  regarding  Negroes,  which  greatly  influence  the  conduct  of  white 
persons  toward  them,  are  described  as  they  apply  in  the  local  environment, 
and  their  origin  and  background  are  traced  suggestively  to  their  responsible 
Hterature  and  circumstances. 

2.  Types  of  sentiment  which  are  variants  of  these  basic  beliefs  are  presented 
with  a  view  to  making  them  intelligible,  and  to  classifying  them  according  to 
resolvable  factors  of  misunderstanding. 

3.  Since  personal  attitudes  and  behefs  are  molded  by  traditions  and  heri- 
tages apart  from  the  exclusive  influence  of  hterature,  material  collected  through 
intimate  inquiry  is  presented  objectively  to  describe  the  processes  by  which 
they  appear  to  be  created  and  to  grow.  Rephes  to  a  searching  questionnaire 
on  attitudes  and  opinions  express  the  result  of  painstaking  self -analysis. 

4.  Negro  opinion  on  these  same  issues  is  described  and  illustrated  with  a 
view  to  making  it  intelligible.  Their  views  are  listed  and  their  interpretations 
of  current  white  sentiment  are  explained  as  far  as  possible. 

5.  From  the  subjective  aspect  the  study  then  turns  to  the  instruments  by 
which  these  opinions  are  formed  and  perpetuated  and  the  individual  attitudes 
created.  The  following  are  deemed  the  chief  agencies:  (a)  the  press,  (b) 
rumors,  (c)  myths,  (d)  propaganda.  Conscious  and  unconscious  abuse  of  these 
instruments  of  opinion-making  is  poin.ed  out  and  explained. 

6.  Finally,  means  are  suggested  by  which  public  opinion  may,  where  it  is 
faulty,  correct  itself,  and  employ  its  o>vn  instruments  in  the  creation  of  wholesome 
sentiments  among  Negroes  with  resp  jct  to  whites,  and  among  whites  with  respect 
to  Negroes. 

A.    OPINIONS  OF  WHITES  AND  NEGROES 

I.      BELIEFS    CONCERNING  NEGROES 

Literature  concerning  Negroes  1  as  been  written  chiefly  by  southern  students 
facing  the  problem  in  its  most  intense  form  and  usually  meeting  the  most  back- 
ward of  Negroes.    Negro  habits  have  been  objectively  explained  and  standards 


438  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

•  of  judgment  upon  the  entire  group  have  usually  been  deduced  therefrom.  This 
constitutes  the  bulk  of  serious  hterature  on  the  subject  of  the  Negro;  it  is  gen- 
erally used  in  research  into  the  problem. 

In  the  North  as  in  the  South  the  assumptions  regarding  the  Negro  have 
their  basis  in  similar  sources.  The  beliefs,  in  general,  are  the  same,  though 
held  by  individuals  in  varying  degrees.  Though  northerners  do  not  believe  so 
firmly  and  with  such  emotional  intensity  all  that  southerners  believe  about 
Negroes,  yet  they  share  these  beliefs  in  proportion  as  they  have  been  influenced 
or  informed  by  southerners.  It  may  happen,  for  example,  that  in  a  small 
northern  town  with  but  a  handful  of  Negroes  there  is  no  discernible  distinction 
in  the  treatment  accorded  them.  The  growth  of  the  colony,  however,  can 
bring  to  the  surface  at  first  almost  undiscernible  shades  of  the  usual  beliefs, 
and  finally  the  identical  beliefs  entertained  by  other  communities. 

There  is,  for  example,  no  section  of  the  country  in  which  it  is  not  generally 
believed  by  whites  that  Negroes  are  instinctively  criminal  in  inclination.  Some 
believe  that  they  are  criminal  by  nature  and  explain  it  as  a  result  of  heredity ; 
some  feel  that  it  is  a  combination  of  heredity  and  environment;  while  others 
may  feel  that  this  inclination  is  due  to  environment  alone.  How,  indeed,  may 
the  beUef  be  avoided  ?  Crime  figures  on  Negroes  are  consistently  unfavorable 
to  any  other  conclusion.  Students  have  gone  so  far  as  to  accept  without  ques- 
tion these  figures  and  proceed  to  explain  that  criminal  tendency  scientifically. 
This  is  also  true  as  to  low  mentality,  sexual  immorality,  and  a  long  list  of 
other  supposed  racial  defects. 

Below  are  presented  some  of  the  more  important  behefs  among  whites 
about  Negroes  that  have  become  crystallized  by  years  of  unchallenged  assump- 
tion. They  divide  themselves  into  two  general  classes:  (i)  Primary  beliefs, 
or  fundamental  and  firmly  estabhshed  convictions  which  have,  all  around,  the 
deepest  efifect  on  the  attitude  of  whites  toward  Negroes.  These  are  usually 
presented  as  revealed  by  statistics,  authorities,  and  research.  (2)  Secondary 
beliefs,  or  the  Ughter  modifications  and  variants  of  the  supposed  attributes  of 
Negroes  included  in  the  more  important  assumptions. 

I.      PRIMARY  BELIEFS 

Mentality. — The  chief  of  these  is  that  the  mind  of  the  Negro  is  distinctly 
and  distinctively  inferior  to  that  of  the  white  race,  and  so  are  all  resulting 
functionings  of  his  mind. 

This  view  is  held  by  some  to  be  due  to  a  difference  in  species,  by  others  to 
more  recent  emergence  from  primitive  life,  and  by  others  to  be  due  to  back- 
wardness in  ascending  the  scale  of  civilization.  For  this  reason  it  is  variously 
assumed  as  a  corollary  that  the  mind  of  the  Negro  cannot  be  improved  above  a 
given  level  or  beyond  a  given  age;  that  his  education  should  be  adapted  to  his 
capacities,  that  is,  he  should  mainly  be  taught  to  use  his  hands.  Thus  a  teacher 
in  one  of  the  elementary  schools  of  Chicago  finds  that  "colored  children  are 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  439 

restive  and  incapable  of  abstract  thought;  they  must  be  constantly  fed  with 
novel  interests  and  given  things  to  do  with  their  hands."  Accordingly  they 
are  given  handicraft  instead  of  arithmetic,  and  singing  instead  of  grammar. 

In  seeking  the  opinion  of  white  trades  unionists  on  the  admission  of  Negroes        v 
to  unions  in  Chicago,  the  Commission  encountered  in  perhaps  the  harshest  / 

form  the  conviction  that  Negroes  were  inherently  unable  to  perform  tasks  tha,y 
white  men  did  as  a  matter  of  course.  A  member  of  the  Brotherhood  of  Locomo- 
tive Engineers  felt  that  no  Negro  had,  or  could  ever  acquire,  intelligence  enough, 
to  run  an  engine.  Employers  frequently  expressed  the  belief  that  Negroes 
are  incapable  of  performing  tasks  which  require  sustained  mental  application. 
This  view  of  their  mental  weakness  appeared  in  the  following  statement  made 
before  the  Commission  by  a  school  principal  concerning  her  experience  with 
Negro  children: 

So  far  as  books  are  concerned  there  are  set  types  of  learning  which  they  take 
with  great  difficulty.  Last  Friday  a  colored  boy  came  to  me  and  said,  "I  want  to  go 
back  to  the  first  grade."  We  have  gotten  him  in  the  third  grade.  He  came  to  me  and 
cried — a  great  big  boy — because  he  said  the  work  was  much  too  hard  for  him,  and  he 
didn't  want  to  study.  His  teacher  was  cross  with  him  and  insisted  he  must  get  to 
work.  It  is  an  exception  to  have  a  boy  so  frank.  But  I  don't  think  the  instance  is 
far  from  the  truth.  I  have  never  had  a  white  child  complain  that  he  was  graded  too 
high  and  wanted  to  be  put  down.  Sometimes  when  they  come  in,  they  say  to  me: 
"I  went  to  school  in  the  South,  and  I  am  in  high  fifth  grade."  "How  long  were 
you  in  school  in  the  South?"  "Three  sessions."  Two  months,  and  they  are  in 
high  fifth  grade!  I  put  them  into  the  first  or  second  grade.  Sometimes  I  can't  fit 
them  into  the  smaller  grades,  and  sometimes  they  resent  it,  but  when  they  get  into 
the  actual  school  work  and  find  they  can't  do  it,  they  can't  complain.  I  should 
say  therefore  that  there  is  a  certain  amount  of  mental  backwardness  found  in  colored 
children  not  fovmd  in  whites. 

A  teacher  in  a  Chicago  public  school  said:  "I  believe  like  Dr.  Bruner  [direc- 
tor of  Special  School,  Board  of  Education]  that  when  a  Negro  boy  grows  a 
mustache  his  brain  stops  working." 

A  teacher  inMoseley  School  said:  "The  great  physical  development  of  the 
colored  person  takes  away  from  the  mental,  while  with  the  whites  the  reverse 
is  true.    There  is  proof  for  this  in  the  last  chapter  of  Ecclesiastes." 

Morality. — Another  of  these  primary  beliefs  is  that  Negroes  are  not  yet 
capable  of  exercising  the  social  restraints  which  are  common  to  the  more  civil- 
ized white  persons.  Sometimes  it  is  said  that  they  are  unmoral  rather  than 
immoral.  This  view,  while  charitably  explaining  supposed  innate  defects  of 
character,  places  them  outside  the  circle  of  normal  members  of  society.  Thus 
the  assistant  principal  of  a  Chicago  high  school  attended  by  Negroes  said : 

When  it  comes  to  morality,  I  say  colored  children  are  unmoral.  They  have  no 
more  moral  sense  than  a  very  young  white  child.  Along  sex  lines  they  don't  know 
that  this  is  wrong  and  that  is  wrong — that  wrong  sense  isn't  a  part  of  them.    Of 


440  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

course  we  say  they  are  immoral  and  a  white  child  doing  the  same  thing  under  the  same 
circumstances  would  be.  The  colored  and  white  children  here  don't  get  mixed  up  in 
immorahty;  they  are  too  well  segregated.  Not  that  we  segregate  them:  the  whites 
keep  away  from  the  colored. 

This  belief  appears  in  statements  that  there  is  no  family  life  among  Negroes 
and  but  little  respect,  even  in  Chicago,  for  the  ordinary  decencies;  when  serious 
students  of  society  speak  of  the  promiscuity  of  colored  women  and  men  in 
sexual  as  well  as  social  relations;  and  when  social  institutions  assume  the  impos- 
sibility of  locating  the  real  father  of  children  in  a  Negro  family.  Much  public 
emphasis  is  given  to  the  subject  of  venereal  disease  among  Negroes,  and  certain 
deductions  regarding  this  incidence  of  disease  have  resulted  from  comparative 
statistics. 

Criminality. — The  assumption  back  of  most  discussions  of  Negro  crime  is 
that  there  is  a  constitutional  character  weakness  in  Negroes  and  a  consequent 
predisposition  to  sexual  crimes,  petty  stealing,  and  crimes  of  violence.  Sexual 
crimes  are  alleged  and  frequently  urged  in  justification  of  lynching.  Popular 
judgment  takes  stealing  lightly,  because  Negroes  evidence  a  marked  immatur- 
ity and  childishness  in  it.  It  is  supposed  that  they  appropriate  little  things 
and  do  not  commit  larger  thefts.  Crimes  of  violence  are  thought  to  be  charac- 
teristic of  Negroes  because  crimes  involving  deliberation  and  planning  require 
more  brains  than  Negroes  possess. 

The  president  of  a  branch  of  the  Illinois  Federation  of  Women 's  Clubs  thus 
explained  the  decision  of  that  organization  not  to  discuss  the  Negro  question 
in  its  meetings: 

Most  of  the  presidents  expressed  themselves  as  against  discussion  of  the  Negro 
question  because  as  women's  names  come  out  as  being  against  the  Negroes  these 
women  and  others  of  the  club  would  have  to  live  in  fear  of  Negro  men.  A  woman 
must  be  careful  not  to  put  herself  in  a  position  of  causing  them  to  have  a  grudge  against 
her,  as  you  know  a  white  woman  has  to  fear  a  colored  man. 

A  resident  in  an  exclusively  white  residential  district  said: 

Mother,  sister,  and  I  lived  here  alone  and  we  had  a  car  which  we  kept  in  a  garage 
in  the  back  yard.  Whenever  we  came  in  at  night  we  never  used  the  back  door,  but 
always  went  around  front.  Several  times  in  walking  up  the  back  steps  to  the  porch 
we  had  been  frightened  by  colored  men  sitting  on  the  steps  or  lying  on  the  porch, 
and  so  we  couldn't  use  that  way  into  the  house. 

Another  white  woman,  in  the  course  of  a  discussion  of  housing  indicated 
this  fear  of  Negro  men: 

When  we  came  here  this  was  a  nice  neighborhood.  After  some  years  a  colored 
family  moved  in,  then  two  or  three  more,  and  more  and  more,  untU  you  see  what  we 
have  here  now,  I  tell  you  the  white  people  right  on  this  street  have  to  be  afraid  for 
their  lives. 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  441 

Another,  living  on  Langley  Avenue,  near  Forty-third  Street,  said: 
I  don't  hold  any  conversations  with  Negroes.    It's  better  to  be  on  the  safe  side 
when  you've  got  grown-up  daughters.    I  worry  a  good  deal  about  my  two  daughters 
as  they  go  and  come  from  work,  but  they've  never  had  anything  happen. 

The  principal  of  a  Chicago  public  school  was  questioned  by  a  visitor  con- 
cerning the  attitude  of  white  parents  toward  the  association  of  their  children 
with  Negro  pupils  in  that  school.  "The  white  parents  are  cautious  about  stir- 
ring up  trouble,"  he  said,  "for  they  know  the  emotional  tendency  of  the  colored 
to  knife  and  kill." 

Petty  thefts  by  Negroes,  especially  of  food,  are  regarded  as  annoying  evils 
most  easUy  dealt  with  by  a  sort  of  half-serious  firmness.  A  white  resident  of  a 
district  largely  inhabited  by  Negroes  said: 

A  white  neighbor  keeps  chickens  in  her  back  yard.    She  gets  the  burglar  alarm  from 

the  hen  house  sometimes  twice  in  a  week,  and  the  running  thief  is  always  colored 

The  colored  buy  whatever  they  want;  they'll  spend  their  last  cent  and  not  worry 
about  the  next  day.  If  they  want  a  chicken  for  dinner  and  it's  $1  a  pound,  they 
buy  it  or  steal  it. 

Physical  unattractiveness. — Objections  to  contact  are  often  attributed  to 
physical  laws  which,  it  is  said,  make  the  sight  or  other  sensory  impression  of 
the  Negro  unbearably  repulsive.  This  attitude  is  found  in  protests  against 
indiscriminate  seating  arrangements  in  street  cars.  The  word  "black"  has 
long  been  associated  with  evil  and  ugliness,  and  it  is  not  always  a  simple  task 
to  disassociate  the  idea  from  impressions  given  by  a  black  man.  Not  merely 
is  the  color  regarded  as  repulsive,  but  it  is  the  further  belief  that  Negroes  have 
a  peculiar  and  disagreeable  body  odor.  A  Christian  Science  practitioner  in 
Chicago,  giving  her  opinion  of  Negroes,  had  an  idea  that  they  carried  a  "musky 
odor,"  and  were  therefore  to  be  avoided.  A  student  at  the  University  of 
Chicago  and  a  resident  of  Hyde  Park,  talking  with  an  investigator,  said:  "It 
is  conceded  that  the  Negro  in  Chicago  must  have  some  place  to  live,  but  to 
permit  promiscuous  distribution  through  scattered  sections  of  the  city  would 
tend  to  increase  the  difficulties  rather  than  mitigate  them,  partly  because  a 
white  man  would  shrink  from  having  a  Negro  Hve  near  him." 

In  the  spring  of  19 19  there  appeared  in  one  of  the  Chicago  daily  papers  a 
series  of  articles  on  the  Negro  question.  In  describing  the  relations  between 
Negroes  and  whites  in  Chicago,  the  writer  said: 

A  second  phase  of  the  situation,  and  the  one  that  causes  more  inutile  railing  than 
any  other,  is  the  crowding  into  the  street  cars  of  colored  people.  Well,  they  must 
ride  on  street  cars,  if  only  for  the  reason  that  most  of  them  Hve  remote  from  their 
work.  Even  the  North  State  Street  line,  that  used  to  be  considered  the  special 
conveyance  for  "the  quaUty,"  has  come  to  be  known  as  the  "African  Central."  If 
you  can't  stomach  it,  you'll  have  to  walk.     They  won't. 

Living  in  neighborhoods  infrequently  visited  by  Negroes  and  where,  as  a 
general  rule,  their  occupancy  is  effectively  discouraged,  some  white  residents 


442  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

occasionally  express  objections  as  based  on  a  "natural  physical  opposition." 
Following  is  a  typical  statement: 

I  came  here  six  years  ago  and  there  was  a  very  noisy  set  of  white  people  living  in 
the  apartment  house  back  of  mine.  Four  years  ago  the  landlord  put  them  all  out  and 
rented  to  colored  families.  We  were  all  up  in  arms  then;  but  say,  I  never  had  nicer, 
more  quiet,  and  respectable  neighbors.  Their  children  all  behave  well,  and  we  can't 
kick.  But  at  the  same  time,  black  people  aren't  what  one  would  pick  out  to  have 
around — •!  guess  it's  just  because  they  are  black. 

Emotionality.- — This  is  commonly  regarded  as  explaining  features  of  con- 
duct in  Negroes,  some  of  which  are  beautiful  in  their  expression  while  others 
are  ugly  and  dangerous.  The  supposed  Negro  gift  of  song  is  thus  an  accepted 
attribute  of  his  emotional  nature.  So  with  his  rehgious  incHnation.  This 
same  emotionahsm  is  believed  to  lead  him  to  drink  and  is  frequently  made  to 
account  for  "his  quick,  uncalculated  crimes  of  violence."  The  natural  expres- 
sion of  Negro  rehgious  fervor  is  supposed  to  be  noisy  and  frenzied.  This  view 
of  the  Chicago  Tribune's  special  writer  is,  roughly  speaking,  the  view  of  thou- 
sands of  Chicagoans: 

I  passed  grand  old  stone  churches,  once  the  pride  of  rich  and  powerful  white 
congregations,  whither  I  used  to  be  sent  as  a  reporter  not  so  many  years  ago,  to 
hear  some  of  the  premier  pulpiteers  of  this  town.  They  are  colored  people's  churches 
now,  and  beneath  the  arches,  where  a  sedate  gospel  once  was  expounded  you  hear 
today  the  jubilant  yell  of  the  dusky  brother  who  has  found  grace 

The  service  was,  indeed,  an  incident  in  a  three  weeks'  series  of  revival  meetings 
they  have  been  holding  at  Olivet.  The  principal  performer  was  the  Rev.  S.  E.  J. 
Watson,  a  revivalist  from  Topeka,  a  big  man — mulatto,  I  should  say,  or  perhaps 
quadroon — with  a  powerful  voice,  a  masterly  platform  style,  and  enormous  ardor. 
He  spoke  fluently,  used  no  notes,  and  demonstrated  a  free,  wide  skill  in  homely 
imagery,  which,  however,  included  no  slang  nor  vulgarities,  but  was  racy  of  the  planta- 
tion and  the  cabin  kitchen.  His  picture  of  God  "opening  the  front  door  of  this  good 
old  world  every  morning  to  let  in  the  sun"  was  one  of  the  most  gorgeous  flights  in 
primitive  poetry  I  ever  heard,  and  his  narrative,  accompanied  by  the  most  vivid 
pantomime,  of  the  Roman  soldiers  lifting  up  the  cross  after  they  had  nailed  Jesus 
to  it  was  hardly  less  than  terrifying — it  certainly  was  terrific — in  its  sweep  of  passion 
and  its  reality  of  detail. 

And  so  he  wrought  them  to  a  high  emotional  state.  Many  were  crying.  Then 
came  the  direct  personal  appeal  to  "the  unsaved,"  the  threat  of  the  everlasting  fire, 
and  the  "lifting  up"  again  and  again  of  the  thought  of  the  all-forgiving,  all-saving 
Jesus.  The  soft  crying  became  heavy,  convulsive  sobbing.  One  by  one  the  unsaved 
who  made  the  surrender  to  whatever  it  was  that  had  been  holding  them  back,  were 
led  to  the  seats  near  the  pulpit.  Those  who  did  not  surrender  prompdy  were  evi- 
dently in  terrible  stress,  or  thought  they  were.  They  emitted  shrieks  that,  truly,  made 
my  heart  stand  stUI,  and  I  would  have  trembled  for  the  sanity  of  the  poor  creatures 
except  that  I  observed  from  the  comer  of  my  eye  that  the  "saved"  in  the  assemblage 
took  the  shrieks  with  perfect  equanimity. 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  443 

2.      SECONDARY  BELIEFS 

In  addition  to  the  primary  beliefs  there  are  others  supposedly  not  so  serious 
or  significant  in  their  effects.  These  are  usually  modifications  of  primary 
beliefs,  and  are  accepted  as  a  consequence  of  frequent  and  almost  unvaried 
repetition.  In  this  manner  these  secondary  behefs  have  edged  their  way  into 
the  popular  mind. 

George  Jean  Nathan  and  H.  L.  Mencken  in  a  recent  volume,  The  American 
Credo,  point  out  fairly  striking  instances  of  this  tendency  of  the  American  mind. 
They  have  compiled  a  series  of  435  commonly  accepted  beliefs  covering  a  wide 
range.  Among  these  435  listed  American  beliefs  there  are  some  very  real  ones 
which  involve  and  include  the  following  popular  notions  about  Negroes : 

1.  That  a  Negro's  vote  may  always  be  readily  bought  for  a  dollar. 

2.  That  every  colored  cook  has  a  lover  who  never  works  and  that  she  feeds  him 
by  stealing  the  best  part  of  every  dish  she  cooks. 

3.  That  every  Negro  who  went  to  France  with  the  army  has  a  liaison  with  a  white 
woman  and  won't  look  at  a  colored  woman  any  more. 

4.  That  all  male  Negroes  can  sing. 

5.  That  if  one  hits  a  Negro  on  the  head  with  a  cobblestone  the  cobblestone  will 
break. 

6.  That  aU  Negroes  born  south  of  the  Potomac  can  play  the  banjo  and  are  excel- 
lent dancers. 

7.  That  whenever  a  Negro  is  educated  he  refuses  to  work  and  becomes  a  criminal. 

8.  That  every  Negro  servant  girl  spends  at  least  half  of  her  wages  on  preparations 
for  taking  the  kink  out  of  her  hair. 

9.  That  aU  Negro  prize  fighters  marry  white  women  and  then  afterwards  beat 
them. 

10.  That  all  Negroes  who  show  any  intelligence  are  two-thirds  white  and  the  sons 
of  U.S.  Senators. 

11.  That  the  minute  a  Negro  gets  eight  dollars  he  goes  to  a  dentist  and  has  one 
of  his  front  teeth  filled  with  gold. 

12.  That  a  Negro  ball  always  ends  up  in  a  grand  free-for-all  fight  in  which  several 
Negroes  are  mortally  slashed  with  razors. 

The  most  usual  of  these  secondary  beliefs  which  figure  in  the  experience  of 
Negroes  and  whites  in  Chicago  are  apparently  of  southern  origin.  This  is  due, 
not  so  much  to  any  deliberate  effort  of  southerners  to  infiltrate  them  into 
northern  race  relations,  as  that  northerners  largely  regard  as  authoritative  the 
experience  of  the  South  which  holds  almost  nine-tenths  of  the  total  Negro 
population. 

Some  of  the  secondary,  beliefs  are: 

1.  That  Negroes  are  lazy;  that  they  are  indisposed  to,  though  not  incapable 
of,  sustained  physical  exertion. 

2.  That  they  are  happy-go-lucky;  that  their  improvidence  is  demonstrated 
in  their  extravagance,  and  that  their  reckless  disregard  for  their  welfare  is  shown 


444  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

in  a  lack  of  foresight  for  the  essentials  of  well-being.  It  is  asserted  that  they 
do  not  purchase  homes  and  do  not  save  their  money;  that  they  spend  lavishly 
for  clothes  to  the  neglect  of  home  comforts  and  the  demands  even  of  their 
health ;  that  they  work  by  the  day,  and  before  the  week  is  ended  confuse  book- 
keeping by  demanding  their  pay. 

3.  That  they  are  boisterous.  Hilarity  in  public  places  and  especially  in 
their  own  gatherings  is  thought  to  be  common.  They  are  considered  as  rude 
and  coarse  in  public  conveyances  and  are  believed  to  jostle  white  passengers 
sometimes  without  thought  and  sometimes  out  of  pure  maliciousness, 

4.  That  they  are  bmnptious;  that  when  a  Negro  is  placed  in  a  position  of 
unaccustomed  authority  relative  to  his  group  he  has  an  unduly  exaggerated 
sense  of  his  own  importance  and  makes  himself  unbearable. 

5.  That  they  are  overassertive;  that  constant  harping  on  constitutional 
rights  is  a  habit  of  Negroes,  especially  of  the  newer  generation;  that  in  their 
demands  for  equal  rights  and  privileges  they  are  egged  on  by  agitators  of  their 
own  race  and  are  overinsistent  in  their  demands;  that  they  resent  imaginary 
insults  and  are  generally  supersensitive. 

6.  That  they  are  lacking  in  civic  consciousness.  Absence  of  community 
pride  and  disregard  for  community  welfare  are  alleged  to  be  the  common  failing 
of  Negroes.  It  is  pointed  out  that  the  "Black  Belt"  has  been  allowed  to  run 
down  and  become  the  most  unattractive  spot  in  the  city.  To  this  fact  is  attrib- 
uted the  tolerance  of  vice  within  this  region.  Negroes  generally,  it  is  still 
beheved,  can  be  bought  in  elections  with  money  and  whiskey.  They  are 
charged  with  having  no  pride  in  the  beauty  of  the  city,  and  with  making  it 
unbeautiful  by  personal  and  group  habits. 

7.  That  they  usually  carry  razors.  Whenever  a  newspaper  reporter  is  in 
doubt  he  gives  a  razor  as  the  weapon  used.  Some  time  ago  a  woman  was  found 
murdered  in  a  town  near  Chicago.  She  had  been  slashed  with  a  razor,  and 
the  broken  blade  was  left  beside  her  body.  The  murder  was  particularly 
atrocious,  and  the  murderer  left  no  other  clew.  Several  Negroes  were  arrested 
on  suspicion  but  were  released  when  a  white  youth  confessed  the  crime. 

A  Negro  lawyer  said: 

During  the  riot  a  Negro  was  arrested  for  having  a  razor  in  his  pocket.  I  was  his 
attorney,  and  the  evidence  showed  that  he  always  shaved  at  work.  After  having 
shaved  at  this  particular  time,  he  put  his  razor  in  his  pocket  and  forgot  it.  He  started 
home  and  was  accosted  by  two  officers,  who  searched  him  and  found  the  razor.  The 
judge  heard  the  evidence  and  then  whispered  to  me  that  he  was  going  to  give  the 
fellow  ten  days  because  "you  know  your  people  do  carry  razors."  He  asked  me  if 
I  thought  it  all  right  and  I  said  that  I  did  not. 

8.  That  they  habitually  "shoot  craps."  The  Negro's  supposed  fondness 
for  gambling  is  a  phase  of  the  belief  concerning  his  improvidence.  It  is  not 
unusual  for  whites,  in  conversation  with  any  Negro  whom  they  do  not  know 
well,  when  they  wish  merely  to  be  friendly,  to  refer  to  dice.     Employers  fre- 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  445 

quently  say  that  Negroes  never  keep  money  because  as  soon  as  it  is  earned  it  is 
thrown  away  on  gambling  with  dice.  The  state 's  attorney  believed  that  the 
riot  of  July,  1919,  began  over  a  beach  craps  game. 

Negroes  are  believed  to  be  flashy  in  dress,  loving  brilliant  and  gaudy  colors, 
especially  vivid  red.  Again,  they  are  believed  by  white  unionists  to  be  natural 
strike  breakers  with  deliberate  intentions  to  undermine  white  living  standards. 
Similarly  they  are  believed  to  be  fond  of  gin.  Pauperism  among  them  is 
beheved  to  be  unduly  high,  and  they  are  thought  to  have  no  home  life. 

n.      BACKGROUND   OF  PREVAILING  BELIEFS  CONCERNING  NEGROES 

Lying  back  of  the  current  opinions  about  Negroes  is  a  chain  of  circumstances 
involving  the  history  of  divers  racial  groups  over  hundreds  of  years.  Slavery 
placed  a  stamp  upon  Negroes  which  it  will  require  many  more  years  to  erase. 
Probably  there  would  have  been  no  doubt  at  all  in  the  minds  of  Americans 
that  essential  inequalities  existed  between  white  and  Negro  had  not  their 
emancipation  developed  numerous  unsuspected  qualities.  Thomas  Jefferson 
is  responsible  for  the  observation  that  "a  Negro  could  scarcely  be  found  who 
was  capable  of  tracing  and  comprehending  the  investigations  of  EucUd." 
John  C.  Calhoun  asserted  that  if  a  Negro  could  be  found  capable  of  giving  the 
syntax  of  a  Greek  verb  he  would  be  disposed  to  call  him  human.  The  Four- 
teenth and  Fifteenth  Amendments  to  the  Constitution  fixed  the  Negro 's  status 
by  law,  and  as  soon  afterward  as  his  broader  contacts  with  American  institu- 
tions provided  an  outlet  for  more  human  participation,  serious  questions  con- 
cerning his  fitness  for  citizenship  were  put.  The  first  studies  that  followed 
have  been  accepted  for  many  years  as  the  standard  of  judgment. 

Mentality. — Regarding  Negro  mentaUty,  Dr.  Jefifries  Wyman,  anatomist  of 
Harvard  University,  about  1870,  said:  *'It  cannot  be  denied  that  the  Negro  and 
ourang  do  afford  the  point  where  man  and  the  brute,  when  the  totality  of  their 
organization  is  considered,  most  nearly  approach  each  other." 

As  a  corollary  he  adds: 

The  Negro  may  be  a  man  and  a  worker  in  some  secondary  sense;  he  is  not  a  man 
and  a  brother  in  the  same  full  sense  in  which  every  Western  Aryan  is  a  man  and  a 
brother.    To  me  the  Negro  is  repulsive. 

The  Negro  is  not  yet  a  man  and  he  is  not  yet  a  brother  to  the  white.  It  will  take 
generations,  no  man  can  say  how  many,  to  bring  him  to  the  level  of  supreme  Caucasian 
man.  He  will  have  to  reduce  the  facial  angle  and  he  will  have  to  have  a  more  spacious 
cranium  before  he  can  come  into  brotherhood  with  the  more  advanced  species  of  man- 
kind. 

Professor  A.  H.  Keane,  author  of  Man  Past  and  Present,  at  least  gave  some 
sanction  to  the  disposition  to  regard  the  Negro  and  Caucasian  races  as  having 
nothing  in  common.     To  quote  from  his  book,  pubhshed  in  1890: 

No  historic  or  scientific  reason  can  be  alleged  why  these  races,  black  or  white, 
should  be  grouped  together  under  one  appellation  if  by  such  name  it  is  meant  to  con- 


446  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

vey  the  idea  that  the  human  type  can  have  any  sanguinary  affiliation.  In  the  Negro 
groups  it  is  absolutely  sho\Mi  that  certain  African  races,  whether  bom  in  Africa  or 
America,  give  an  internal  capacity  almost  identical  of  83  cubic  inches.  It  is  demon- 
strated through  monumental,  cranial  and  other  testimonials,  that  the  various  types  of 
mankind  have  ever  been  permanent;  have  been  independent  of  all  physical  influ- 
ences for  thousands  of  years. 

Dr.  J.  C.  Nott,  scientist  and  author  of  Types  of  Mankind  said: 

It  is  mind  and  mind  alone  which  constitutes  the  proudest  prerogative  of  man, 
whose  excellence  should  be  measured  by  his  intelligence  and  virtue.  The  Negro  and 
other  unintellectual  types  have  been  shown  in  another  chapter  to  possess  heads 
much  smaller,  by  actual  measurement  in  cubic  inches,  than  the  white  races;  and 
although  metaphysicians  may  dispute  about  causes  which  have  debased  their  intel- 
lects and  precluded  their  expansion,  it  cannot  be  denied  that  these  dark  races  are, 
in  this  particular,  greatly  inferior  to  the  others  of  fairer  complexion. 

This  school  of  anthropology  very  clearly  belongs  to  the  period  of  slavery 
when  it  was  necessary  to  rationalize  the  wishes  of  persons  who,  in  order  to  treat 
Negroes  as  if  they  were  mentally  different,  had  first  to  convince,  then  justify, 
themselves  in  so  doing. 

Following  them  was  another  type  of  scientific  writers  who,  while  assuming 
that  Negroes  possessed  brains,  denied  that  they  were  like  those  of  white  persons 
or  ever  could  be. 

G.  Stanley  Hall  thought  that  the  Negro's  development  came  to  at  least 
partial  standstill  at  puberty.  E.  B.  Tylor,  author  of  Anthropology,  assimied, 
from  the  accounts  of  European  teachers  who  had  taught  children  of  the  "lower" 
races,  that  after  the  age  of  twelve  the  colored  children  fell  off  and  were  left 
behind  by  the  white  children.  Odum  thought  that  the  Negro  child's  mental 
development  ended  at  the  age  of  thirteen.  None  of  these  opinions,  however, 
was  the  result  of  experimentation.  A.  T.  Smith,  author  of  A  Study  of  Race 
Psychology,  is  responsible  for  the  association  and  memory  study  of  what  he 
called  a  "  typical "  Negro  boy  of  sixteen  years.  He  discovered  that  "  the  Negro 
child  is  psychologically  different  from  the  white  child,  superior  in  automatic 
power  but  decidedly  inferior  in  the  power  of  abstraction,  judgment  and  analy- 
sis." A.  McDonald,  author  of  Colored  Children — A  Psycho-physical  Study, 
gave  physical  and  mental  tests  in  1899  to  ninety-one  Negro  children  and  con- 
cluded that  dulness  in  colored  children  sets  in  between  thirteen  and  sixteen. 
M.  J.  Mayo,  author  of  The  Mental  Capacity  of  the  American  Negro,  in  1913 
studied  150  white  and  150  colored  high-school  pupils  in  the  schools  of  New  York, 
and  found  the  efficiency  of  colored  pupils  76  per  cent  of  that  of  the  white.  His 
selection  included  a  large  number  of  emigrants  from  the  South,  which,  he 
explained,  would  increase  the  quality  of  the  colored  group,  since  only  the  more 
ambitious  Negroes  would  seek  to  better  their  conditions  by  moving  North.  No 
account  was  taken  of  the  defective  school  system  of  the  South.  Phillips  made 
a  study  of  retardation  in  the  schools  of  Philadelphia  and  concluded  that  the 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  447 

course  of  study  was  not  suited  to  Negroes,  since  colored  children  showed  a 
greater  degree  of  retardation  than  the  whites. 

Charles  Carroll's  book  on  the  Negro  points  out  by  texts  drawn  from  the 
Bible  that  the  Negro  is  a  beast  created  with  an  articulate  tongue  and  hands  in 
order  that  he  may  serve  his  white  master.  To  bear  out  this  theory  Carroll 's 
book  says  that  man  has  been  created  in  the  image  of  God,  but  since,  as  every- 
one knows,  God  is  not  a  Negro,  it  follows  that  the  Negro  is  not  in  the  image  of 
God;  therefore  he  is  not  a  man. 

There  is  a  plain  explanation  of  the  origin  of  these  beliefs.  The  science  of 
anthropology  itself  has  remarkably  advanced  during  the  past  fifty  years. 
When  Negroes  emerged  from  slavery,  illiterate  and  unaccustomed  to  free- 
dom, it  was  natural  that  their  condition  should  be  accepted  as  evidence  that 
they  could  neither  learn  nor  absorb  the  standards  of  the  civilization  around 
them.  But  although  their  illiteracy,  for  example,  has  decreased  from  98  to 
27  per  cent,  the  original  beliefs  persist. 

Morality: — The  reputation  of  Negroes  for  immorality  is  based  largely  on 
southern  authority  and  is  historically  explained  by  reference  to  slavery,  in 
which  state  immorahty  is  asserted  to  have  been  common  between  the  master 
and  the  woman  slave.  There  are  many  authorities  on  this  character  trait. 
Perhaps  the  most  pretentious  study  on  this  subject  is  by  Howard  O.  Odum  in  y 
"Studies  in  History,  Economics  and  Public  Law,"  Columbia  University,  1910. 
It  is  called  A  Study  in  Race  Traits,  Tendencies  and  Prospects.  Writing  of 
immorahty  among  Negroes,  Odum  says: 

It  has  generally  been  assumed  that  the  Negro  is  differentiated  by  a  distinct  sexual 
development.  It  is  afl&rmed  that  the  sex  development  crowds  out  the  mental  growth. 
It  is  afl&rmed  that  the  period  of  puberty  in  boys  and  girls  is  marked  by  special  mani- 
festations of  wildness  and  uncontrol.  It  is  true,  too,  that  the  practices  of  the  Negroes 
leave  Uttle  energy  for  moral  and  mental  regeneration.  Their  lives  are  filled  with  that 
which  is  carnal;  their  thoughts  are  most  filthy  and  their  morals  are  generally  beyond 
description.  Again,  physical  developments  from  childhood  are  precocious  and  the 
sex  Ufe  begins  at  a  ridiculously  early  period.  But  granting  these  truths,  it  is  doubtful 
if  there  is  sufficient  evidence  to  warrant  such  a  conclusion.  The  Negro  reveals  a 
strong  physical  nature;  the  sex  impulse  is  naturally  predominant.  But  its  manifesta- 
tions are  probably  no  more  violent  and  powerful  than  are  the  expressions  of  other 
feehngs  already  suggested.  The  Negro's  sensuous  enjoyment  of  eating  and  drinking 
and  sleeping,  relatively  speaking,  are  no  less  marked  than  his  sexual  propensities. 
Likewise  lack  of  control  and  extreme  manifestations  characterize  the  discharge  of 
other  impulses.  It  is  true,  again,  that  the  part  played  by  sexual  hfe  among  the 
Negroes  is  large  for  a  people;  but  to  state  that  the  Negro  is  inherently  differentiated 
and  hindered  by  a  sexual  development  out  of  proportion  to  other  physical  quahties 
is  quite  a  different  proposition.  But  whether  the  question  here  raised  is  answered  in 
the  affirmative  or  not,  it  still  remains  that  in  the  practical  hfe  of  the  Negro  his  better 
impulses  are  warped  and  hindered  by  his  unreasonable  abuse  of  sexual  Ucense.  And 
it  is  safe  to  suggest  that  the  Negro  need  hope  for  little  development  of  his  best  quahties 
imtil  he  has  learned  to  regulate  and  control  his  animal  impulses. 


448  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Statistics  on  illegitimate  births  and  abortions  are  frequently  quoted  as 
evidence  of  Negro  immorality.  It  is  further  asserted,  with  rarely  an  attempt 
at  correction,  that  these  immoral  tendencies  are  responsible  for  rape  and 
attempted  rape  of  white  women. 

Tradition  maintains  that  it  is  a  part  of  Negro  nature  to  desire  a  white 
woman  and  similarly  a  part  of  his  nature  to  be  lacking  in  those  restraints  and 
inhibitions  which  might  control  this  desire.  C.  H.  McCord,  author  of  The 
American  Negro  as  a  Dependent,  Defective,  and  Delinquent,  said:  "The  average 
Negro  is  a  child  in  every  essential  element  of  character,  exhibiting  those  charac- 
teristics that  indicate  a  tendency  to  lawless  impulse  and  weak  mhibition." 

Numerous  magazine  articles  and  written  studies  in  the  South  on  this  sub- 
ject have  given  weight  to  this  belief  through  sheer  repetition.  It  is  now  not 
necessary  to  prove  assertions  or  present  an  array  of  instances;  they  are  taken 
for  granted.  Allusions  to  the  "well-known  immoral  character"  of  the  Negro 
or  his  instinctive  tendency  to  commit  sex  crimes  appear  to  carry  as  strong  an 
impress  of  certainty  as  proved  conclusions. 

Other  supposed  social  characteristics. — Discussions  of  each  of  the  character- 
istics mentioned  and  many  others  are  found  in  the  literature  on  the  subject. 
It  will  suffice  here  to  give  selections  typical  of  the  trend  of  descriptions  to 
indicate  the  manner  in  which  the  picture  of  the  Negro  in  practically  every 
phase  of  his  life  has  been  set.  Of  his  industrial  habits  Odum,  in  the  social 
study  of  the  Negro,  says: 

In  any  discussion  of  the  economic  situation  this  (the  question  of  the  efficiency 
of  Negro  labor)  is  an  important  consideration.  A  portion  of  the  Negroes  wander 
about  and  seek  to  get  a  living  as  best  they  can  without  working  for  it;  they  must 
necessarily  live  at  the  expense  of  the  other  Negroes  and  the  whites.  The  number  of 
vagrants  in  every  community  is  surprisingly  large.  They  are  naturally  divided  into 
several  groups;  those  who  never  work  but  wander  from  place  to  place,  never  fixed 
and  without  a  home,  stealing,  begging,  and  obtaining  a  living  from  any  source  possible. 
Such  men  never  work  except  when  forced  to  do  so  in  httle  jobs  or  on  the  streets  or  in 
the  chain  gang. 

Of  the  Negro's  social  affairs  he  says: 

The  description  of  one  of  these  [Negro]  dances  would  be  repulsive.  The  Negroes 
have  "good  times"  on  such  occasions  and  will  go  a  long  distance  to  attend.  The  whole 
trend  of  the  dance  is  toward  physical  excitation;  they  are  without  order  and  the  influ- 
ence is  totally  bad. 

Of  the  condition  of  the  Negro's  home: 

It  will  be  seen  that  there  is  httle  orderly  home  hfe  among  the  Negroes.  Health 
conditions  and  daily  habits  are  no  better  than  the  arrangement  of  the  house.  Some- 
times an  entire  family  consisting  of  father,  mother,  large  and  small  children  occupy 
the  same  rooms.  Nor  do  they  ventilate,  and  especially  when  any  of  the  inmates  are 
sick  they  are  loath  to  let  in  the  fresh  air.  Physicians  testify  that  three  or  four  often 
sleep  in  a  bed  together;   they  do  not  change  clothing  before  going  to  bed  in  many 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  449 

cases,  and  often  go  for  many  days  without  a  change  of  garments.  It  has  been  sug- 
gested that  the  personal  habits  of  the  Negroes  are  filthy;  such  is  the  case.  Filth  and 
uncleanness  are  everywhere  predominant. 

Of  his  religion: 

In  spite  of  pretentions  and  superficiality,  there  is  nothing  so  real  to  the  Negro  as 
his  religion,  although  it  is  a  different  "reality"  from  what  we  commonly  expect  in 
reUgion.  The  Negro  is  more  excitable  in  his  nature,  and  yields  more  readily  to  excite- 
ment than  does  the  white  man.  The  more  a  thing  excites  him,  the  more  reality  it 
has  for  him 

The  criminal  instinct  appears  to  overbalance  any  consciousness  which  makes 
for  righteousness,  and  the  Negro  has  little  serene  consciousness  of  a  clean  record; 
he  is  ready  to  rush  at  any  surprising  or  suspicious  turn  of  affairs.  The  Negro  does  not 
value  his  word  of  honor;  he  apparently  cannot  always  tell  the  truth.  Only  about  one 
in  every  ten  will  keep  an  important  engagement  made  in  seriousness. 

The  Negro's  conception  of  heaven  and  hell,  God  and  the  devil  are  very  distinct. 
Heaven  is  an  eternal  resting-place  where  he  shall  occupy  the  best  place.  He  sings  of 
his  heavenly  home  in  striking  contrast  to  his  earthly  abode.  Perhaps  for  the  reason 
that  the  Negroes  have  little  satisfactory  home  life,  they  expect  to  have  a  perfect  home 
in  the  next  life. 

Of  his  finer  emotions: 

While  it  is  doubtful  if  there  is  enough  evidence  to  warrant  a  full  statement  con- 
cerning the  affections  of  the  Negroes,  it  is  apparently  based  on  the  gregarious  impulse 
and  upon  a  passive  sympathy  rather  than  upon  individual  emotions  intellectually 

developed.  The  emotion  is  rarely  of  long  duration The  Negro  mother  rarely 

mourns  for  her  wandering  child,  or  sits  up  at  night  waiting  for  his  return  or  thinking 
of  him.  The  father  shows  Little  care  except  that  of  losing  a  laborer  from  his  work. 
....  The  Negro  has  no  loved  ones.  Niunbers  were  asked  for  the  names  of  those 
whom  they  considered  friends  or  whom  they  loved  or  those  who  loved  them.  The 
question  was  put  in  various  ways  with  different  subjects,  but  the  retiuns  were  the 
same But  as  a  rule  the  Negro  is  without  friendship  among  his  own  people. 

It  may  help  to  comprehend  the  range  of  conclusions  found  in  the  literature 
on  the  subject  of  Negro  traits  of  character  to  note  the  array  of  descriptive  adjec- 
tives employed,  thus:  sensual,  lazy,  unobservant,  shiftless,  umesentful,  emo- 
tional, shallow,  patient,  amiable,  gregarious,  expressive,  appropriative,  child- 
ish, religious,  urmioral,  immoral,  ignorant,  mentally  inferior,  criminal,  excitable, 
imitative,  repulsive,  poetic,  irresponsible,  filthy,  unintellectual,  bumptious, 
overassertive,  superficial,  indecent,  dependent,  untruthful,  musical,  ungrate- 
ful, loyal,  sporty,  provincial,  anthropomorphic,  savage,  brutish,  happy-go- 
lucky,  careless,  plastic,  docile,  apish,  inferior,  cheerful. 

Much  might  be  said  of  influences  which  have  operated  to  counteract  the 
opinion-making  hterature  as  to  the  utterly  hopeless  condition  of  Negroes.  The 
object  of  this  study,  however,  is  not  to  attack  these  conclusions,  but  merely 
to  cite  them  as  indicating  how  certain  attitudes  detrimental  to  racial  friendh- 
ness  and  understanding  have  had  their  rise. 


450  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

In  academic  circles  the  more  balanced  opinions  of  anthropologists  are  gain- 
ing some  headway.  Franz  Boaz,  probably  the  foremost  anthropologist  in  the 
United  States,  in  The  Mind  of  Primitive  Man,  maintains: 

Our  considerations  make  it  probable  that  the  wide  diflferences  between  the  mani- 
festations of  the  human  mind  in  various  stages  of  culture  may  be  due  almost  entirely 
to  the  form  of  individual  experience,  which  is  determined  by  the  geographical  and 
social  environment  of  the  individual.  It  would  seem  that,  in  different  races,  the 
organization  of  the  mind  is  on  the  whole  alike,  and  that  the  variations  of  mind  found 
in  different  races  do  not  exceed,  perhaps  not  even  reach,  the  amount  of  normal  indi- 
vidual variation  in  each  race.  It  has  been  indicated  that,  notwithstanding  this 
similarity  in  the  form  of  individual  mental  processes,  the  expression  of  mental  activity 
of  a  community  tends  to  show  a  characteristic  historical  development. 

This  author  in  an  article  in  the  Nation  for  December,  1920,  comments  thus 
on  Lothrop  Stoddard's  book,  The  Rising  Tide  of  Color: 

Mr.  Stoddard's  book  is  one  of  the  long  series  of  pubHcations  devoted  to  the  self- 
admiration  of  the  white  race,  which  begins  with  Gobineau  and  comes  down  to  us 
through  Chamberlain  and,  with  increasingly  passionate  appeal,  through  Madison 
Grant  to  Mr.  Stoddard.  The  newer  books  of  this  type  try  to  bolster  up  their  unscien- 
tific theories  by  an  amateurish  appeal  to  misunderstood  discoveries  relating  to  heredity 
and  give  in  this  manner  a  scientific  guise  to  their  dogmatic  statements  which  misleads 
the  pubhc.  For  this  reason  the  books  must  be  characterized  as  vicious  propaganda, 
and  gain  an  attention  not  warranted  by  an  intrinsic  merit  in  their  learning  or  their 
logic. 

Each  race  is  exceedingly  variable  in  all  of  its  features,  and  we  find  in  the  white 
race,  as  well  as  in  all  other  races,  all  grades  of  intellectual  capacity,  from  the  imbecile 
to  the  man  of  high  intellectual  power.  It  is  true  that  intellectual  power  is  hereditary 
in  the  individual,  and  that  the  healthy,  the  physically  and  mentally  developed  indi- 
viduals of  a  race,  if  they  marry  among  themselves,  are  hable  to  have  offspring  of  a 
similar  excellence;  but  it  is  equally  true  that  the  inferior  individuals  in  a  race  will 
also  have  inferior  offspring.  If,  therefore,  it  were  entirely  a  question  of  eugenic 
development  of  humanity,  then  the  aid  of  the  eugenist  would  be  to  suppress  not  the 
gifted  strains  of  other  races,  but  rather  the  inferior  strains  of  our  own  race.  A  selec- 
tion of  the  intelligent,  energetic  and  highly  endowed  individuals  from  all  over  the 
world  would  not  by  any  means  leave  the  white  race  as  the  only  survivors,  but  would 
leave  an  assembly  of  individuals  who  would  probably  represent  all  the  different 
races  of  man  now  in  existence. 

Jean  Finot,  in  Race  Prejudice,  says: 

When  we  go  through  the  list  of  external  differences  which  appear  to  divide  men, 
we  find  hterally  nothing  which  can  authorize  their  division  into  superior  and  inferior 
beings,  into  masters  and  pariahs.  If  this  division  exists  in  our  thought,  it  only  came 
there  as  the  result  of  inexact  observations  and  false  opinions  drawn  from  them. 

The  science  of  inequality  is  emphatically  a  science  of  white  people.  It  is  they  who 
have  invented  it  and  set  it  going,  who  have  maintained,  cherished,  and  propagated  it, 
thanks  to  their  observations  and  their  deductions.  Deeming  themselves  greater 
than  men  of  other  colours,  they  have  elevated  into  superior  qualities  all  the  traits 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  451 

which  are  peculiar  to  themselves,  commencing  with  the  whitness  of  the  skin  and  the 
pliancy  of  the  hair.  But  nothing  proves  that  these  vaunted  traits  are  traits  of  real 
superiority. 

W.  I.  Thomas,  in  Sex  and  Society,  concludes  his  discussion  of  relative 
mentality  with  this  statement: 

The  real  variable  is  the  individual,  not  the  race.  In  the  beginning — perhaps  as 
the  result  of  a  mutation  or  series  of  mutations — a  type  of  brain  developed  which  has 
remained  relatively  fixed  in  all  times  and  among  all  races.  This  brain  will  never  have 
any  faculty  in  addition  to  what  it  now  possesses,  because  as  a  type  of  structure  it  is 
as  fixed  as  the  species  itself,  and  is  indeed  a  mark  of  species.  It  is  not  apparent  that 
we  are  greatly  in  need  of  another  faculty,  or  that  we  could  make  use  of  it  even  if  by  a 
chance  mutation  it  should  emerge,  since  with  the  power  of  abstraction  we  are  able  to 
do  any  class  of  work  we  know  anything  about. 

III.      TYPES   OF   SENTIMENTS   AND  ATTITUDES 

In  the  South   the  relations   between   the  white  and  Negro  races   ar^ 
determined  by  custom  as  well  as  law,  which,  however,  permit  the  close  personal  \. 
relationships  of  family  servants.     In  the  North,  when  these  relations  become     ^^ 
more  impersonal  and  contacts  are  widened  through  change  of  occupatio^/ 
from  domestic  service  to  industry,  these  close  personal  ties  are  weakened. 
There  is  no  established  rule  of  conduct  binding  on  whites  and  Negroes 
in  their  relations  with  each  other;    and  although  traditional  beliefs  may 
influence  present  relations  in   the  North,    they  do   not   always   dominate 
them.     So  it  happens  that  there  are  to  be  found  shades  of  opinion  concerning 
Negroes  varying  from  deliberate  indifference  to  vituperative  abuse  of  Negroes, 
whatever  the  subject,  depending  on  one's  beliefs  about  them.     The  selections 
of  sentiment  which  follow  are  examples  collected  at  random  over  the  city — 
through  interviews  and  discussions,  from  group  publications,  speeches  and 
reports.     They  illustrate  the  real  sentiments  that  white  persons  express  when 
brought  into  contact  with  Negroes,  or  when  their  opinions  are  solicited. 

I.      THE  EMOTIONAL  BACKGROUND 

Hostile  sentiment. — The  refusal  of  Policeman  Callahan  to  arrest  Stauber,  a 
white  youth  accused  of  throwing  stones  which  resulted  in  the  drowning  of 
Eugene  Williams,  is  regarded  as  the  significant  incident  precipitating  the  riot 
of  1919  (see  p.  4)  Callahan  was  dismissed  from  the  force,  but  reinstated. 
One  year  later,  when  questioned  by  an  investigator  for  the  Commission,  he 
gave  his  racial  philosophy  freely  in  the  following  remarks: 

So  far  as  I  can  learn  the  black  people  have  since  history  began  despised  the  white  "^ 

people  and  have  always  fought  them It  wouldn't  take  much  to  start  another 

riot,  and  most  of  the  white  people  of  this  district  are  resolved  to  make  a  clean-up  this 

time If  a  Negro  should  say  one  word  back  to  me  or  should  say  a  word  to  a 

white  woman  in  the  park,  there  is  a  crowd  of  young  men  of  the  district,  mostly  ex- 
service  men,  who  wovdd  procure  arms  and  fight  shoulder  to  shoulder  with  me  if  trouble 
should  come  from  the  incident. 


452  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

The  following  is  from  a  letter  written  by  a  white  employee  of  Albert  Pick 
&  Company: 

Negroes  in  street  cars  refuse  to  double  up  with  others  of  their  race,  but  seem 
to  delight  in  sitting  beside  some  dainty  white  girl. 

The  Thirty-fifth  Street  cars  are  crowded  by  low-grade  "plantation  niggers" 
who  crowd  on  at  Ashland  Avenue  via  windows  and  doors,  then  awkwardly  step  and 
fall  over  passengers;  it  is  maddening.  About  this  tune  girls  from  Albert  Pick  &  Com- 
pany, the  Magnus  Company,  and  the  tailoring  establishments  are  crowded  together 
breast  to  breast  with  Negroes.  Often  he  falls  asleep  and  leans  on  his  white  seat- 
mate's  shoulder. 

Laws  should  be  urged  preventing  intermarriage. 

Assaults  upon  white  women  are  frequent,  but  hushed  up  by  fear  of  newspaper 
pubhcity,  and  the  Negro  is  thus  encouraged  in  his  felony. 

In  cases  where  a  white  girl  is  involved  in  an  assault  case  by  a  colored  man,  the 
white  woman  should  be  shielded,  and  her  name  withheld  from  the  newspapers  and 
pubhc,  before  and  after  the  trial.    This  will  prevent  race  riots. 

A  movement  is  now  afoot  to  declare  a  silent  boycott  against  employers  of  colored 
help. 

A  physician  living  on  Oakwood  Boulevard  said:  "The  increasing  amount 
generally  of  sex  immorality  is  being  contributed  to  by  mixing  Negroes  and 
whites  in  schools  and  parks." 

A  teacher  in  the  Felsenthal  School  said: 

The  colored  people  are  coming  from  the  South  all  the  time,  for  pohtical  purposes. 
It's  propaganda  for  the  colored  man  to  sit  down  by  the  white  woman,  and  not  to  double 
up  to  make  room  for  the  whites.  Their  papers  tell  them  to  do  it.  I  was  the  only  white 
person  in  an  empty  car  one  day  and  a  colored  man  came  in  and  took  the  seat  beside  me. 

Fear. — From  White  Americans  circulated  in  Chicago: 

In  the  United  States  Negroes  not  only  vote  and  hold  office,  but  the  Negro  vote 
is  the  deciding  factor  in  the  national  elections,  and  also  in  many  of  the  northern 
cities,  and  they  trade  their  vote  for  jobs  and  offices  and  other  privileges.  The  Negroes 
control  the  great  city  of  Philadelphia,  and  the  press  said  the  Negro  delegates  at  the 
RepubUcan  Convention  in  Chicago  openly  offered  to  sell  their  support  to  the  presi- 
dential candidate  who  would  pay  the  most  money.  Just  think  this  thing  over,  you 
sovereign  United  States  citizens:  the  Negroes  control  the  elections,  and  thus  your 
law-makers,  judges,  and  officials;  and  the  Negroes  have  so  much  puU  and  confidence, 
that  they  not  only  defend  their  pohtical  rights,  but  they  start  riots  and  race  wars, 
and  openly  threaten  that  they  are  going  to  make  the  white  folks  stand  around. 

Fear  and  pity. — A  resident  in  the  6600  block  on  Langley  Avenue  said: 

A  colored  family  lives  next  door  north  of  me,  and  you'll  be  surprised  when  I  tell 
you  that  I  haven't  been  able  to  open  my  bedroom  window  on  that  side  to  air  that 
room  for  three  years.  I  couldn't  think  of  unlocking  the  windows  because  their  window 
is  so  near  somebody  could  easily  step  across  into  this  house.  It's  awful  to  have  to 
Uve  in  such  fear  of  your  Ufe. 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  453 

When  asked  if  she  considered  her  neighbors  so  dangerous  as  that,  she  said: 

Well,  no,  the  woman  seems  pretty  nice.  I  see  her  out  in  the  back  yard  occasionally 
and  bid  her  the  time  of  day  out  of  charity.  You  can't  help  but  pity  them,  so  I  am 
charitable  and  speak.  Where  the  danger  really  is,  is  that  you  never  know  who's  in 
their  house;  they  bring  such  trash  to  the  neighborhood,  even  if  they  are  good  and 
decent.  How  do  I  know  what  kind  of  people  this  woman  next  door  associates  with  ? 
There's  awful-looking  people  sit  on  the  front  porch  sometimes.  Why,  I  couldn't 
sit  on  my  porch  on  the  hottest  day  because  I'd  be  afraid  they  would  come  out  any 
minute.  And  what  white  person  will  sit  on  a  porch  next  door  to  a  porch  with  black 
ones  on  it  ?    Not  me,  anyhow,  nor  you  either  I  hope. 

Hostile  but  resigned. — A  resident  near  Dorchester  Avenue  and  Sixtieth 
Street  said: 

I  have  nothing  against  the  black  man  as  a  black  man.  He  comes  into  my  place 
of  business  (drug-store)  and  I  sell  him.  Not  many  come  in,  as  there  aren't  a  lot 
of  colored  people  arotmd  Sixty-third  and  Woodlawn  or  Dorchester.  But  I  don't 
want  to  live  with  niggers  any  more  than  you  or  any  other  white  person  does.  People 
who  say,  "I  like  the  colored  people  and  don't  see  why  others  can't  get  along  with 
them"  don't  talk  practical  common  sense.  Theoretically  all  this  talk  is  all  right,  but 
you  get  a  white  man  of  this  sort  to  come  right  down  and  live  with  a  nigger  and  he 
won't  do  it. 

Niggers  are  different  from  whites  and  always  wiU  be,  and  that  is  why  white 
people  don't  want  them  aroimd.  But  the  only  thing  we  can  do,  it  seems  to  me,  is  make 
the  best  of  it  and  Uve  peaceably  with  them.  The  North  can  never  do  what  the  South 
does — down  there  it  is  pure  autocracy.  I  might  say  Uke  Russia.  That  might  have 
worked  here  in  the  North  from  the  start,  but  can't  be  started  now,  and  we  wouldn't 
want  such  autocracy  anyway.  They  are  citizens,  and  it  is  up  to  us  to  teach  them  to 
be  good  ones.  How  it  can  be  done  I  don't  know — it  will  have  to  come  slow,  and  no 
one  can  give  a  solution  offhand.  Everybody  says,  "We  don't  want  the  niggers  with 
us."  Well,  here  they  are,  and  we  can't  do  anything.  Must  let  them  live  where  they 
want  to  and  go  to  school  where  they  want  to,  and  we  don't  want  to  force  their  right 
away. 

It  is  not  uncommon  to  find  in  some  circles  and  with  many  individuals  a 
resolute  indisposition  to  discuss  any  phase  of  the  Negro  problem.  Convictions 
regarding  the  race  are  so  firmly  set  and  hostile  that  no  argument  or  appeal  to 
fair-mindedness  can  alter  their  position. 

"Eye  Witness,"  a  special  writer  for  the  Chicago  Tribune,  encountered  this 
state  of  mind  in  interviewing  whites  and  Negroes  for  a  series  of  articles  on  the 
Negro  question  which  appeared  in  the  Tribune  in  May,  1919.  He  character- 
ized it  as  insensate  and  dangerous.  His  own  statement,  published  May  4, 
1919,  said: 

Among  men  Hke  pubHcists  and  administrators  of  large  affairs,  who,  when  they 
discuss  the  problems  and  troubles  of  their  race,  are  wont  to  speak  in  a  rational,  or 
at  least  mannerly  way,  there  was  often  an  unfeeling  kind  of  don't-give-a-damn  cry 
when  they  talked  on  this  subject  that  made  one  wonder  how  they  had  managed  so 


454  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

well  in  maintaining  a  human  and  successful  relationship  with  their  white  associates 
in  business  and  with  their  employees. 

I  heard  more,  far  more,  insensate  language  from  the  lips  of  white  men  than  of 
black  men  throughout  the  series  of  interviews.  The  horrible  part  of  that,  to  me, 
was  that  when  a  white  employer  more  or  less  accountable  for  the  well-being  of  colored 
workmen,  or  a  publicist  entrusted  with  a  pen  that  forms  and  directs  opinions,  had 
raUed  about  "these  damn  niggers"  they  appeared  to  think  they  had  said  something 
rather  gallant  and  decisive,  for  they  would  smile  fatuously  and  expect  acquiescence. 

And  more  terrible  than  the  language  was  the  insensate  state  of  mind  such  language 
betrayed.  The  only  way  one  could  avoid  the  suspicion  that  one  was  Ustening  to  a 
potential  lunatic  or  a  desperately  stupid  person  without  a  human  or  a  community 
sense,  was  to  allow  much  for  the  vehemence  of  the  American  tongue  and  to  concede 
that  these  men  don't  mean  one-tenth  of  what  they  say.  If  they  did  they  would  be 
fomenters  of  race  wars. 

2.      SENTIMENTAL   RELATIONSHIPS 

Sentiment  for  the  "old  family  servants." — A  white  physician  born  in  the 
South  said: 

My  father  owned  slaves.  He  looked  out  for  them;  told  them  what  to  do.  He 
loved  them  and  they  loved  him.  I  was  brought  up  during  and  after  the  war.  I  had 
a  "black  mammy"  and  she  was  devoted  to  me  and  I  to  her;  and  I  played  with  Negro 
children.  In  a  way  I'm  fond  of  the  Negro;  I  understand  him  and  he  understands  me; 
but  the  bond  between  us  is  not  as  close  as  it  was  between  my  father  and  his  slaves. 
On  the  other  hand,  my  children  have  grown  up  without  black  playmates  and  without 
a  "black  mammy."  The  attitude  of  my  children  is  less  sympathetic  toward  the 
Negroes  than  my  own.    They  don't  know  each  other. 

Paternal  relationship. — In  testimony  before  the  Commission  a  witness  said : 

The  prejudice  against  the  colored  people  in  the  South  isn't  as  strong  in  some 
instances  as  it  is  in  the  North.  It's  a  queer  thing,  but  the  white  man  in  the  South, 
and  the  white  woman,  too,  has  a  sort  of  paternal  feehng  that  he  must  look  after  him 
and  that  the  colored  man's  interests  are  better  in  his  hands  than  if  he  is  left  to  drift 
for  himself.  I  don't  state  that  as  an  actual  fact,  but  I  believe  it  is  true.  That  is 
their  point  of  view.  They  don't  hate  the  colored  man.  They  don't  dislike  him,  but  I 
should  say  this,  that  they  won't  take  him  into  their  homes.  They  don't  dislike  him, 
provided  he  keeps  his  place.  I  believe  the  white  people  of  the  South  think  more  of 
the  Negro  than  the  white  people  of  the  North. 

3.      ABSTRACT  JUSTICE 

A  trained  nurse  of  Woodlawn  said: 

I  meet  colored  people  only  on  the  cars.  There  are  none  anywhere  around  here, 
I  beheve.  I  don't  know  how  I  would  feel  if  they  came  to  Woodlawn  to  live.  But 
they  must  live,  and  I  hear  their  quarters  are  getting  too  small.  It  seems  that  Chicago 
ought  to  let  them  live  somewhere.  Some  people  treat  Negroes  terrible  and  I  think 
that  is  all  wrong.  Why  can't  we  act  respectably  toward  colored  people  on  the  cars 
and  treat  them  nice  on  the  street  ?  We  surely  don't  want  to  be  like  the  people  in 
the  South  who  make  colored  persons  get  off  the  walk  when  they  come  along.  But 
I  see  white  people  here  almost  that  bad — can't  see  a  black  man  live. 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  455 

The  pastor  of  a  church  in  Woodlawn  said: 

I  have  come  to  no  final  conclusion  as  to  the  best  poUcy  to  pursue  in  the  adjust- 
ment of  the  race  problem.  I  am  thinking  about  it  a  great  deal  and  am  deeply  con- 
cerned over  the  whole  matter.  In  the  present  state  of  popular  mind,  there  is  no 
doubt  but  property  values  are  depreciated  by  the  presence  of  Negro  tenants  or  prop- 
erty owners  in  residential  sections.  However,  if  everyone  felt  as  I  do,  it  would  not 
be  so.  I  mean,  provided  that  the  same  general  social  standards  were  observed  by  all 
nationalities  in  the  city.  It  would  be  very  fine,  it  seems  to  me,  to  maintain  certain 
standards  in  each  neighborhood.  Why  not  bring  pressure  to  bear  on  white  landlords 
and  make  them  keep  their  property  up  to  a  given  average  standard  in  the  commu- 
nity, that  only  such  a  class  of  people  will  rent  or  buy  as  are  already  there  ?  I  am  very 
anxious  that  the  Negro  shall  be  treated  fairly.  I  do  not  want  him  to  feel  that  I  have 
stood  in  the  way  of  his  opportunities  and  his  rights. 

A  professor  at  the  University  of  Chicago  said; 

The  final  solution,  it  seems  to  me,  must  come  as  a  result  of  honest  and  successful 
efforts  for  mutual  understanding  between  the  races.  There  must  be  apparent  on  the 
part  of  the  white  race  an  attempt  to  treat  the  Negro  with  justice,  and  I  feel  sure  that 
he  will  respond.  I  do  not  think  the  black  race,  as  a  race,  desires  intermarriage  more 
than  the  white  race,  yet  the  assertion  to  the  contrary  is  much  overworked  by  the  white 
opposition  in  these  neighborhoods, 

A  minister  said: 

All  I  want  for  the  Negro  is  justice — then  I  think  the  economic  laws  will  settle 
this  problem.  Let  the  people  interested  try  justice;  they  will  find  it  will  solve  the 
race  problem  faster  than  any  other  course,  just  as  it  wUl  solve  any  other  problem. 
Treat  the  bad  Negro  just  as  rough  as  you  treat  the  bad  white  man,  but  acclaim  the 
good  Negro  after  the  same  manner  of  your  acclamation  of  the  good  white  man. 

4.      SENTIMENTS   STRONGER  THAN  RACE  PREJUDICE 

Class  kinship  stronger  than  race. — A  Swedish  employee  in  a  department 
Store  said: 

We  have  quite  a  number  of  Negro  neighbors  where  I  Uve,  and  several  black  men 
work  with  me,  and  I  want  to  say  I  think  they  are  just  as  good  as  anybody.  There 
are  classes  of  people  in  every  race,  and  of  course  there  is  a  rough  element  among  the 
blacks.  Some  highbrows  try  to  make  out  that  they  are  representative,  but  I  think 
opposition  to  the  Negro  in  Chicago  comes  from  the  "swell"  class.  I  do  not  have 
any  different  feeling  for  them  than  for  the  same  kind  of  people  in  any  other  race. 
I  think  race  relations  will  get  better  in  Chicago.  The  workingman  has  learned  that 
the  Negro  will  treat  him  right  when  he  is  treated  right,  and  as  soon  as  the  other 
folks  find  that  out,  things  will  be  all  right. 

The  secretary  of  the  Cook  County  Labor  Party  said: 

I  have  thought  about  this  problem  a  good  deal,  and  I  think  you  will  find  it  is  the 
so-called  middle  class  that  is  making  all  the  trouble.  The  laboring-man  does  not  care 
who  his  neighbor  is,  so  long  as  he  is  a  good  neighbor.  I  think  you  can  trace  most  of 
the  racial  activities  to  jealousy  on  the  part  of  a  certain  class  of  American  citizens  who 


456  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

are  not  any  too  wealthy  and  feel  constrained  to  maintain  a  sort  of  fictitious  position 
in  life  at  the  expense  of  anybody,  in  this  case  the  Negroes.  You  will  find  that  the 
very  well-to-do  are  not  nearly  so  much  aroused  over  the  problem. 

A  Japanese  said: 

I  think  it  is  simply  a  matter  of  race  prejudice,  which  of  course  means  first  of  all 
that  the  color  is  not  acceptable,  while,  in  the  second  place,  they  were  imported  to  the 
United  States  as  slaves,  and  thus  it  always  occurs  in  the  American  mind  that  they 
are  a  lower  class  of  people.  Furthermore,  as  they  were  slaves  and  the  American  does 
not  Uke  them,  they  don't  have  equal  opportunities  to  educate  themselves  up  to  such  a 
degree  which  means  no  more  than  environment.  In  the  last  place,  they  want  to  keep 
away  from  them.  I  think  it  might  be  said  that  they  are  willing  to  receive  lower 
wages,  which  tends  to  lower  the  wage  system;  thus  the  American  worker  suffers  a 
good  deal.  In  the  whole  process  the  Negroes  have  been  kept  out  of  social  and  political 
activities  that  would  have  given  them  a  chance  to  develop.  AUow  them  to  have 
these  activities  in  the  future  and  they  wiU  make  more  rapid  progress  than  they  have 
even  in  the  past. 

General  historical  comparisons. — ^A  Jewish  resident  of  the  West  Side  said: 
I  believe  that  the  segregation  movement  is  wrong  because  it  is  imjust  and  because 
it  is  devoid  of  any  principle  whatever.  It  has  not  risen  out  of  the  consideration  of 
the  needs  of  the  colored  people,  nor  out  of  consideration  of  real  advantages  that  the 
whites  might  thereby  gain.  What  is  back  of  race  prejudice  ?  Nothing  more  than 
the  spirit  of  superiority  and  selfishness  which  moves  the  aristocrats  to  move  out  of  a 
neighborhood  as  soon  as  a  few  common  people  move  in.  This  is  here  too  prevalent. 
The  segregation  movement  has  its  parallel  in  history.  Who  does  not  remember  the  old 
Jewish  Ghetto  of  Amsterdam,  Frankfort,  etc.,  or  the  Pale  of  Russia  ?  What  has  this 
segregation  done  for  the  Jews  ?  It  curtailed  their  rise,  depriving  them  of  an  oppor- 
tunity to  develop,  and  I  foresee  the  same  result  in  the  new  segregation  movement, 
and  therefore  deem  it  a  great  public  evil  and  moral  issue. 

5.      TRADITIONAL  SOUTHERN  BACKGROUND 

A  window  dresser  said: 

I  am  from  the  South,  and  I  am  used  to  seeing  the  Negro  kept  in  his  place.  I  would 
colonize  them,  every  one  of  them,  and  make  them  stay  where  they  are  put.  I  would 
colonize  them  in  Africa  if  I  had  to  do  it.  There's  where  they  came  from  and  there's 
where  they  belong.  Of  course,  some  few  northern  folks  say  that  they  were  taken 
away  against  their  own  wills,  but  I  say  they  ought  to  go  back  against  their  own  wills. 

The  woman  manager  of  a  tailor  shop,  Fifty-fifth  Street,  said:  "I  am  a 
southerner,  and  I  feel  the  way  they  all  do  about  it.  I  guess  you  know  what  I 
mean.     I  think  the  nigger  should  stay  in  his  place." 

6.      GROUP  SENTIMENTS 

Fear  of  social  censure. — A  property  owner  at  Langley  Avenue  and  Fifty- 
fifth  Street  said: 

"I  am  not  proud  to  be  living  on  the  same  street  with  Negroes,  so  I  never  tell  my 
friends — they  would  say:  'You  must  move  out.' " 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  457 

George  L.  Giles  Post  of  the  American  Legion  is  a  Negro  post  with  head- 
quarters at  the  South  Side  Branch  of  the  Community  Service.  Invitations 
to  a  musicale  and  dramatic  entertainment  for  the  benefit  of  ex-service  men  were 
sent  to  all  the  local  posts  bv  the  Community  Service.  It  was  responded  to  by 
the  adjutant  of  George  L.  Giles  Post,  who  received  a  reply  from  the  executive 
secretary  saying: 

I  am  quite  sure  you  will  understand  that  our  sending  one  to  the  George  L. 
Giles  Post  was  a  slip.  Will  you  kindly  let  me  know  if  there  are  other  Posts  of  col- 
ored men  in  the  city  ? 

Similar  recognition  of  the  force  of  public  opinion  may  be  found  in  industry. 
The  manager  of  a  large  industrial  plant,  speaking  of  Negro  workmen,  said:  "I 
have  a  feehng  that  white  workers  would  object  to  Negroes  in  any  position  but 
that  of  common  laborers,  although  I  have  no  basis  for  this  opinion."  Another 
said:  "I  have  heard  whites  remark  that  they  wouldn't  want  to  work  here  if 
many  colored  were  employed  but  none  left  on  that  account." 

7.      ATTITUDES  DETERMINED  BY  CONTACTS 

No  contacts  hut  a  hostile  attitiide. — A  resident  at  Drexel  Avenue  and  Sixty- 
fifth  Street  said: 

I  don't  see  many  niggers  arovmd  here;  most  of  them  are  west  of  Cottage  Grove 
Avenue.  I  never  had  any  dealings  with  them,  so  can't  tell  you  anything  much.  I 
know  I  don't  want  niggers  living  next  door  to  me,  but  I  can't  tell  you  why.  Do  you 
want  them  next-door  neighbors  to  you?  There  are  some  Uving  down  in  the  next 
block — two  famihes  of  them — between  Sixty-fourth  and  Sixty-fifth,  and  I  guess 
they  are  pretty  wild,  but  I  have  never  seen  them.  It's  just  what  people  tell  me.  I 
never  had  any  dealings  with  them. 

Generalization  from  a  particular  experience. — A  teacher  in  the  Wendell 
Philhps  High  School  said: 

You  can't  trust  the  best  of  them.  The  minute  you  have  your  back  turned  some- 
thing disappears.  They  are  the  worst  bimch  of  little  thieves  I  ever  struck.  A 
few  weeks  ago  I  had  a  colored  girl  helping  me  fix  costumes  in  my  httle  oflSice.  During 
the  hour  she  was  in  there  I  was  absent  about  five  minutes.  She  had  hardly  got  out 
of  the  building  before  I  discovered  that  a  dollar  had  disappeared  out  of  my  purse.  I 
questioned  her  for  thirty  minutes  next  morning,  but  not  a  word  of  confession. 
Another  time  I  had  small  change  in  the  top  drawer  of  my  desk.  While  I  was  teaching 
a  class,  two  girls  slipped  into  the  office  and  helped  themselves  to  half  of  it.  I  surprised 
them  when  I  unexpectedly  entered  the  office  to  get  something.  Everything  here 
that  isn't  tied  or  watched  walks  off.  It  didn't  used  to  be  this  way  before  the  colored 
came  in  so  thick;  then  I  never  locked  my  office,  and  now  I  have  everything  under  lock. 

The  proprietor  of  a  woman's  dress  shop  on  Sixty-third  Street  said: 
Little  of  my  trade  is  colored,  possibly  2  per  cent.    We  do  not  cater  to  colored 
trade.    We  do  not  want  it.    If  colored  people  come  in,  we  will  sell  them  if  they  buy 
quick  and  get  out.    Our  trade  does  not  care  to  deal  where  colored  people  are  also 

accommodated You  will  find  it  pretty  hard  to  be  neutral  in  Chicago.    The 

more  I  know  of  niggers,  the  more  I  am  convinced  that  there  is  no  good  nigger  but 


4s8  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

a  dead  one.  I  had  a  colored  helper  who  wanted  tips  every  time  he  was  asked  to  render 
services  outside  of  his  recognized  regular  duties.  I  gave  him  a  good  salary,  Si 8  per 
week,  and  yet  he  was  never  satisfied,  and  one  day  he  got  hold  of  the  keys  to  the  cash 
drawer  and  ran  away  with  $300. 

Exaggerated  notion  of  prosperity. — A  physician  said: 

I  think  that  the  solution  of  the  race  problem  can  come  only  by  recognition  by 
white  men  of  the  Negroes'  potential  equahty.  They  are  only  fifty  years  out  of 
slavery,  and  in  that  fifty  years  they  have  progressed  faster  than  the  white  race  has 
done  in  a  himdred  years.  The  Negro  man  of  forty  today  is  less  advanced  than  the 
white  man  of  forty,  but  I  expect  his  son  to  be  almost  on  a  par  with  our  sons,  and  his 
grandson  wiU  be  every  whit  as  good.  The  husband  of  the  colored  woman  who  has 
been  getting  our  dinners  for  us  for  a  number  of  years  is  making  more  killing  steers  for 
Armour  than  I  am.  He  makes  $16  a  day.  They  have  $12,000  worth  of  Liberty 
bonds.  They  are  sending  all  of  their  relatives  through  high  school  and  declare  they 
will  put  them  through  the  University  of  Chicago.  In  fact  we  are  compeUing  the 
Negro  to  get  an  education,  and  he  cannot  help  but  progress.  Colonizing  the  Negro  is 
merely  making  him  bitter  and  postponing  the  day  of  settlement.  Presently  we  shall 
have  with  us  under  such  a  regime  a  race  of  comparative  equals  very  much  disgruntled 
by  the  vmfair  treatment  accorded  them.  I  think  you  will  find  that  practically  all 
the  professional  men  in  this  building,  at  least  a  very  large  percentage  of  them,  think 
as  I  do  on  this  subject. 

Contact  with  servants. — A  resident  of  Woodlawn  said: 

Practically  my  only  contact  with  Negroes  is  with  servants  and  laundresses. 
I  have  had  colored  women  working  for  me  for  many  years,  and  the  majority  of  them 
I  could  not  trust  outside  my  sight.  By  that  I  don't  mean  they  would  steal — they 
just  weren't  dependable.  It  is  all  wrong  for  colored  children  and  white  children  to 
be  in  school  together.  There  should  be  separate  schools,  because  the  two  races  of 
children  are  as  different  in  everything  as  in  their  color. 

The  interviewing  of  hundreds  of  white  persons,  members  of  practically 
every  social  class,  reveals  little  information  regarding  the  sources  of  their 
beliefs  about  Negroes.  Some  think  them  instinctive;  some  hold  that  their 
opinions  are  a  result  of  observation;  some,  who  make  discernible  effort  to  stem 
the  current  of  prejudiced  views  and  remain  fair,  have  read  the  books  of  Negroes. 
But  by  far  the  greater  number  either  admit  or  otherwise  give  evidence  of  having 
absorbed  their  views  from  tradition. 

Information  by  word  of  mouth,  unquestioned  statements,  uncorrected 
accounts,  all  continue  to  add  credence  to  any  current  interpretation  of  an  act 
involving  Negroes.  The  fault  lies  for  the  most  part  at  the  information  source. 
Fairly  to  judge  the  Negro  group,  or  any  member  thereof,  there  should  be  some 
unquestioned  basis  of  fact,  yet  the  assumption  is  common  that  almost  any 
Negro  can  be  judged  by  what  has  been  observed  in  the  conduct  of  the  family 
cook  or  chauffeur,  who  no  more  represents  the  whole  or  the  majority  of  Negroes 
than  a  white  cook  or  chauffeur  can  be  said  to  represent  the  whole  or  the  major- 
ity of  the  white  race. 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  459 

IV.      SELF-ANALYSIS  BY  FIFTEEN  WHITE  CITIZENS 

To  secure  definite  information  upon  this  background  twenty  representative 
white  persons  were  selected  at  random,  and  eighteen  carefully  prepared  sug- 
gestive questions  were  put  to  each  of  them.  The  purpose  was  to  draw  out  the 
raw  material  of  their  unqualified  opinions  on  the  question  of  the  Negro,  and  to 
ascertain  as  far  as  possible  the  background  in  their  early  experiences.  The 
questions  were  suggestive  in  order  to  compel  a  disclosure  of  mental  attitudes. 
The  only  qualification  in  the  selection  of  persons  was  their  probable  capacity 
for  self-analysis  and  a  willingness  to  answer.  The  length  and  difficulty  of  the 
questions  put  made  it  necessary  to  hmit  the  selection  of  persons  to  a  few,  who 
in  appreciation  of  the  inquiry,  could  and  would  give  it  a  careful  study.  Fifteen 
of  these  persons  entered  into  the  spirit  of  the  inquiry  and  submitted  the  results 
of  their  self-scrutiny. 

These  fifteen  include  business  and  professional  men  and  women,  none  of 
whom,  however,  is  actively  associated  with  racial  movements.  They  represent 
probably  a  fair  sample  of  sentiment  and  at  the  same  time  abiUty  to  analyze 
accurately  their  own  feelings  and  opinions. 

The  questions  put  were  as  follows: 

1.  Have  you  formed  definite  opinions  about  Negroes?    Briefly,  what  are  they? 

2.  Do  Negroes  in  your  opinion  possess  distinguishing  traits  of  mentality  or  character  ? 

3.  As  well  as  you  can  remember,  on  what  facts,  authorities,  information,  sources,  do 
you  base  your  opinions  ? 

4.  What  incidents  or  experiences  involving  Negroes  either  in  Chicago  or  elsewhere 
stand  out  in  your  memory? 

5.  As  a  child,  did  you  have  contacts  of  any  kind  with  Negroes  ? 

6.  Can  you  recall  any  early  prohibitions  of  association  by  word  or  printed  warnings 
of  any  sort,  impUed  prohibitions  in  institutional  or  social  arrangements  ? 

7.  When  were  you  first  conscious  of  a  racial  diflference? 

8.  Whom  of  your  friends,  acquaintances,  favorite  authors,  scholars,  etc.,  do  you 
regard  as  best  fitted  to  speak  with  authority  on  the  question  ? 

9.  Do  you  ever  inquire  for  information  on  this  subject  ?  Whom  do  you  ask  ?  What 
Negroes  do  you  know  whom  you  would  consider  leaders  among  colored  people  in 
Chicago  ?  in  the  United  States  ? 

10.  Did  you  ever  read  a  Negro  periodical  ?    What  did  you  think  of  it  ? 

11.  What  subjects  of  discussion  most  frequently  lead  to  the  Negro? 

12.  In  what  circles  is  this  subject  most  frequently  discussed? 

13.  If  it  were  in  your  power  to  make  whatever  social  adjustment  you  deemed  wise, 
what  disposition  would  you  make  of  the  Negro  population  ? 

14.  If  Negroes  obstinately  objected  to  your  plan  and  you  still  had  power,  what  would 
you  do  ? 

15.  What  do  you  think  of  the  following  propositions: 

a)  When  you  educate  Negroes  you  increase  their  demands.     Either  their  educa- 
tion shovJd  be  curtailed  or  modified  or  their  demands  granted. 

b)  Prejudice  has  its  principal  basis  in  fear. 


46o  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

c)  Isolating  groups  favors  the  unhampered  development  of  special  group  preju- 
dices. Do  prejudices  form  a  background  of  conflicts?  The  greater  the 
isolation,  the  greater  the  prejudices  and,  as  would  naturally  follow,  the  greater 
the  chances  of  conflict. 

d)  A  minority  of  the  population  should  not  expect  complete  justice  at  the  hands  of 
an  overwhelming  majority. 

Their  answers  are  given  separately.  The  letters  used  to  designate  the 
different  persons  are  arbitrary. 

A— 

I  have  rather  definite  opinions  of  Negroes.  As  a  class  they  cannot  be  depended 
upon.  They  are  shiftless  and  really  must  be  treated  like  children.  I  make  allowance 
for  the  fact  that  they  have  not  the  years  of  education  back  of  them. 

My  opinions  are  based  on  visits  made  to  the  South  and  on  information  obtained 
from  relatives  who  live  in  the  South  as  well  as  from  the  colored  help  we  have  had.  As  a 
child  my  contact  with  Negroes  began  with  our  Negro  house  servants,  and  my  first 
consciousness  of  a  racial  difference  came  while  visiting  relatives  in  the  South.  I  know 
but  two  persons  who  might  speak  with  authority  on  the  race  question.  They  are 
Edgar  A.  Bancroft  and  Miss  Mary  McDowell.  It  is  very  seldom  that  I  inquire  for 
information  on  this  subject.    People  whom  I  know  are  not  interested  in  the  problem. 

The  only  Negroes  whom  I  know  are  my  present  colored  help  and  those  who  have 
worked  for  me,  I  don't  know  whom  to  consider  leaders  among  the  colored  people 
either  in  Chicago  or  in  the  United  States.  Concerning  the  Negro  periodicals,  I 
have  occasionally  read  copies  of  one  of  their  newspapers  which  bore  out  my  opinion 
of  their  simple  minds.  Discussion  of  domestic  help  and  of  newspaper  articles  about 
Negroes  and  sociological  conditions  most  frequently  lead  to  the  discussion  of  the  Negro 
in  my  circle.  If  it  were  in  my  power  to  do  so,  I  would  segregate  Negroes  as  to  hving 
quarters  and  do  aU  possible  to  help  them  educate  and  help  themselves. 

Concerning  proposition  (o)  I  agree  that  if  you  educate  Negroes,  you  increase  their 
demands,  but  I  also  believe  that  as  they  become  educated,  greater  demands  will  arise 
in  their  own  groups. 

In  my  opinion  prejudice  has  its  principal  basis  in  the  fact  that  one  can't  depend 
upon  Negroes. 

I  do  not  believe  that  it  is  necessarily  true  that  a  minority  of  the  popidation  should 
not  expect  complete  justice  at  the  hands  of  the  majority  if  the  proper  appeal  is  made. 

B— 

I  have  more  or  less  definite  opinions  about  Negroes.  I  beUeve  that  as  a  race  they 
are  entitled  to  more  leniency  and  consideration  than  we  would  give  to  adult  whites 
because  as  a  race  they  are  not  as  mature  as  whites.  I  think  it  is  unfortunate  that  we 
have  such  a  race  question  to  deal  with,  but  we  ought  to  meet  it  squarely  and  insist 
that  under  the  law  Negroes  are  entitled  to  equal  protection  and  equal  consideration. 
I  do  not  beUeve  in  any  attempt  at  social  equality  because  the  antipathy  between 
whites  and  Negroes  is  so  acute  that  such  attempt  would  not  only  break  down  itself 
but  it  would  lead  to  serious  race  difiiculties.  I  think  the  Negro  race  has  as  much  right 
to  protect  its  race  purity  as  the  white  race.  I  beheve  Negro  women  are  entitled  to  the 
same  protection  from  white  men  that  we  demand  on  behalf  of  white  women  against 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  461 

black  men.  I  believe  Negroes  shovild  have  decent  housing  conditions,  proper  social 
outlets  and  opportunities  to  earn  a  living  at  the  same  wages  paid  white  men  for  the 
same  class  and  character  of  work.  They  should  share  equally  in  the  benefits  of  gov- 
ernment, with  particular  reference  to  schools,  bathing-beaches  playgrounds,  parks, 
etc.  They  should  be  protected  against  exploitation  by  employers,  property  owners, 
merchants,  etc. 

I  do  think  Negroes  possess  distinguishing  traits  of  both  mentality  and  character. 
For  many  years  now  I  have  come  into  more  or  less  personal  contact  with  Negroes. 
I  have  been  in  contact  with  them  in  public  schools,  in  colleges,  in  politics  and  in  civic 
work.  I  cannot  say  that  any  particular  incidents  or  experiences  stand  out  in  my 
memory. 

My  opinions  are  based  upon  my  personal  observation,  personal  contacts  with 
Negroes  and  discussions  with  other  white  persons  having  independent  contacts.  As  a 
child  I  had  practically  no  real  contact  of  any  kind  with  Negroes.  I  don't  recall  now 
any  Negro  children  in  any  of  my  primary  grades,  and  while  there  were  Negroes  in  my 
native  city,  they  were  few  and  in  a  neighborhood  far  removed  from  my  own  home. 
I  imagine  that  I  was  first  conscious  of  a  racial  difference  when  I  first  saw  a  Negro. 

I  don't  recall  any  early  prohibition  against  association  with  Negroes  although  I 
do  recall  clo&rly  that  the  attitude  of  my  family  and  associates,  generally,  was  not  one 
of  approval-  Negroes  were  regarded  as  an  inferior  race,  and  I  think  as  a  child  I 
gathered  the  impression  that  contact  with  them  was  to  be  avoided.  My  feeling  is 
that  if  in  normal  circumstances  I  had  been  thrown  into  more  or  less  contact  with 
Negroes,  prohibition  against  association,  except  where  absolutely  necessary,  would 
have  been  forthcoming. 

I  have  never  formally  asked  for  information  on  the  subject,  but  I  have  discussed 
the  matter  with  a  good  many  people  and  have  given  thought  to  it.  I  know  a  good 
many  Negroes,  not  only  in  Chicago  but  outside,  but  I  don't  know  many  of  them 
intimately.  Among  the  leaders  of  the  Negroes  in  Chicago  are  Dr.  Bentley,  Dr. 
George  C.  Hall,  Edward  H.  Morris,  Edward  H.  Wright,  Louis  B.  Anderson,  Oscar 
De  Priest.  In  the  United  States,  since  the  death  of  Booker  T.  Washington,  I  imagine 
that  two  of  the  outstanding  men  are  Mr.  Moton  and  Professor  Du  Bois. 

I  am  a  subscriber  to  the  Crisis.  In  general  my  feeling  is  that  the  tendency  of  this 
periodical  is  to  stimulate  and  foster  race  feeling  among  the  Negroes.  I  don't  say  this 
critically.  It  may  be  the  best  thing  to  do,  considering  all  the  circumstances,  and 
anything  that  will  make  for  growth  in  self-respect,  character  and  initiative  on  the 
part  of  the  Negroes  is  to  be  commended  even  if,  at  the  same  time,  race  spirit  is  fostered 
and  developed. 

Generally  speaking,  I  find  that  discussion  most  frequently  leads  to  the  Negroes 
when  there  are  questions  of  lynching,  race  riots,  crimes  or  disturbances  in  which 
Negroes  are  involved.  It  also  comes  up  in  connection  with  public  schools,  churches, 
parks  and  public  transportation  systems.  I  had  it  arise  recently  in  connection  with 
the  Naval  Academy  at  Annapolis.  My  experience  is  that  this  subject  is  most  fre- 
quently discussed  among  those  interested  in  social  problems. 

I  used  to  think  that  the  Negro  question  might  be  best  solved  if  the  Negroes  would 
be  colonized  in  some  favorable  spot  in  Africa  under  an  American  protectorate  until 
they  were  capable  of  self-government.  I  realize,  however,  that  no  such  scheme  ought 
to  be  attempted  if  the  Negroes  obstinately  objected,  and  in  that  event  I  would  see  to 


462  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

it,  if  I  had  the  power,  that  they  were  protected  from  exploitation,  were  given  a  square 
deal  and  had  the  equal  protection  of  the  laws.  They  should  have  schools  adequate  to 
their  needs  and  average  living  conditions. 

I  believe  the  Negro  race  should  be  educated,  but  I  believe  at  the  same  time  that 
the  most  solid  foundation  for  the  race  is  education  in  accordance  with  the  ideas  of  the 
late  Booker  T.  Washington  as  I  understand  those  ideas.  While  I  think  this  type  of 
education  will  mean  more  for  the  race  in  the  long  run  I  believe  at  the  same  time  that 
individual  Negroes  should  have  an  opportimity  fully  to  develop  individual  capacities. 

I  think  there  is  an  element  of  fear  in  the  prejudice  of  Negroes,  but  I  don't  think  this 
is  the  chief  element.  I  think  the  real  basis  for  this  prejudice  is  a  racial  antipathy  that 
is  instinctive  and  fundamental  in  the  white  race.  I  imagine  that  in  individual  cases 
where  this  prejudice  does  not  exist  it  is  not  because  it  was  not  there  originally,  but 
because  it  has  been  overcome  by  reason  and  education.  It  isn't  unlikely  that  this 
prejudice  is  in  the  main  grounded  upon  an  instinct  in  the  white  race  to  keep  its  strain 
pure  and  strong. 

It  seems  to  me  that  it  isn't  isolation  so  much  as  it  is  contact  that  favors  the  devel- 
opment of  race  prejudice.  If  the  Negroes  had  never  been  brought  out  of  Africa,  we 
wouldn't  feel  the  prejudice  that  we  do.  Or,  if  they  were  restricted  to  one  or  two 
southern  states,  prejudice  in  other  parts  of  the  country  would  rapidly  disappear. 
A  community  that  has  no  Negro  problem  is  relatively  free  from  prejudice.  It  is 
when  the  two  races  come  into  contact  that  prejudices  run  riot  and  race  conflicts  result. 
My  own  opinion  is  that  if  you  should  scatter  the  Negro  population  throughout  Chi- 
cago and  its  suburbs  and  put  one  or  two  Negro  families  in  every  block,  race  preju- 
dice would  increase  enormously. 

A  minority  of  the  population  wiU  not  get  complete  justice  at  the  hands  of  an 
overwhelming  majority.  But  this  is  true  of  all  minorities,  whether  racial,  political, 
or  religious.  All  we  can  do  is  to  keep  working  for  an  approximation  to  ideal  justice. 
A  minority  has  the  right  to  demand,  and  a  majority  should  be  willing  to  grant,  sub- 
stantial justice  and  that  is  all  that  can  be  expected  in  the  present  state  of  civilization. 

C— 

My  opinion  is  that  we  must  cling  to  the  ideal  of  Lincoln — the  right  of  every 
h-uman  being  to  equality  in  the  real  sense  of  the  term.  I  have  found,  however,  that 
Negroes  are  dull  and  sensitive.  These  opinions  are  based  upon  observation  at  Tus- 
kegee  and  in  this  school — [the  Lewis  Institute].  Among  my  outstanding  experiences 
is  a  visit  made  to  Tuskegee  and  meeting  Booker  T.  Washington.  The  visit  showed 
great  hope  for  the  Negro.  As  a  child  I  had  no  contact  aside  from  living  in  the  same 
city  with  them. 

It  has  always  been  considered  unwise  in  the  circles  in  which  I  moved  for  whites 
and  blacks  to  associate  socially.  I  first  became  conscious  of  a  race  difference  when  a 
very  small  child — about  three  years  of  age. 

Booker  T.  Washington,  Cable,  Dunbar,  southerners  and  northerners  who  have 
traveled  in  the  South  are  probably  best  fitted  to  speak  for  Negroes.  I  do  inquire  of 
both  Negroes  and  whites  for  information.  The  only  Negroes  I  know  are  working 
people.  Robert  Jackson,  alderman,  and  Ed.  Green,  lawyer.  Booker  T.  Washing- 
ton's successor.  I  have  read  one  Negro  paper.  It  was  insistent  in  a  very  fair  way  on 
the  political  rights  of  the  Negro.    Good.    Lynchings,  lying,  stealing,  and  the  attack- 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  463 

ing  of  Kttle  girls  are  the  subject  of  discussion  that  most  frequently  lead  to  the  Negro, 
and  these  occur  principally  among  men  who  have  seen  Negroes  socially  and  women  who 
have  hired  them. 

As  a  solution  I  would  colonize  them  in  Africa,  and  if  they  objected  I  would  use 
all  peaceable  means  to  force  them  to  go. 

Regarding  the  propositions:  Their  education  should  be  increased  and  the  demands 
produced  by  education  met. 

Prejudice  has  its  basis  in  race  repulsion.  Unless  the  isolation  is  African  coloniza- 
tion, there  will  be  group  prejudices. 

Every  man  or  group  should  demand  and  get  complete  justice. 

D— 

I  assiune  that  it  is  a  fact  recognized  by  science  that  Negroes  are  so  different  from 
whites  that  the  two  races  cannot  be  amalgamated.  This  fact  interposes  a  barrier  to 
social  relationships.  I  share  in  the  general  dislike  of  Negroes  as  neighbors  or  travehng 
companions  on  the  street  cars.  The  white  race  is  responsible  for  the  existence  of  the 
Negro  problem  in  America,  and  must  submit  patiently  to  the  penalty  for  many  years 
to  come.  Lincoln's  second  inaugural  is  the  best  expression  of  this  thought.  The 
Negro  race  is  extraordinarily  docile  and  easy  to  handle.  If  surrounded  by  good  living 
conditions  and  given  a  proper  education  they  would  be  good  citizens.  The  progress  of 
their  race  since  slavery,  considering  their  many  handicaps,  has  been  very  creditable. 
The  prejudice  against  them  is  probably  the  most  deep-seated  of  all  American  preju- 
dices, and  must  be  reckoned  with  as  one  of  the  great  f actoi  s  in  the  problem. 

In  my  opinion  they  are  characterized  by  distinctly  inferior  mentaUty,  deficient 
moral  sense,  shiftlessness,  good  nature,  and  a  happy  disposition.  I  have  in  mind  no 
special  facts,  authorities  or  sources  of  information  on  which  I  base  my  opinions.  I 
do,  however,  recognize  the  bearing  of  Christianity  on  the  problem,  and  find  it  impos- 
sible to  formulate  a  viewpoint  which  I  can  reconcile  with  the  demands  of  Christianity. 

We  had  a  Negro  family  chauffeur  some  years  ago  who  misconducted  himself  so 
seriously  as  to  have  caused  a  very  considerable  increase  in  the  family  prejudice  against 
the  race.  If  he  had  been  an  Irish  man  our  prejudice  against  him  would  not  have 
extended  to  his  race.  As  a  child  I  had  no  contacts  with  Negroes,  excepting  one  or  two 
fellow-pupils  in  public  schools  of  whom  I  saw  very  httle,  and  a  few  servants  in  the 
neighborhood  who  were  of  the  old-fashioned  type,  of  pleasant  memory. 

I  can  recall  no  early  prohibitions  of  association  with  Negroes.  There  were  so 
few  in  my  neighborhood  that  they  constituted  no  real  problem.  As  to  implied  pro- 
hibitions, I  suppose  I  vmderstood  at  a  very  early  age  the  existing  social  difference, 
although  I  remember  no  instances  of  this. 

I  cannot  remember  when  I  first  became  conscious  of  a  racial  difference,  but  I 
assume  it  was  at  a  very  early  age. 

I  do  not  know  that  I  can  cite  any  friends,  acquaintances,  favorite  authors  or 
scholars  well  fitted  to  speak  with  authority  on  the  question.  Lincoln's  views  always 
seemed  true  to  me,  while  I  have  not  been  so  favorably  impressed  by  southern  writers. 
Every  southerner  I  have  ever  met,  no  matter  how  reasonable  on  other  subjects, 
seemed  to  be  incapable  of  looking  at  this  question  with  an  open  mind.  His  confidence 
that  he  knew  all  about  the  Negro  and  the  problem  seemed  absolute,  and  therefore  he 
was  not  in  position  to  learn.    I  occasionally  inqtdre  for  information  on  this  subject. 


464  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Naturally  most  of  the  men  of  whom  I  have  made  inquiries  have  been  white,  as  I  come 
in  contact  with  very  few  Negroes.  I  have,  however,  talked  with  Negroes  who  have 
expressed  their  willingness  to  be  segregated  if  the  segregation  was  complete  enough 
to  rid  their  district  of  all  whites,  and  give  them  fair  Uving  conditions.  I  cannot  say 
that  I  know  any  Negroes,  although  there  are  a  few  with  whom  I  have  sufficient 
acquaintance  to  talk  with  them  occasionally.  As  to  their  leaders  in  Chicago,  I  have 
assumed  that  their  poUtical  leaders  and  their  ministers  were  their  leaders,  the  minis- 
ters having  a  larger  place  of  leadership  than  ministers  among  white  people.  I  used 
to  come  in  contact  occasionally  with  colored  lawyers  who  were  capable  men,  and  I 
believe  leaders  of  their  race,  and  I  understand  that  there  is  a  colored  physician,  whose 
name  I  cannot  recall,  who  is  the  real  leader  of  the  best  Negroes  in  Chicago.  Nationally 
I  could  not  name  any  since  the  death  of  Booker  Washington,  whom  I  very  much 
admired,  excepting  Du  Bois  whom  I  have  heard  speak,  and  with  whose  views  I  do 
not  sjonpathize.     I  do  not  remember  ever  reading  a  Negro  periodical. 

As  I  live  on  the  South  Side  the  subject  of  discussion  most  frequently  leading  to 
the  Negro  is  their  encroachment  on  white  residence  districts.  Two  years  ago  my 
church  was  given  up  to  a  colored  congregation,  and  the  church  into  which  we  were 
transferred  is  seriously  threatened  by  the  same  invasion.  Property  interests  in  a 
large  part  of  the  South  Side  bring  up  the  question,  as  does  the  unpleasantness  of 
meeting  them  on  the  street  cars.  I  do  not  hear  serious  constructive  discussion  in 
any  circle.  The  invasion  is  deplored  in  all  circles,  social,  business,  church  and 
others. 

I  would  not  undertake  to  make  any  social  adjustment  on  my  present  information, 
except  segregation  of  the  Negroes  in  a  part  of  the  South  Side,  and  this  only  if  it  had 
the  approval  of  their  own  leaders.  I  do  not  approve  of  "Jim  Crow"  street  cars  for 
Chicago,  although  I  would  not  insist  on  their  abandormient  in  southern  cities  where 
they  are  already  used,  and  I  would  not  favor  any  radical  change  if  the  better 
Negroes  obstinately  objected. 

I  beheve  in  educating  Negroes,  even  though  I  am  not  sure  to  what  it  will  lead.  I 
hope  that  as  the  race  progresses  the  prejudice  against  it  will  be  modified.  Still  this 
prejudice  is  so  very  great  that  I  think  it  would  be  foolish  for  the  Negroes  ever  to  seek 
a  high  station  through  demands.  Probably  many  of  their  demands  should  be  granted, 
but  they  will  make  greater  progress  by  reckoning  with  the  prejudice,  and  continuing 
their  present  conciliatory  attitude. 

I  do  not  believe  that  prejudice  is  based  on  fear.  There  is,  of  course,  a  well- 
founded  fear  of  many  individual  Negroes,  but  I  do  not  believe  that  the  white  race 
is  conscious  of  any  fear  of  the  Negro  race  as  such.  I  think  the  prejudice  is  based  on  the 
relative  inferiority  of  the  Negro  race. 

As  a  general  proposition  this  is  doubtless  true  that  isolation  fosters  prejudice. 
As  applied  to  Negroes,  however,  it  is  doubtful  whether  it  would  produce  more  con- 
flict than  the  present  system.  I  would  feel  more  hopeful  of  the  overcoming  of  the 
prejudice  through  more  intimate  contact  with  Negroes  if  the  difference  between  Negroes 
and  white  men  were  not  so  fundamental. 

As  an  abstract  proposition  the  despotism  of  a  majority  cannot  be  justified.  I 
would  say  it  is  a  very  bad  doctrine  to  spread  among  a  majority,  but  has  in  it  a  certain 
amount  of  practical  truth  which  the  minority  would  do  well  to  bear  in  mind. 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  465 

E— 

Negroes  do  possess  distinguishing  traits  of  mentality  and  character.  My  opinions 
are  based  upon  my  personal  observation. 

As  I  knew  the  Negro  in  the  South  he  was  inclined  to  be  indolent,  shiftless  and 
lacking  in  a  high  sense  of  honesty,  though  religious.  His  disposition  is  a  happy  one, 
and  often  his  good  will  is  shown  in  many  ways  of  gratitude  and  faithfulness.  These 
traits  I  have  seen  expressed  in  service  as  servants,  in  the  cotton  fields,  in  their  homes, 
and  on  town  streets.  In  Chicago,  when  the  Negro  has  long  been  a  resident  here, 
having  larger  advantages  in  education  and  employment,  I  find  the  colored  man 
honest  in  business  and  other  transactions,  diligent  at  work,  and  inoffensive,  but 
firmly  standing  for  his  citizenship  rights,  and  wanting  to  live  peaceably.  My  Chicago 
experience  has  been  principally  as  a  physician  visiting  in  Negro  homes. 

When  a  boy  I  worked  in  the  cotton  fields  with  Negroes,  and  I  attended  some  of 
their  religious  meetings  for  the  sake  of  amusement.  It  was  a  social  law  in  the  South 
that  we  must  not  eat  at  the  same  table  with  Negroes,  and  we  were  not  to  sit  with 
colored  people  when  riding  on  street  cars  or  on  trains.  However,  if  a  Negro  was 
driver  of  a  horse  and  buggy,  the  most  beautiful  and  refined  woman  might  sit  on  the 
same  seat  with  the  colored  driver.  White  people  visiting  a  colored  church  were  given 
seats  to  themselves,  usually  front  seats.  Colored  children  could  not  attend  white 
schools.  At  the  age  of  six  when  I  first  saw  Negroes,  I  became  conscious  of  a  race 
difference. 

I  regard  Rev.  John  R.  Hayworth  as  fitted  to  advise  on  the  question.  I  have 
sought  information  from  about  twenty-five  Negroes  when  in  their  midst  as  their 
physician.  I  am  acquainted  with  at  least  a  dozen  Negro  famihes  but  can  give  the 
names  of  only  three.  I  consider  Alderman  De  Priest,  Mr.  Lucas  and  Colonel  Jackson 
leading  colored  men;  Dr.  George  Hall  is  also  well  known.  I  have  never  read  a 
Negro  periodical. 

In  Chicago  the  subject  of  imdesirable  neighbors  leads  to  the  discussion  of  Negroes 
in  our  neighborhood  improvement  clubs. 

Believing  that  both  black  and  white  people  prefer  to  live  separately,  I  would  make 
agreeable  provision  for  separate  locations  in  which  each  might  Uve  and  in  so  doing 
abide  by  the  wish  of  the  majority  and  enforce  its  dictates. 

The  Negro  should  be  given  the  advantage  of  education,  culture  and  good  employ- 
ment. We  should  expect  to  grant  him  better  living  conditions  on  accoimt  of  such 
advantages. 

Prejudice  against  the  Negro  has  its  principal  basis  in  not  imderstanding  him,  as 
well  as  fear  and  an  inborn  disHke  for  people  of  another  race. 

There  never  seemed  to  be  any  conflicts  in  the  South  because  the  whites  and 
blacks  occupied  separate  parts  of  towns.  Colored  people  in  the  South  seem  to  prefer 
to  live  in  conummities  to  themselves,  because  a  bond  of  sympathy  holds  them  together. 

It  is  better  for  a  minority  to  bear  an  injustice  than  for  an  overwhelming  majority 
to  bear  an  injustice. 

F— 

Negroes  should  have  the  same  rights  as  we. 
I  know  of  no  distinguishing  traits. 


466  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

My  opinion  is  based  largely  on  reading,  as  I  never  lived  in  the  South.  I  had  no 
early  contacts.  There  were  few  Negroes  near,  and  none  in  my  schools.  As  au- 
thorities I  would  mention  Professor  Du  Bois,  Fannie  B.  Williams,  Professor 
Graham  Taylor.  I  know  an  able  colored  woman,  a  member  of  the  Chicago  Woman's 
Club  and  women  who  have  worked  in  our  home. 

Occasionally  I  read  a  Negro  periodical. 

The  discussion  of  lynchings  and  riots  at  home  and  church  lead  most  frequently  to 
the  Negro. 

Our  schools,  trades  and  professions  should  be  opened  to  Negroes  and  they  be 
permitted  to  take  care  of  themselves.  Let  them  foUow  their  own  bent  so  long  as  it 
injures  no  one  else. 

Of  course,  when  you  educate  Negroes  you  increase  their  demands.  Grant  their 
demands. 

Egotism  and  the  jealousy  that  we  whites  are  better  are  the  basis  of  prejudice. 

It  is  true  that  a  minority  has  no  right  to  expect  complete  justice  from  the  majority, 
if  Negroes  reason  from  experience;  but  the  colored  race  probably  has  ideaUsts  who 
hope  for  better  future  treatment, 

G— 

The  trouble  is  with  the  whites;  selfishness  and  pride  have  caused  the  situation 
and  the  regulation  of  the  Negro  according  to  faulty  concepts  of  right  will  always  fail. 
The  Stock  Yards  riots  gave  proof  of  equality  in  passion,  cowardliness,  and  unfairness 
between  blacks  and  whites. 

Negroes  lag  in  evolution  through  hinderment.  They  may  put  reason  above 
emotion  as  they  develop  mentally,  as  do  cultured  whites,  but  a  better  evolution  may 
bring  trained  intuition  from  crude  emotion. 

My  opinions  are  based  upon  short  trips  South,  residence  in  Louisville  and  northern 
contacts,  plus  general  reading. 

My  only  contacts  are  on  the  streets. 

Children's  talk  and  the  term  "Nigger"  just  called  my  attention  to  a  race  differ- 
ence. 

I  know  a  few  highly  educated  Negro  pastors.  I  never  read  Negro  papers.  The 
subject  of  interracial  marriage  leads  to  the  discussion  of  the  Negro. 

As  a  solution  they  should  be  distributed  without  boundaries,  among  whites,  as  to 
residence,  occupation  and  society.  They  would  not  object ;  it  is  what  they  fight  for — • 
equaUty. 

Negro  faults  are  the  result  of  retarded  mental  growth.  Why  further  retard  them  ? 
The  problem  ceases  to  be  as  their  mental  level  rises.  Prejudice  is  the  result  of  selfish- 
ness in  whites.    Your  third  proposition  is  absolutely  true. 

Injustice  to  the  minority  by  the  majority  is  unconstitutional,  un-Christian  and 
unwise. 

H— 

My  opinion  is  that  the  Negro  is  entitled  to  life,  Hberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happi- 
ness as  well  as  the  white.  The  very  fact  that  his  skin  is  differently  colored  than  mine 
is  no  reason  why  he  should  not  be  free  to  develop  himself  mentally,  morally,  and  physi- 
cally the  same  as  I  do.  Observation  is  basis  of  my  opinion.  No  contacts  or  warn- 
ings as  a  child.    No  friends  particularly  familiar  with  question. 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  467 

I  have  given  this  matter  some  little  consideration,  and  have  discussed  it  with 
some  Negroes  as  well  as  many  white  men.  It  is  my  opinion  that  the  consensus  of 
opinion  among  Negroes  to  whom  I  have  talked  is  that  they  have  no  particular  desire 
to  mix  socially  with  the  white  man,  but  that  they  do  feel  they  should  be  given  oppor- 
timity  for  development  along  those  lines  for  which  they  are  best  fitted.  I  am  not 
acquainted  particularly  with  any  of  the  leaders  in  this  movement  anywhere. 

I  read  no  Negro  periodical.    Racial  equahty  is  the  subject  that  leads  to  the  Negro. 

In  aU  circles  where  general  subjects  are  usually  discussed  the  question  of  the 
Negro  arises. 

Untn  the  white  man  is  ready  to  give  the  Negro  a  square  deal,  I  would  suggest 
that  he  be  segregated,  and  given  every  opportunity  for  development  possible  imder 
such  segregation.     If  they  objected  I  would  insist  upon  majority  rule. 

Nothing  is  gained  by  keeping  the  Negro  ignorant,  any  more  than  would  be  gained 
by  keeping  the  white  man  ignorant.  Education  of  all  of  our  races  will  bring  about 
the  world's  salvation. 

Prejudice  among  white  women  has  its  basis  in  fear  but  not  particvdarly  among 
men.  This  is  partly  due  to  the  pubHcity  given  to  aU  acts  against  women  by  Negroes, 
in  my  judgment 

The  history  of  the  world  has  proved  that  most  of  the  races  on  earth  tend  to  group 
themselves,  which  is  the  natural  thing,  because  of  the  community  of  interest. 

Until  the  Golden  Rule  is  accepted  unanimously  majority  rule  will  continue  to 
be  the  hiunan  law  and  under  our  present  world  political  arrangements,  it  seems  to 
be  about  as  fair  as  any  arrangement  could  be. 

I— 

The  Negro  seems  to  me  to  be  evolutionally  handicapped,  but  possesses  the 
quahties  of  children — imitativeness,  affection,  loyalty,  receptiveness,  lack  of  responsi- 
biUty,  carelessness,  improvidence.  They  also  seem  to  me  to  lack  racial  pride,  for 
which  their  history  in  this  country  may  well  account.  There  are  fine  Negroes  and 
those  who  are  as  worthless  as  "poor  white  trash."  To  judge  them  all  by  either  the 
best  or  the  worst  would  be  manifestly  vmfair.  I  feel  that  they  have,  as  a  race,  never 
had  a  fair  chance  for  their  finest  development. 

I  have  hved  among  them  and  practiced  medicine  in  their  families  for  ten  years. 

The  most  tender,  loving  service,  beyond  monetary  recompense,  of  one  Negro 
woman  who  worked  in  my  family  for  ten  years.  Her  intimate,  gentle,  faithful 
services  to  members  of  my  family  in  health  and  sickness  will  always  endear  her  to 
us  and  make  us  more  conscious  of  the  possibiUties  of  members  of  that  race. 

The  commimity  in  which  I  was  raised  had  so  few  Negroes  that  there  was  no  occa- 
sion for  contacts  or  prohibitions  to  association.  I  suppose  as  a  boy  I  first  became 
conscious  of  race  difference. 

I  have  discussed  this  question  with  intelligent  Negroes,  have  heard  some  fine 
sermons  by  Negro  preachers,  and  am  somewhat  familiar  with  the  writings  of  Booker  T. 
Washington  and  Du  Bois. 

I  do  not  read  their  periodicals. 

Mention  of  the  servant  cited  in  a  foregoing  question,  newspaper  accounts  of 
lynchings,  house-bombings  most  frequently  lead  to  discussion  of  Negroes  among  our 
personal  friends. 


468  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

I  feel  that  Negroes  would  be  happier  if  segregated  in  neighborhoods  which  allowed 
contact  with  the  dominant  race.  I  feel  that  they  are  as  unhappy  to  be  isolated  among 
whites  as  the  whites  would  be  to  be  isolated  among  Negroes.  I  feel  they  should  have 
the  right  to  live  under  decent  conditions,  with  those  things  which  make  life  livable 
and  enjoyable.  Probably  part  of  my  unwillingness  to  have  them  for  neighbors  lies 
in  the  fear  of  undesirable  neighbors  (bad  citizens) ,  in  the  fear  of  property  depreciation 
which  would  follow,  and  because  of  the  lack  of  interests  in  common  that  make  for 
neighborly  intercourse.  I  suppose  I  am  as  inconsistent  as  others  in  this,  for  in  my 
heart  I  have  no  prejudice  of  which  I  am  aware,  yet  I  believe  I  am  infected  with  the 
imiversal  indefinite  prejudice,  if  I  could  but  analyze  it  thoroughly. 

Their  education  should  not  be  curtailed,  but  enlarged.  Their  demands  should 
be  granted  if  not  incompatible  with  the  common  good. 

It  is  probably  true  that  prejudice  is  based  on  fear,  a  result  of  the  abuse  of  female 
slaves  by  the  whites  in  slavery  time,  and  the  resultant  desire  on  the  part  of  a  few 
Negroes  engendered  during  the  reconstruction  period  by  the  carpet-baggers,  to  have 
social  equality.  I  have  discussed  this  subject  of  "social  equality"  with  intelligent, 
fine  Negroes,  and  believe  they  meant  what  they  said  when  they  assured  me  that 
among  decent  Negroes  there  is  no  more  desire  for  this  than  there  is  among  the  white 
people.  I  feel  that  it  is  a  bugaboo,  useful  in  increasing  fear  and  prejudice  against 
the  Negro. 

By  segregation,  I  did  not  mean  isolation,  but  the  natural  grouping  together  of 
Negroes  vmder  wholesome  conditions,  but  which  permitted  their  contact  through 
employment,  through  meetings  for  the  common  good,  with  the  dominant  race. 

Even  a  minority  has  the  right  to  expect  and  demand  justice  in  opportunity 
to  develop  industrial,  social  and  spiritual  growth.  I  recognize  that  education  of 
both  whites  and  blacks  is  necessary  to  overcome  fear  and  prejudice  and  make  this 
possible. 

J- 

My  opinion,  which  is  still  open  to  conviction,  is  that  the  Negro  race  overlaps 
the  white  race  throughout  the  bulk  of  the  frequency  curves  of  distribution  of 
intelligence  of  the  two  races;  but  the  average  of  the  Negro  race  is  probably  lower 
than  that  of  the  white  race,  and  among  the  extreme  varieties  the  Negroes  probably 
go  lower  and  the  whites  higher  than  the  similar  varieties  of  the  other  race.  This 
refers  to  distribution  of  inherent  capacity.  But  I  believe  that  many  of  them  are 
modifiable  and  differ  only  in  their  average  distribution  from  similar  qualities  in  whites. 
Also  that  certain  distinguishing  traits  may  be  so  adjusted  to  the  circumstances  under 
which  Negroes  are  educated  and  employed  as  to  be  distinctly  advantageous,  both  to 
themselves  and  to  society. 

Aside  from  my  conversation  with  southerners,  I  have  made  a  special  study  of  the 
Negro  problem  in  connection  with  my  vmdergraduate  work,  and  again  at  the  Uni- 
versity of  Pennsylvania.  I  am  famihar  with  a  number  of  worth-while  sources  which 
can  be  listed  on  request.  I  lived  for  four  winters  in  St.  Louis,  where  I  saw  a  great 
many  Negroes,  but  knew  none.  Some  excitement  was  caused  there  by  an  instructor 
inviting  a  mulatto  school  principal  to  address  our  sociology  class.  There  was  no 
protest  here  in  Evanston.  I  also  passed  through  the  South,  and  stopped  twice  at 
New  Orleans. 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  469 

As  a  child  in  Portland,  Oregon,  I  had  two  Negro  nurses.  At  the  age  of  perhaps 
seven  or  eight  years,  one  of  my  nurses  returned  for  a  visit,  and  I  was  teased  by  com- 
panions for  kissing  her.    That  was  my  first  consciousness  of  a  racial  difference. 

My  authorities  and  sources  of  importance  are  the  NA.A.C.P.,  Urban  League, 
the  Race  Relations  Commission,  and  certain  Negroes.  I  might  also  mention  the  two 
Spingarns  and  Mr.  Roger  Baldwin.  I  know  C.  S.  Johnson,  T.  Arnold  Hill  and  the 
colored  members  of  the  Commission,  together  with  the  union  leaders  whom  I  heard. 
W.  E.  B.  Du  Bois,  Haynes,  Dr.  Roman,  J.  W.  Johnson,  T.  A.  Hill,  I  regard  as  leaders 
among  the  Negroes. 

I  read  the  Crisis,  and  occasional  newspapers.  The  Crisis  is  good  except  the 
fiction ;  the  newspapers  are  rather  poor. 

Race  relations,  mob  action,  venereal  disease,  and  housing  questions  lead  to  dis- 
cussion of  the  Negro. 

As  a  solution  I  suggest  equal  faciUties,  spontaneous  segregation,  spontaneous 
co-operation  in  common  interest,  education  in  matters  of  sex.  In  this  program  there 
would  be  no  compulsion  involved — unless  possibly  upon  the  whites. 

Their  education  should  be  modified  and  their  demands  granted  so  far  as  they  can 
be  harmonized  with  the  general  good. 

The  main  question  involved  in  prejudice  seems  to  me  whether  it  is  an  interest  or 
an  instinct.  If  it  is  an  interest  then  changes  in  social  organization  may  with  com- 
parative ease  abate  the  fear  and  the  prejudice.  If  it  is  an  instinct  then  we  can  only 
deal  with  it  by  repression  and  sublimation  of  a  more  deeply  psychological  character. 

I  question  whether  the  prejudice  is  greater  the  greater  the  isolation.  The  word 
isolation  should  be  analyzed  into  physical  or  economic  on  the  one  hand,  and  psycho- 
logical on  the  other. 

Plato  asked,  "What  is  justice?"  The  answer  can  never  be  final,  and  one's 
concept  of  it  is  usually  colored  by  interest.  A  sociological  definition  of  justice  is  in 
terms  of  harmony  or  harmonization  of  interests.  Complete  harmony  never  does 
exist,  else  we  should  have  no  thought  and  no  progress,  but  harmonization  of  interests 
can  be  a  continuous  process,  and  is  not  irreconcilable  with  the  existence  of  minorities 
and  majorities. 

K— 

I  have  formed  no  definite  opinions  about  Negroes.  I  am  inclined  to  the  opinion 
that  generally  the  balance  is  found  on  the  side  of  the  white  races.  In  general  I  beheve 
they  possess  distinguishing  traits  of  mentality  and  character.  I  find  it  very  difficult, 
however,  to  define  my  opinion  regarding  this. 

When  I  was  in  high  school  in  Petersburg,  lUinois,  from  1895  to  1898,  the  school 
had  an  attendance  of  about  forty.  There  were  two  Negroes,  a  boy  and  a  girl.  The 
boy's  name  was  John  Caddie.  I  have  the  impression  now  that  they  both  acted  as 
though  they  were  out  of  place.  I  foimd  John  a  likeable  boy.  I  think  all  of  the  mem- 
bers of  the  school  liked  him.  I  particularly  liked  him,  so  paid  considerable  attention 
to  him,  to  which  John  reacted  in  a  decided  manner.  He  never  forgot  it.  I  do  not 
like  to  shake  hands  with  Negroes.  I  avoid  it  whenever  I  can,  but  I  never  had  any 
hesitancy  in  shaking  hands  with  John.  After  finishing  school,  I  went  to  college  and 
John  went  to  work.  His  work  was  some  sort  of  manual  labor.  From  time  to  time 
when  I  went  back  to  Petersburg  I  saw  John,  always  spoke  to  him,  shook  hands  with 
him  and  talked  to  him.    John  appreciated  this  very  much  and  acted  as  though  he 


470 


THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 


regarded  it  a  condescension  on  my  part.  I  am  not  aware  that  I  feel  toward  any 
other  Negro  as  I  feel  toward  John  Gaddie. 

I  was  first  conscious  of  a  racial  difference  when  I  first  knew  the  Negro,  which  was 
when  I  was  about  fifteen  years  of  age.  In  the  small  town  of  Petersburg  (about  3,000 
inhabitants)  the  Negroes  there,  as  here  in  Chicago,  Uved  in  a  segregated  district. 
There  were  no  clashes  between  the  Negro  and  the  whites  but  the  racial  difference  was 
obvious  enough. 

I  know  very  few  Negroes.  I  know  too  Uttle  to  be  in  a  position  to  consider  anyone 
as  a  leader  among  the  colored  people  in  Chicago  or  the  United  States.  I  never  read  a 
Negro  periodical.  The  subjects  most  frequently  leading  to  the  discussion  of  the 
Negro  are  riots,  housing  problems,  certain  industrial  problems,  and,  here  in  Chicago, 
politics. 

The  fact  that  the  Negroes  obstinately  objected  quite  logically  would  not  inter- 
fere with  making  any  adjustment  which  seemed  "wise."  The  social  adjustment 
which  seemed  "wise"  would  have  to  be  based  on  the  possibiUty  of  objection  on  the 
part  of  the  Negro.  If  the  leaders  were  obstinate,  some  other  solution  would  have  to 
be  worked  out,  but  if  the  leaders  saw  that  it  was  wise  and  for  the  best  interest  of  the 
masses  I  would  insist  that  the  plan  be  tried  out. 

I  do  not  comprehend  what  is  meant  by  "demand."  It  may  mean  ambition  for 
social  standing  in  the  sense  of  intermingling  with  the  whites.  It  may  mean  other 
things.  No  matter  what  it  means,  I  am  not  impressed,  if  the  statement  is  true,  that 
it  is  any  reason  for  not  educating  the  Negro.  I  am  not  impressed  that  it  becomes 
necessary  either  to  curtail  or  modify  the  Negro's  education  or  to  grant  their  demands 
whatever  they  may  be. 

I  do  not  think  it  true  that  prejudice  has  its  basis  in  fear. 

So  far  as  I  am  famihar  with  it  there  is  naturally  a  very  high  degree  of  segregation 
of  the  Negro  as  to  living  quarters  everywhere.  I  am  not  aware  that  the  segregation 
which  we  now  find  of  habitation  brings  about  the  development  of  special  group  preju- 
dices. Undoubtedly,  if  there  are  or  were  such  prejudices  they  would  form  the  back- 
ground of  conflicts.  It  doesn't  seem  to  me  to  follow  that  the  greater  the  isolation  the 
greater  the  prejudice. 

There  never  is  complete  justice;  but  if  a  minority  may  not  expect  justice  at  the 
hands  of  an  overwhelming  majority  it  can  expect  no  justice  at  all.  The  justice,  if  it 
comes  at  all,  will  be  at  the  hands  of  an  overwhelming  majority.  Theoretically,  in  this 
country  all  are  entitled  to  justice.  I  know  no  reason  why  this  should  not  be  true  in 
a  practical  sense.  Furthermore,  I  see  no  reason  why  a  minority  may  not  only  expect 
but  demand,  at  the  hands  of  an  overwhelming  majority,  justice.  It  seems  to  me  that 
if  the  overwhelming  majority  hoped  to  prosper,  it  would  see  to  it  that  justice  was  dis- 
pensed to  the  minority.  I  do  not  find  myself  ready  to  place  the  Negro  on  an  equal 
basis  with  the  white  in  every  respect,  that  is,  socially  and  otherwise.  I  do  not  regard 
the  failure  to  so  place  the  Negroes  as  injustice  to  them. 

L— 

In  general,  I  like  the  Negro,  but  I  lament  his  presence  in  this  country  in  large 
numbers.  I  have  never  heard  a  solution  of  the  Negro  problem.  Their  distinguishing 
traits  are  ignorance,  good  nature,  mental  weakness,  and  physical  strength. 

I  have  never  heard  of  good  argimients  for  extensive  isolation. 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  471 

M— 

I  have  a  strong  prejudice,  but  it  is  undefined.  For  instance,  the  hair  of  Negroes 
always  holds  a  peculiar  fascination,  but  under  no  consideration  could  I  touch  it,  but 
there  was  always  a  great  curiosity  about  it.  I  was  undecided  whether  or  not  I  should 
shake  hands  or  in  any  way  touch  a  colored  skin,  but  I  am  quite  sure  I  would  never 
do  it  from  choice.  The  everyday  contacts  on  street  cars  are  the  only  personal  ex- 
periences I  have  had.     The  fascination  of  watching  them  is  constant. 

When  I  was  about  two  years  old  a  family  moved  into  the  village  bringing  with 
them  an  old  colored  nurse.  She  was  too  old  to  work,  and  my  childish  remembrance 
is  that  she  always  sat  in  the  corner  near  the  fireplace  with  a  pipe  in  her  mouth.  I 
did  not  know  that  the  Negro  could  do  anything  else. 

When  I  was  about  five  years  old  a  Negro  came  to  the  village  and  opened  a  barber 
shop.  I  remember  my  father  telHng  mother  about  the  Negro  and  how  he  took  the 
three  small  children  down  to  see  "Snowball"  as  a  matter  of  curiosity.  My  reaction 
was  that  the  Negro  was  not  a  person  such  as  I  was  accustomed  to  seeing,  although 
there  was  no  feeling  of  classing  him  as  an  animal. 

The  third  contact  came  when  I  was  half-grown.  My  father  was  prominent  in 
politics  and  on  election  day  the  table  was  kept  set  so  that  anyone  sent  from  the  polls 
could  have  a  meal.  By  some  chance  a  Negro  was  sent  and  ate.  After  he  had  gone 
I  remember  seeing  my  mother  take  the  plate  and  other  dishes  out  in  the  yard  and 
scour  them  with  brick  dust,  evidently  with  an  idea  that  something  had  rubbed  off. 

My  information  is  largely  taken  from  the  books  of  Booker  T.  Washington. 
I  admired  Dunbar's  poems  when  they  were  current  in  the  newspapers  and  {magazines. 
I  have  not  seen  any  of  them  for  many  years  but  remember  vividly,  "When  the  Bread 
Won't  Raise."  I  was  naturally  familiar  with  Uncle  Tom's  Cabin,  both  as  a  book  and 
a  play  in  Civil  War  days.  I  do  not  consciously  seek  for  information  on  the  subject 
of  Negroes  and  do  not  personally  know  any  Negroes.  Outside  of  the  names  which 
appear  in  the  press  I  do  not  know  of  any  Negro  leaders  and  could  not  be  sure  of 
correct  information  as  to  those  who  are  well  known. 

I  have  never  seen  a  Negro  periodical  and  have  so  rarely  heard  Negroes  dis- 
cussed that  no  conclusions  can  be  given.  The  Negro  is  rarely  a  topic  of  conversation 
in  my  circle. 

As  a  solution  they  might  be  nationalized  if  possible,  somewhere  and  somehow, 
Hke  the  Japs.  Liberia  is  a  failure  largely  because  of  white  leadership  and  policy. 
Some  portion  of  the  earth  should  be  set  aside  where  the  Negroes  can  be  a  nation, 
perhaps  in  Africa.    They  have  a  right  to  work  out  their  own  problems  in  their  own  ways. 

All  Negroes  should  be  educated  as  highly  as  possible.  They  have  a  right  to  it 
because  they  are  Americans.  If  demands  follow  this  education,  it  is  right  they  should 
be  granted. 

There  is  no  personal  fear  of  Negroes  as  a  basis  of  my  prejudice. 

I  agree  with  the  third  proposition  as  to  isolation. 

Majority's  injustice  to  minority  is  always  true  in  poUtics,  reUgion,  everyday 
dealings.     Is  not  peculiar  to  relations  between  white  and  colored. 

N— 

My  views  are  more  impressions  than  opinions.  I  have  a  distinct  aversion  to  close 
association  with  Negroes  generally.    On  the  other  hand  I  have  a  distinct  liking  for 


472  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

partioilar  Negroes  whom  I  have  been  thrown  with.  Aside  from  the  more  educated 
ones,  they  seem  to  me  to  be  of  a  sluggish  mentality  and  of  somewhat  low  moral 
character.  They  seem  to  have  more  of  the  animal  in  them.  I  am  not  sure  that  this 
is  not  an  impression  rather  than  an  opinion. 

I  have  no  basis  for  my  views  except  my  own  experience  and  what  I  have  read  in 
papers  and  periodicals. 

I  had  two  Negro  classmates  in  college;  I  saw  a  good  deal  of  Negroes  as  a  boy; 
and  I  have  known  Negroes,  some  well  educated,  since  I  came  to  Chicago  from  the 
law  school. 

Although  my  contacts  were  largely  casual,  I  particularly  remember  one  very  old 
Negro  man  whom  I  regarded  as  a  sort  of  patriarch  and  of  whom  I  was  a  little  bit 
afraid.  Then  I  recall  vividly  my  impression  of  the  filth  and  sordidness  of  "darky- 
town"  in  the  small  city  in  which  I  lived  as  a  boy.  I  was  never  forbidden,  so  far  as  I 
can  remember,  to  associate  with  Negroes.  In  public  school  there  was  no  separation 
of  the  races.  As  a  small  boy,  it  seems  to  me  my  playmates  in  school  were  partly 
Negroes.  Of  course  the  Negroes,  as  is  usual.  Lived  in  a  separate  part  of  the  city. 
I  should  say  that  this  seemed  to  me  then  to  be  a  natural  and  necessary  arrangement. 
Negroes  were  black  and  we  were  white.    That  was  about  all  there  was  to  it. 

Very  early  I  became  race  conscious,  I  should  say  along  about  the  fourth  or  fifth 
grade  in  school,  perhaps  even  before. 

I  regard  as  authorities  on  the  question  teachers  or  officers  of  Fisk  University, 
Tuskegee  Institute,  those  who  have  to  do  with  criminals;  employers  of  Negroes; 
persons  who  have  dealt  with  Negroes  as  a  class  as  well  as  individually.  Booker  T. 
Washington's  writings  should  be  an  authority. 

I  have  made  very  few  inquiries  for  information.  I  know  few  Negroes  in  Chicago. 
Those  that  I  do  know  are  of  the  better  educated  type.  Some  of  them,  I  think,  have 
been  at  Fisk  University.  I  do  not  know  the  leaders  in  the  city,  nor  do  I  know  the 
leaders  in  the  country;  but  I  should  say  they  are  the  heads  of  the  great  Negro  uni- 
versities and  colleges,  like  Fisk,  Tuskegee,  Lincoln  Institute.  Booker  Washington 
was,  of  course,  a  leader.    I  do  not  know  who  his  successors  are. 

So  far  as  I  know,  I  have  seen  only  one  Negro  periodical,  some  years  ago.  The 
article  I  read  in  it  I  happened  to  be  interested  in  because  I  was  dealing  with  the  sub- 
ject of  it,  and  it  was  imdoubtedly  a  prejudiced  article  founded  on  misinformation  and 
a  rather  wilful  disregard  of  facts.  As  I  recall  the  paper  as  a  whole  its  main  motive  and 
purpose  was  an  apparent  hatred  of  the  white  race.  I  realize  that  this  is  not  enough 
to  base  an  opinion  on. 

The  discussion  of  labor,  politics,  especially  questions  connected  with  southern 
politics,  almost  any  question  relating  to  the  South,  education,  home  missions,  living 
conditions,  the  servant  problem,  crime,  most  frequently  lead  to  the  Negro. 

It  would  hardly  be  feasible  to  send  Negroes  out  of  the  country  as  a  whole;  they  are 
needed  in  the  industrial  world,  and  it  would  not  be  a  Christian  act  to  deport  them. 
Nor  does  it  seem  right  or  practicable  or  just  to  segregate  them  entirely.  They  need 
education  and  the  help  that  comes  from  association  with  those  who  are  further  along 
in  the  polite  amenities.  On  the  other  hand,  unless  they  are  somewhat  segregated 
racial  troubles  are  sure  to  arise  when  a  Negro  tries  to  settle,  say,  in  the  same  block  with 
upper  class  whites.  I  am  not  sure  that  it  might  not  be  a  good  plan  if  one  or  two  of 
the  southern  states  could  be  turned  over  to  the  Negroes,  but  if  this  is  done  they  should 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  473 

be  allowed  to  govern  themselves  and  should  be  protected  from  exploitation  from  un- 
scrupulous whites. 

It  seems  to  me  that  race  prejudice  is  not  based  principally  on  fear,  but  rather  on  a 
natural  aversion  or  shrinking  from  a  man  of  another  color.  It  is  almost  as  elemental 
as  fear.  We  fear  any  uneducated,  ignorant  and  brutal  man,  whether  he  be  white, 
red,  black  or  yellow.  We  have  an  aversion,  as  I  have  said,  to  close  association  with 
any  man  of  another  color,  even  though  he  be  educated.  I  do  not  know  whether  this 
aversion  is  curable  by  any  method  or  not. 

I  am  incUned  to  agree  with  the  third  proposition,  and  I  suppose  the  fourth  propo- 
sition is  regrettably  true. 

The  outstanding  feature  in  the  answers  to  the  queries:  "Have  you  formed 
definite  opinions  about  Negroes?"  and  "Do  Negroes,  in  your  opinion,  possess 
distinguishing  traits  of  mentality  or  character  ?"  is  the  great  variation  in 
opinions.  As  a  race  they  are  "shiftless,"  "childish,"  "docile,"  " evolutionarily 
handicapped,"  "undependable,"  "some  of  them  good,"  "they  have  as  a 
mass  a  lower  level  of  inherent  capacity,"  "disliked  in  the  mass,"  "liked  as 
individuals,"  "entitled  to  the  same  leniency  and  consideration  as  whites," 
"entitled  to  the  same  rights  as  whites,"  "lacking  in  racial  pride,"  "loyal," 
"imitative,"  "affectionate,"  "improvident." 

The  feelings  toward  Negroes  are  as  varied.  There  is  aversion  to  close 
association,  a  distinct  dislike,  a  desire  that  Negroes  should  have  equal  rights 
and  privileges,  a  desire  that  they  should  have  the  same  rights,  a  feeling  that 
Negroes  have  been  mistreated  and  exploited,  a  feeling  that  selfishness  and  pride 
of  white  persons  have  caused  the  present  racial  situation,  and  a  conviction  that 
present  behavior  toward  the  Negro  is  faulty  and  wrong.  Lincoln  is  twice 
mentioned  but  with  dififerent  meanings.  The  trend  of  sentiment,  while  unfa- 
vorable toward  Negroes,  maintains  some  sort  of  ideal.  Although  childish, 
they  "must  be  trained,"  "although  we  dislike  their  presence,  we  must  submit 
to  our  penalty  for  years  to  come,"  etc.  Some  are  not  sure  of  their  opinions. 
Some  call  them  impressions  or  regret  a  lack  of  knowledge.  A  general  summing 
up  would  show  a  desire  to  be  fair  in  spite  of  unfavorable  opinions. 

The  questions  regarding  the  disposition  they  would  make  of  Negroes  if 
they  could  entirely  control  the  situation  were  put  to  get  views  uninfluenced  by 
considerations  of  present  practicability.  The  play  of  circumstances,  opinion, 
ethical  considerations,  and  difficulties  were  excluded  from  consideration.  The 
trend  of  replies  was  toward  segregation,  even  to  the  extent  of  colonization  in 
Africa.  There  were  curious  anomalies,  like  segregation  without  Jim  Crow 
and  segregation  for  the  Negro 's  own  happiness.  Others  would  distribute  them 
without  boundaries  throughout  the  social  system.  When  segregation  is  gener- 
ally mentioned  it  is  conditioned  on  the  consent  of  Negroes. 

Interesting  answers  are  made  on  propositions  (a),  (b),  (c),  and  (d),  covering 
education,  prejudice,  isolation,  and  justice.  In  spite  of  unforeseen  danger,  it 
is  pretty  generally  agreed  that  Negroes  should  be  educated,  even  though  their 


474  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

demands  are  thus  increased.  There  is  less  agreement  on  granting  demands. 
The  analysis  of  prejudice  brought  a  wide  variety  of  opinions.  Repulsion, 
natural  aversion,  social  equality  and  the  sex  complex,  selfishness  of  whites, 
egotism  and  inborn  dislike,  as  well  as  fear,  are  accredited  as  forming  the  basis 
of  prejudice. 

The  problem  of  isolation  was  essentially  a  problem  of  segregation.  Strange 
to  say,  although  the  trend  of  some  was  toward  isolation,  there  was  a  majority 
belief  that  isolation  would  increase  conflict  and  friction.  The  ethical  problem 
developed  in  general  the  opinion  that  there  does  exist  a  disparity  between  what 
is  and  what  should  be. 

The  unwisdom  of  an  unjust  course  of  social  conduct  is  recognized,  but  is 
for  the  most  part  held  to  be  warranted  by  the  peculiar  dif&culty  of  present  rela- 
tions. Here,  probably  as  nowhere  else,  the  problem  was  compared  with  other 
general  problems  not  involving  race. 

The  experiences  on  which  opinions  are  based  divide  into  definite  classes: 

1.  Experiences  in  the  South. 

2.  Experiences  with  individual  Negro  servants. 

3.  Experiences  with  individual  Negroes  of  intelligence. 

4.  General  observation. 

The  actual  basis  of  opinions  as  stated  by  the  persons  themselves  provides 
an  interesting  question. 

The  question  concerning  early  childhood  experiences  was  put  to  draw  out, 
if  possible,  impressions  unconsciously  insinuated  or  consciously  obtained  but 
perhaps  discounted  and  forgotten  through  subsequent  years  of  intermittent 
relations.  It  was  successful  in  bringing  to  light  incidents  of  striking  signifi- 
cance. The  answers,  indeed,  show  striking  elements  in  the  heritage  of  racial 
consciousness.  Impressions  gained  in  early  life  require  many  facts  to  unsettle 
or  remove. 

Most  important  in  considering  the  trustworthiness  of  information  sources 
are  the  replies  to  the  question:  "  Whom  of  your  friends,  acquaintances,  favorite 
authors,  scholars,  etc.,  do  you  regard  best  fitted  to  speak  with  authority  on  the 
question?"  There  are  mentioned  seven  Negroes  and  ten  white  persons.  Of 
the  four  local  Negroes  mentioned,  two  might  be  regarded  as  well  informed; 
one  has  been  out  of  pubhc  life  for  fifteen  years,  and  the  other,  although  by  no 
means  an  authority,  probably  could  provide  interesting  information.  Of  the 
Negro  national  figures,  Washington,  Du  Bois,  and  Dunbar  are  mentioned, 
Washington  three  times,  Dunbar  and  Du  Bois  once.  Booker  T.  Washington 
died  in  1915.  Paul  Laurence  Dunbar,  the  poet,  died  in  1906.  Practically  all 
of  the  white  persons  mentioned  have  been  at  some  time  connected  with  move- 
ments to  improve  conditions  among  Negroes.  George  W.  Cable  wrote  for 
the  most  part  stories  of  the  Creole  South. 

It  is  strange,  though,  that  in  answering  the  question,  "Who  are  the  Negro 
leaders  ?"  so  many  gave  the  names  of  politicians,  who  are  not  the  real  leaders 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  475 

of  Negroes,  About  half  of  those  who  answered  had  never  read  a  Negro 
periodical,  and  half  of  those  who  had  read  them  considered  their  influence 
pernicious. 

V.      PUBLIC   OPINION  AS  EXPRESSED  BY  NEGROES 

The  practice  of  "keeping  the  Negro  in  his  place"  or  any  modification  of  it 
in  northern  communities  has  isolated  Negroes  from  all  other  members  of  the 
community.  Though  in  the  midst  of  an  advanced  social  system  and  sur- 
rounded by  cultural  influences,  they  have  hardly  been  more  than  exposed  to 
them.  Of  full  and  free  participation  they  know  little.  The  pressure  of  the" 
dominant  white  group  in  practically  every  ordinary  experience  has  kept  the 
attention  and  interests  of  Negroes  centered  upon  themselves,  and  made  them 
race  conscious.  Their  thinking  on  general  questions  is  controlled  by  their 
race  interests.  The  opinions  of  Negroes,  therefore,  are  in  large  measure  a 
negative  product. 

It  is  probably  for  this  reason  that  most  of  their  expressions  of  opinion  take 
the  form  of  protest.  This  same  enforced  self-interest  warps  these  opinions, 
giving  exaggerated  values  to  the  unconsidered  views  of  the  larger  group,  increas- 
ing sensitiveness  to  slights,  and  keeping  Negroes  forever  on  the  defensive. 
Extreme  expressions,  unintelligible  to  those  outside  the  Negro  group,  are  a 
natural  result  of  this  isolation.  The  processes  of  thought  by  which  these  opin- 
ions are  reached  are,  by  virtue  of  this  very  isolation,  concealed  from  outsiders. 
Negroes  by  their  words  alone  may  often  be  judged  as  radical,  pernicious,  or 
fanatic.  Without  the  background  of  their  experiences  it  is  no  more  possible 
for  their  views  to  be  completely  understood  than  for  Negroes  to  understand 
the  confessed  prejudices  of  white  persons,  or  even  their  ordinary  feelings  toward 
Negroes. 

Negroes  know  more  of  the  habits  of  action  and  thought  of  the  white  group 
than  white  people  know  of  similar  habits  in  the  Negro  group.  For  Negroes 
read  the  whites'  books  and  papers,  hear  them  talk,  and  sometimes  see  them  in 
the  intimacy  of  their  homes.  But  this  one-sided  and  partial  understanding 
serves  only  to  make  the  behavior  of  the  whites  more  keenly  felt.  Until  these 
differences,  long  held  as  taboo,  are  thoroughly  understood  and  calmly  faced, 
there^is  small  chance  of  satisfactory  relations. 

The  opinions  of  Negroes  on  this  question  are  as  various  as  the  white  opin- 
ions of  the  Negro.  Their  response  may  reflect  the  sentiment  of  the  larger 
group;  it  may  take  a  conciliatory  turn,  or,  it  may  be  exclusively  seK-centered 
in  disregard,  if  indeed  not  in  defiance,  of  the  white  group.  The  rapid  growth 
of  the  Garvey  movement'  is  a  good  example  of  this  last  type  of  opinion.  There 
is  harmony  of  opinion  on  ultimates,  but  on  programs,  processes,  and  methods 
there  are  differences  among  Negroes  that  reach  the  intensity  of  abusive  conflicts. 

No  Negro  is  willing  to  admit  that  he  belongs  to  a  different  and  lower  species, 
or  that  his  race  is  constitutionally  weak  in  character.    All  Negroes  hope  for  an 

'See  p.  493. 


/ 


476  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

adjustment  by  virtue  of  which  they  will  be  freely  granted  the  privileges  of 
ordinary  citizens.  They  are  conscious,  however,  of  an  opposition  in  the  tradi- 
tions of  the  country  and  actually  meet  it  daily.  Conflict  arises  from  opinions 
as  to  methods  of  combating  and  overcoming  the  opposition  with  the  greatest 
gain  and  smallest  loss  to  themselves. 

Thus  we  come  to  hear  of  different  schools  of  thought  among  Negroes. 
Booker  T.  Washington  is  contrasted  with  W.  E.  B.  Du  Bois,  and  Du  Bois  is 
contrasted  with  Owen,  Peyton,  and  Colson,  and  they,  in  turn  are  contrasted 
with  Garvey.  Among  individual  Negroes  opinion  is  determined  by  experience 
as  well  as  tradition.  The  Negro  house-servant  does  not  feel  toward  white 
persons  as  does  a  Negro  common  laborer.  The  independent  professional  man 
holds  an  opinion  essentially  different  from  the  social  worker.  Yet  they  are  all 
governed  by  those  trends  of  sentiment  protective  of  the  Negro  group,  and  in 
crises  either  act  upon  them  or  suffer  the  group's  censure. 

An  instance  of  the  strength  of  Negro  group  opinion  appeared  in  a  tragic 
by-product  of  the  Chicago  riot.  A  Negro  prominent  in  local  political  and  social 
circles  was  sought  out  as  a  leader,  and  asked  for  an  interview  by  a  reporter  of 
the  Chicago  Tribune  during  the  riot.  In  the  published  interview  he  was 
reported  as  saying:  "This  is  a  white  man's  country,  and  Negroes  had  better 
behave  or  they  will  get  what  rights  they  have  taken  away."  This  aroused 
a  sohd  Negro  sentiment  against  him;  his  life  was  threatened;  for  several 
weeks  he  had  to  have  police  protection;  he  was  finally  ostracized;  and  in  less 
than  a  year  he  died.  His  friends  asserted  that  he  was  slanderously  misquoted, 
and  that  his  death  was  due  largely  to  the  resulting  criticism. 

The  more  balanced  opinions  may  be  found  among  Negroes  who  have 
developed  a  defensive  philosophy.  Race  pride  and  racial  solidarity  have  sprung 
from  this  necessity.  The  term  radical  is  used  to  characterize  Negroes  whose 
views  and  preachments  are  in  advocacy  of  changes  which  to  the  general  white 
public  appear  undesirable.  It  will  be  observed  that  most  of  the  so-called 
radicals  are  southern  Negroes  now  living  in  the  North.  They  know  by  experi- 
ence the  meaning  of  oppression.  Contrasts  with  them  are  sharper  and  the 
desire  for  change  is  more  insistent,  because  they  can  appreciate  differences. 

Frequently  this  "radicahsm"  is  no  more  than  a  matter  of  interpretation  by 
white  persons  and  possibly  an  oversuspicion.  For  example,  Attorney-General 
A.  Mitchell  Palmer,  in  his  report  on  the  investigations  of  his  department, 
referred  to  the  bitter  protests  of  Negro  pubhcations  against  lynching  and  dis- 
franchisement as  radical  and  incendiary  documents.  This  report  is  headed, 
"Radicalism  and  Sedition  among  the  Negroes  as  Reflected  in  Their  Publica- 
tions."   It  reads  in  part  as  follows: 

There  can  no  longer  be  any  question  of  a  well-concerted  movement  among  a 
certain  class  of  Negro  leaders  of  thought  and  action  to  constitute  themselves  a  deter- 
mined and  persistent  source  of  a  radical  opposition  to  the  government,  and  to  the 
established  rule  of  law  and  order. 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  477 

Among  the  more  salient  points  to  be  noted  in  the  present  attitude  of  the  Negro 
leaders  are,  first,  the  ill-governed  reaction  toward  race  rioting;  second,  the  threat  of 
retaliatory  measures  in  connection  with  lynching;  third,  the  more  openly  expressed 
demand  for  social  equality,  in  which  demand  the  sex  problem  is  not  infrequently 
included;  fourth,  the  identification  of  the  Negro  with  such  radical  organizations  as 
the  I.W.W.  and  an  outspoken  advocacy  of  the  Bolsheviki  or  Soviet  doctrines;  fifth, 
the  poUtical  stand  assumed  toward  the  present  federal  administration,  the  South  in 
general,  and  incidentally,  toward  the  peace  treaty  and  the  League  of  Nations.  Under- 
lying these  more  salient  viewpoints  is  the  increasingly  emphasized  feeling  of  a  race 
consciousness  in  many  of  these  publications  always  antagonistic  to  the  white  race  and 
openly,  defiantly  assertive  of  its  own  equaUty  and  even  superiority.  When  it  is  borne 
in  mind  that  this  boast  finds  its  most  frequent  expression  in  the  pages  of  those  journals 
whose  editors  are  men  of  education,  and  in  at  least  one  instance,  by  men  holding 
degrees  conferred  by  Harvard  University,  it  may  be  seen  that  the  boast  is  not  to  be 
dismissed  lightly  as  the  ignorant  vaporing  of  untrained  minds.  Neither  is  the  influ- 
ence of  the  Negro  press  in  general  to  be  reckoned  with  lightly.  The  Negro  World 
for  October  18,  1919,  states  that  "there  are  a  dozen  Negro  papers  with  a  circulation 
of  over  20,000,  and  scores  with  smaller  circulation.  There  are  half  a  dozen  magazines 
with  a  large  circulation  and  other  magazines  with  a  smaller  circulation,  and  there  are 
easily  over  fifty  writers  who  can  write  interesting  editorials  and  special  articles,  written 
in  fine,  pure  Enghsh,  with  a  background  of  scholarship  behind  them."  Notwith- 
standing the  clumsiness  of  expression  of  this  particular  assertion,  the  claim  is  not  an 
idle  one.  It  may  be  added  that  in  several  instances  the  Negro  magazines  are  expensive 
in  manufacture,  being  on  coated  paper  throughout,  well-printed,  and  giving  evidence 
of  the  possession  of  ample  funds. 

In  all  the  discussions  of  the  recent  race  riots  there  is  reflected  the  note  of  pride 
that  the  Negro  has  found  himself,  that  he  has  "fought  back,"  that  never  again  will 
he  tamely  submit  to  violence  or  intimidation.  The  sense  of  oppression  finds  increas- 
ingly bitter  expression.  Defiance  and  insolently  race-centered  condemnation  of  the 
white  race  is  to  be  met  with  in  every  issue  of  the  more  radical  pubUcations,  and  this 
one  in  moderateness  of  denunciation  carries  its  own  threat.  The  Negro  is  "seeing 
red,"  and  it  is  the  prime  object  of  the  leading  pubhcations  to  induce  a  like  quality  of 
vision  upon  the  part  of  their  readers.  A  few  of  them  deny  this,  notwithstanding  the 
evidence  of  their  work.  Others  of  them  openly  admit  the  fact.  The  number  of 
restrained  and  conservative  publications  is  relatively  negligible,  and  even  some  of 
these  ....  have  indulged  in  most  intemperate  utterance,  though  it  would  be  unfair 
not  to  state  that  certain  papers — I  can  think  of  no  magazines — ^maintain  an  attitude 
of  well-balanced  sanity 

The  Messenger  for  October  is  significant  for  one  thing  above  all  others.  In  it  for 
the  first  time  a  Negro  publication  comes  out  openly  for  sex  equality.'' 

It  is  the  sentiment  briefly  sketched  in  the  foregoing  pages  that  summons 
attention.  What  are  Negroes  actually  thinking  ?  How  are  they  being  affected 
by  what  the  general  public  is  thinking  ?  What  do  they  want  ?  Against  what 
are  their  protests  directed  ?    What  kinds  of  group  sentiments  are  being  devel- 

» The  Messenger  is  pronounced  in  its  stand  for  woman  suffrage. 


478  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

oped  and  how  significant  are  they  as  to  subsequent  relations  between  the 
two  groups  ? 

This  report  merely  sets  out  examples  of  those  views  in  the  hope  of  showing 
the  beliefs  that  control  the  conduct  of  Negroes  in  Chicago. 

I.      RACE   PROBLEMS 

Criticism  of  Negro  leaders. — A  Negro  attorney  said: 

I  have  read  numerous  articles  written  by  prominent  colored  men  on  the  subject 
of  Negroes  moving  North,  and  I  have  heard  many  of  them  speak.  But  few  of  them, 
in  my  opinion,  will  bear  rigid  criticism.  They  are  wanting  in  geniune  expression  of 
true  conditions.  Those  writers  and  orators  who  have  some  personal  motive  for  their 
expression  do  not  necessarily  speak  with  absolute  frankness. 

A  Negro  worker  said: 

Our  leaders  are  not  interested  enough  in  the  welfare  of  the  race.  As  soon  as 
they  reach  some  Uttle  place  of  fame  they  try  to  get  off  to  themselves. 

Contacts  as  basis  for  respect. — A  Negro  professional  man  said: 
When  in  school  in  OberUn  my  professor  in  debating  and  oratory  was  so  prejudiced 
that  he  would  not  let  the  other  colored  boy  and  me  be  on  teams  together.  We  asked 
him  repeatedly,  but  he  always  refused.  We  decided  to  work  on  a  debate  for  all  there 
was  in  it  and  compel  him  to  recognize  the  fact  that  we  coidd  measure  up  to  the  other 
members  of  the  class.  When  we  finished  he  praised  our  work  in  the  highest  terms. 
After  that  he  began  to  take  an  interest  ia  me  and  finally  told  me  that  he  did  not  know 
anything  about  Negroes  and  just  felt  that  there  was  nothing  worth  while  in  them. 
He  tried  to  persuade  me  to  teach,  and  when  I  left  he  gave  me  one  of  the  best  letters 
of  recommendation  that  I  have  ever  seen.    That  shows  what  contact  can  do. 

Not  a  ra^e  problem. — A  Negro  business  man  said: 

There  is  no  race  problem;  if  the  white  people  woidd  only  do  as  they  would  be 
done  by  we  would  not  have  need  of  commissions  to  better  conditions.  This  won't 
be  done,  but  an  easier  plan  is  to  enforce  the  law.  The  laws  are  good  enough  but  they 
are  not  enforced.  Riots  grow  out  of  hate,  jealousy,  envy,  and  prejudice.  When  a 
man  becomes  a  contented  citizen  there  wUl  be  Uttle  chance  of  causing  him  to  fight 
anyone.  Give  us  those  things  that  are  due  us — ^law,  protection,  and  equal  rights — 
then  we  will  become  contented  citizens. 

For  better  race  relations  in  Chicago, — A  Negro  alderman  said: 

1.  Pass  a  vagrancy  law  that  will  take  the  idle,  shiftless  and  intolerant  hoodlum 
off  the  streets.     Put  the  burden  of  proof  on  the  one  so  arrested. 

2.  Close  all  vicious  poolrooms  and  dens  of  vice,  and  permit  no  boy  under  nineteen 
years  of  age  to  enter  poolrooms. 

3.  Forbid  loitering  on  the  street  corners,  especially  transfer  points. 

4.  Prohibit  vicious  and  race-antagonizing  campaign  speeches  on  the  streets  of 
the  city  and  in  public  halls.     Races  must  not  be  arrayed  against  each  other. 

5.  Make  more  rigid  the  habeas  corpus  act,  tighten  up  on  the  parole  and  probation 
laws  and  enforcement  of  the  truancy  law. 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  479 

6.  Stop  the  newspapers  from  referring  to  the  territory  occupied  by  the  colored 
people  as  the  "Black  Belt." 

7.  Inciting  and  inflammatory  headlines  in  the  newspapers  must  be  stopped. 

8.  Open  the  gates  of  employment  to  all  races  in  our  public  utilities,  such  as 
street-car  and  elevated-road  service,  Chicago  Telephone  Co.  exchanges,  Peoples 
Gas  Light  &  Coke  Co.,  and  the  Commonwealth  Edison  Co. 

9.  Better  housing  for  the  colored  people  and  improvement  of  the  district  in 
which  a  vast  majority  of  them  reside  by  turning  certain  streets  into  boulevards, 
building  small  parks  and  playgrovmds,  and  let  the  city  or  South  Park  Commissioners 
build  a  bathing-beach  equal  to  any  other  for  the  benefit  and  comfort  of  all  races  along 
the  water  front,  between  Twenty-ninth  and  Thirty-ninth  streets.  This  without 
lines  or  thought  of  segregation  and  for  the  benefit  of  a  neglected  part  of  our  tax- 
paying  community. 

10.  Apprehend  and  convict  the  bomb  throwers  by  placing  in  command  of  our 
police-stations  officers  who  wfil  do  their  duty  and  place  patrolmen  on  duty  who  wUl 
not  sympathize  with  this  lawless  element  of  our  citizenry.  Greater  still,  insist  that 
the  state's  attorney  do  his  full  duty  in  prosecuting  the  people  who  are  responsible 
for  inciting  these  criminal  acts. 

1 1 .  Safeguard  the  rights  of  all  races  in  our  public  parks  and  on  the  public  high- 
ways. 

12.  Give  us  a  man's  chance  in  the  field  of  labor,  and  we  will  prove  that  we  are 
no  burden  to  any  other  race  of  people. 

2.      THE  EMOTIONAL  BACKGROUND 

An  old  settler. — The  sentiment  presented  below  is  probably  the  unpolished 
feeling  of  a  Negro  who  was  born  in  Chicago  before  the  fire  of  1871,  and  has 
lived  here  since.  His  grandfather  owned  the  property  where  the  post-office 
now  stands.  He  was  at  one  time  a  member  of  the  Central  Y.M.C.A.  (white). 
For  two  and  a  half  years  he  was  assistant  bookkeeper  in  a  white  bank  in  Mem- 
phis, Tennessee.    He  said: 

Prejudice  has  been  on  the  increase  in  Chicago  since  1893.  Southerners  came  to 
the  World's  Exposition  and  many  of  them  remained.  They  brought  their  prejudices 
with  them.  On  the  cars  they  would  order  colored  people  to  get  up  and  give  their 
seats  to  them.  This  resulted  in  fights,  and  when  the  cases  were  taken  to  court  colored 
people  won  as  many  cases  as  whites.  I  took  my  grandmother  to  the  fair  and  on  the 
street  car  I  had  an  altercation  with  a  white  southerner  who  called  her  "Auntie." 
He  tried  to  hit  me,  and  I  got  out  my  gun  to  shoot  him.  A  Columbian  guard  and 
detective  grabbed  me.    When  the  case  was  called  I  was  discharged. 

Hyde  Park  is  a  nest  of  prejudice.  These  southerners  moved  out  there.  Southern 
clubs  are  established  throughout  the  country.  They  get  northemized  and  want 
straight-haired  mulatto  maids  for  their  mistresses  and  call  them  typists.  The  south- 
em  white  boys  get  jobs  on  newspapers  in  the  North  and  work  for  nothing  in  order  that 
they  may  write  articles  and  editorials  against  Negroes  and  spread  the  doctrine  of 
the  South. 

A  good  many  years  ago  colored  people  Uved  in  good  homes  and  the  Irish  lived  in 
shanties.    They  used  to  call  them  "flannel  mouth,"  "mick,"  and  "shanty  Irish." 


48o  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

It  used  to  be  that  only  colored  men  of  light  complexion  could  secure  jobs  as  porters 
on  certain  railroads.  In  1908  the  Archbishop  of  the  Diocese  of  the  Catholic  Church 
issued  an  edict  that  white  communicants  should  not  worship  at  the  Thirty-sixth  and 
Dearborn  streets  church.  The  whites  stiU  go  there,  however.  The  very  fact  that  the 
G.A.R.  invited  the  Confederate  veterans  to  march  in  the  same  parade  on  Memorial 
Day  goes  to  show  that  prejudice  against  Negroes  is  increasing.  They  are  combining. 
These  southern  societies  in  Chicago  which  foster  race  prejudice  should  be  exposed. 

Abyssinians. — During  the  summer  of  1920  a  group  of  self-styled  "Abyssini- 
ans,"  in  a  spectacular  demonstration/  killed  two  white  men  and  seriously 
wounded  two  Negroes,  one  of  whom  was  a  policeman.  Neither  whites  nor 
Negroes  could  give  any  further  explanation  of  the  affair  than  that  it  was  an 
ignorant  outburst  of  fanatics.  Although  the  demonstration  was  announced 
as  part  of  a  membership  drive  in  a  "Back  to  Africa  Movement,"  there  was  a 
definite  racial  sentiment  in  the  appeals  to  unlettered  Negroes.  This  sentiment 
was  calculated  to  soHdify  the  fanatic  group,  while,  at  the  same  time,  by  its 
anti-social  dogma,  it  placed  this  group  in  opposition  to  the  safety  and  well- 
being  of  the  community.  Meetings  and  speeches  and  anti-racial  dogma, 
founded  upon  unusual  interpretations  of  the  Bible,  gave  their  sentiments  a  reU- 
gious  fervor  and  a  racial  aim.  Thus  these  sentiments  grew,  uncorrected  by 
outsiders,  and  finally  expressed  themselves  in  criminal  but  significant  conduct. 
The  significance  of  these  sentiments  is  apparent  in  the  attitude  of  a  sympathizer 
with  the  movement,  expressed  to  one  of  the  Commission 's  investigators  several 
weeks  before  the  outbreak  made  the  movement  unpopular.  He  is  a  shopkeeper, 
and  most  of  his  trade  is  among  Negroes.  His  business  with  whites  is  wholly 
with  wholesale  dealers.  In  his  treatment  of  those  who  came  into  his  store 
during  the  interview  he  was  rude  and  discourteous.    He  said : 

I  am  a  radical.  I  despise  and  hate  the  white  man.  They  wiU  always  be  against 
the  Ethiopian.  I  do  not  want  to  be  called  Negro,  colored,  or  "nigger."  Either  term 
is  an  insult  to  me  or  to  you.  Our  rightful  name  is  Ethiopian.  White  men  stole  the 
black  man  from  Africa  and  counseled  with  each  other  as  to  what  to  do  with  him  and 
what  to  call  him,  for  when  the  Negro  learned  that  he  was  the  first  civiUzed  human  on 
earth  he  would  rise  up  and  rebel  against  the  white  man.  To  keep  him  from  doing 
this  it  was  decided  to  call  him  Negro  after  the  Niger  River  in  Africa.  This  was  to 
keep  him  from  having  that  knowledge  by  the  Bible,  for  his  right  name  was  Ethiopian. 
This  was  done  so  we  could  always  be  ruled  by  the  white  man.  I  will  call  your  atten- 
tion to  the  Bible.  There  is  not  one  word  of  evil  against  the  Children  of  Israel  and 
Ethiopia  written  in  it.  Ethiopia  came  out  of  Israel  and  God  said  they  are  his  people 
and  he  will  be  their  God.  He  also  says  after  the  300  years  of  punishment  he  will 
never  go  by  [desert]  Israel  again  and  will  be  with  him  for  ever  and  ever.  We  find 
by  the  Bible  that  he,  the  Ethiopian,  is  the  only  child  of  God. 

The  three  hundred  years  of  punishment  are  up,  and  this  is  the  year  of  deliverance. 
It  started  in  161 9  when  we  were  stolen  from  Africa  and  made  slaves.  God  is  taking 
care  of  the  black  man.    Some  great  destruction  will  take  place,  but  God's  chosen 

» See  p.  59. 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  481 

people  will  be  all  right.  White  passers-by  from  other  neighborhoods  are  the  only 
people  who  trouble  us.  They  will  call  you  insulting  names  or  try  to  annoy  you  in  a 
hundred  little  ways.  The  white  people  in  the  neighborhood  are  all  right.  Two  white 
men  ran  down  an  old  pet  rooster  of  mine  this  morning.  They  were  on  a  motor-cycle  and 
picked  him  up,  carried  him  off,  paying  no  heed  to  me,  as  I  ran  two  blocks  after  them. 

Ready  for  trouble. — A  Negro  ex-soldier  said: 

I  went  to  war,  served  eight  months  in  France;  I  was  married,  but  I  didn't  claim 
exemption.    I  wanted  to  go,  but  I  might  as  well  have  stayed  here  for  all  the  good 

it  has  done  me No,  that  ain't  so,  I'm  glad  I  went.    I  done  my  part  and  I'm 

going  to  fight  right  here  till  Uncle  Sam  does  his.  I  can  shoot  as  good  as  the  next  one, 
and  nobody  better  start  anything.  I  ain't  looking  for  trouble,  but  if  it  comes  my 
way  I  ain't  dodging. 

Agitation  and  discussion. — A  Negro  lawyer  said: 

Agitation  by  the  press,  both  white  and  colored,  does  nothing  but  create  dissension. 
The  religious  and  political  leaders  have  gone  from  one  extreme  to  the  other.  Formerly 
the  Negroes  were  cringing  and  ingratiating  when  dealing  with  the  whites.  Now  they 
are  trying  to  be  radical  in  order  to  gain  notoriety.  There  is  nothing  to  be  gained  in 
either  being  servile  or  radical.  I  have  had  indignities  heaped  upon  me  by  the  white 
man.  Why,  my  mother  was  ill  when  a  white  man  in  Georgia  took  every  bit  of  our 
furniture  from  us,  pulling  the  bed  from  under  her.  She  screamed  with  pain  each  time 
they  moved  the  bed,  but  they  left  her  on  the  floor.  I  swore  that  I  would  kill  that  man 
and  for  many  years  held  hatred  against  him.  Now  I  know  it  is  wrong  and  only  hope 
that  he  has  learned  better. 

A  Negro  and  a  mob. — How  does  a  Negro  feel  when  he  is  being  hunted  or 
chased  by  a  mob  ?  Few  persons  are  able  to  analyze  their  emotions  under  such 
stress.  It  happens,  however,  that  a  Negro  university  student  fell  victim  to  the 
sportive  brutality  of  a  gang  of  white  men  in  a  clash  in  September,  1920,  and 
after  being  chased  and  hunted  for  five  hours  and  a  half  in  an  unfriendly  neigh- 
borhood escaped  uninjured.  He  recounted  his  experience  in  an  effort  at  a 
purely  objective  study  of  his  emotions. 

While  at  work  in  a  plant  just  outside  Chicago  he  became  ill  and  was  forced 
to  leave  early.  Unaware  that  a  riot  was  in  progress,  he  left  a  street  car  to 
transfer  in  a  hostile  neighborhood.  As  he  neared  the  corner  one  of  a  group  of 
about  twenty  young  white  men  yelled:  "There's  a  nigger!  Let's  get  him!" 
He  boarded  a  car  to  escape  them.  They  pulled  off  the  trolley  and  started  into 
the  car  after  him.    His  story  follows: 

The  motorman  opened  the  door,  and  before  they  knew  it  I  jumped  out  and  ran 
up  Fifty-first  Street  as  fast  as  my  feet  could  carry  me.  Gaining  about  thirty  yards  on 
them  was  a  decided  advantage,  for  one  of  them  saw  me  and  with  the  shout  "There  he 
goes!"  the  gang  started  after  me.  One,  two,  three,  blocks  went  past  in  rapid  succes- 
sion. They  came  on  shouting,  "Stop  him!  Stop  him!"  I  ran  on  the  sidewalk  and 
someone  tried  to  trip  me,  but  fortunately  I  anticipated  his  intentions  and  jumped  into 
the  road.  As  I  neared  the  next  street  intersection,  a  husky,  fair-haired  fellow  weighing 
about  180  pounds  came  lunging  at  me.    I  have  never  thought  so  quickly  in  all  my 


482  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

life  as  then,  I  believe.  Three  things  flashed  into  my  mind — to  stop  suddenly  and  let 
him  pass  me  and  then  go  on;  to  try  to  trip  him  by  dropping  in  front  of  him;  or  to  keep 
running  and  give  him  a  good  football  straight  arm.  The  first  two  I  figured  would  stop 
me,  and  the  gang  wovdd  be  that  much  nearer,  so  I  decided  to  rely  on  the  last.  These 
thoughts  flashed  through  my  mind  as  I  ran  about  ten  steps.  As  we  came  together, 
I  left  my  feet,  and  putting  all  my  weight  and  strength  into  a  lunge,  shot  my  right 
hand  at  his  chin.  It  landed  squarely  and  by  a  half-turn  the  fair-haired  would-be 
tackier  went  flying  to  the  road  on  his  face. 

That  was  some  satisfaction,  but  it  took  a  lot  of  my  strength,  for  by  this  time  I 
was  beginning  to  feel  weak.  But  determination  kept  me  at  it,  and  I  ran  on.  Then 
I  came  to  a  corner  where  a  drug-store  was  open  and  a  woman  standing  outside.  I 
slowed  down  and  asked  her  to  let  me  go  in  there,  that  a  gang  was  chasing  me;  but  she 
said  I  would  not  be  safe  there,  so  I  turned  oflf  Fifty-first  Street  and  ran  down  the  side 
street.  Here  the  road  had  been  freshly  oiled  and  I  nearly  took  a  "header"  as  I 
stepped  in  the  first  pool,  but  fortunately  no  accident  happened.  My  strength  was 
fast  failing;  the  suggestion  came  into  my  mind  to  stop  and  give  up  or  try  to  fight  it 
out  with  the  two  or  three  who  were  still  chasing  me,  but  this  would  never  do,  as  the 
odds  were  too  great,  so  I  kept  on.  My  legs  began  to  wobble,  my  breath  came  harder, 
and  my  heart  seemed  to  be  pounding  like  a  big  pump,  while  the  man  nearest  me  began 
to  creep  up  on  me.  It  was  then  that  an  old  athletic  maxim  came  into  my  mind — 
"He's  feeling  as  tired  as  you."  Besides,  I  thought,  perhaps  he  smokes  and  boozes 
and  his  wind  is  worse  than  mine.  Often  in  the  last  hundred  yards  of  a  quarter-mile 
that  thought  of  my  opponent's  condition  had  brought  forth  the  last  efforts  necessary 
for  the  final  spurt.  There  was  more  than  a  medal  at  stake  this  time,  so  I  stuck,  and 
in  a  few  strides  more  they  gave  up  the  chase.  One  block  further  on,  when  I  had  made 
sure  that  no  one  was  following  me  on  the  other  side  of  the  street,  I  slowed  down  to 
walk  and  regained  my  breath.  Soon  I  found  myself  on  Forty-sixth  Street  just 
west  of  Halsted  where  the  street  is  blind,  so  I  climbed  up  on  the  railroad  tracks  and 
walked  along  them.  But  I  imagined  that  in  crossing  a  lighted  street  I  could  be  seen 
from  below  and  got  down  off  the  tracks,  intending  to  cross  a  field  and  take  a  chance 
on  the  street.  But  this  had  to  be  abandoned,  for  as  I  looked  over  the  prospect  from 
the  shadow  of  a  fence  I  saw  an  automobile  held  up  at  the  point  of  a  revolver  in  the 
hands  of  one  member  of  a  gang  while  they  searched  the  car  apparently  looking  for 
colored  men. 

This  is  no  place  for  a  minister's  son,  I  thought,  and  crept  back  behind  a  fence 
and  lay  down  among  some  weeds.  Lying  there  as  quietly  as  could  be  I  reflected  on 
how  close  I  had  come  to  a  severe  beating  or  the  possible  loss  of  my  life.  Fear,  which 
had  caused  me  to  run,  now  gave  place  to  anger,  and  a  desire  to  fight,  if  I  could  fight 
with  a  square  deal.  I  remembered  that  as  I  looked  the  gang  over  at  Fifty-first  and 
Ashland  I  figured  I  could  handle  any  of  them  individually  with  the  possible 
exception  of  two,  but  the  whole  gang  of  blood-thirsty  hoodlums  was  too  much.  Anger 
gave  place  to  hatred  and  a  desire  for  revenge,  and  I  thought  if  ever  I  caught  a  green- 
buttoned  "Ragen's  Colt"  on  the  South  Side  east  of  State  that  one  of  us  would  get  a 
licking.  But  reason  showed  me  such  would  be  folly  and  would  only  lead  to  reprisals 
and  some  other  innocent  individual  getting  a  licking  on  my  account,  I  knew  all 
"Ragen's"  were  not  rowdies,  for  I  had  met  some  who  were  pretty  decent  fellows,  but 
some  others — ye  gods! 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  483 

My  problem  was  to  get  home  and  to  avoid  meeting  hostile  elements.  Tempo- 
rarily I  was  safe  in  hiding,  but  I  could  not  stay  there  after  daybreak.  So  I  decided  to 
wait  a  couple  of  hours  and  then  try  to  pass  through  "No  Man's  Land" — Halsted  to 
Wentworth.  I  figured  the  time  to  be  about  11 130  and  so  decided  to  wait  until  1:30 
or  2:00  A.M.,  before  coming  out  of  cover.  Shots  rang  out  intermittently;  the  sky 
became  illumined;  the  fire  bells  rang,  and  I  imagined  riot  and  arson  held  sway  as  of 
the  previous  year.  It  is  remarkable  how  the  imagination  runs  wild  under  such 
conditions. 

Then  the  injustice  of  the  whole  thing  overwhelmed  me — emotions  ran  riot.  Had 
the  ten  months  I  spent  in  France  been  all  in  vain  ?  Were  those  little  white  crosses 
over  the  dead  bodies  of  those  dark-skinned  boys  lying  in  Flanders  fields  for  naught  ? 
Was  democracy  merely  a  hollow  sentiment?  What  had  I  done  to  deserve  such 
treatment  ?  I  lay  there  experiencing  all  the  emotions  I  imagined  the  innocent  victim 
of  a  southern  mob  must  feel  when  being  hunted  for  some  supposed  crime.  Was  this 
what  I  had  given  up  my  Canadian  citizenship  for,  to  become  an  American  citizen 
and  soldier  ?  Was  the  risk  of  life  in  a  country  where  such  hatred  existed  worth  while  ? 
Must  a  Negro  always  suffer  merely  because  of  the  color  of  his  skin?  "There's  a 
Nigger;  let's  get  him!"    Those  words  rang  in  my  ears — ^I  shall  never  forget  them. 

Psychologists  claim  that  it  is  in  the  face  of  overwhelming  forces  that  man  is  prone 
to  turn  to  the  Supreme  Being.  I  was  no  longer  afraid,  only  filled  with  righteous  indig- 
nation and  a  desire  to  get  out  of  danger.  But  mingled  emotions  shook  me,  and  a 
flood  of  tears  burst  forth.  In  the  midst  of  it  I  found  myself  praying  fervently  to 
God  against  the  injustice  of  it  all,  for  strength  and  help  to  go  through  safely,  and 
thanks  for  my  dehverance  from  the  gang  which  had  chased  me.  Then  relief  came 
from  all  these  pent-up  feelings  with  the  determination  to  get  up  and  try  to  go  through — 
and  to  fight,  if  necessary.  I  began  to  speculate  on  means.  A  freight  train  came 
along,  and  the  impulse  came  to  jump  on  it  and  ride  out  of  town  until  the  trouble  was 
over,  but  the  knowledge  of  only  15  cents  carfare  in  my  pocket  compelled  the  rejection 
of  this  idea.  I  thought  of  phoning  to  a  friend  to  come  and  get  me  in  his  car,  but 
this  was  futile,  for  where  could  I  find  a  phone  and  be  safe  in  that  neighborhood  ? 
Some  clothes  on  a  line  in  a  yard  across  the  field  offered  a  disguise,  but  even  dressed 
as  a  woman  I'd  need  a  hat,  and  that  idea  had  to  be  abandoned.  With  resources  at  an 
end,  I  picked  up  four  rocks  for  ammunition  and  started  out. 

For  four  blocks  I  glided  from  shadow  to  shadow,  through  alleys.  A  couple  of  dogs 
nearly  "spilled  the  beans"  when  they  barked  just  as  an  automobile  came  down  the 
street.  I  dove  for  cover  until  the  car  had  disappeared  and  then  emerged.  At  Forty- 
ninth  Street  and  Union  Avenue  I  climbed  up  on  the  railroad  tracks  and  cautiously 
walked  along  them  in  the  darkness.  All  of  a  sudden  a  block  ahead  appeared  what 
seemed  to  be  about  ten  men  standing  on  the  tracks,  so  I  dropped  to  the  ground  and 
made  a  pair  of  binoculars  out  of  my  hands.  For  what  seemed  Uke  five  minutes  I 
watched  these  forms  then  decided  they  were  uprights  on  a  bridge  and  went  on.  Imagi- 
nation and  fear  can  play  tricks,  and  this  was  one  of  them. 

Finally  I  found  myself  at  Thirty-seventh  and  Stewart  streets,  having  been 
walking  northeast  instead  of  east  as  I  thought.  I  climbed  down  to  the  street  and 
walked  through  back  lanes  until  I  saw  the  Sox  ball  park.  All  was  quiet,  so  I  came 
out  and  crossed  Wentworth  Avenue.  At  State  and  Thirty-seventh  I  saw  two  colored 
fellows  waiting  for  a  car  and  ran  up  to  them.     Putting  my  hands  on  their  shoulders 


484  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

I  said,  "Gee!  I'm  glad  to  see  a  dark  skin."  Then  I  related  my  experience.  They 
assured  me  the  "fun"  was  all  over,  and  I  was  thankful.  It  was  twenty-five  minutes 
to  four,  just  five  and  a  half  hours  after  I  had  started  for  home  from  work.  A  white 
man  came  along,  and  my  first  impulse  was  to  jmnp  on  him  and  beat  him  up.  But 
again  reason  told  me  he  was  not  responsible  for  the  actions  of  a  gang  of  rowdies,  and 
he  was  as  innocent  as  I  had  been  when  set  upon. 

Is  such  an  experience  easily  forgotten?  Recent  events  would  prove  to  the  con- 
trary. I  vowed  that  morning  never  to  let  the  sun  set  on  me  west  of  Wentworth 
Avenue,  and  never  to  go  into  that  section  unprotected,  even  in  daytime.  On  a 
recent  Sunday  the  papers  came  out  with  an  "Extra"  about  11  :oo  p.m.,  announcing  a 
"Big  South  Side  Fight."  I  went  to  the  door  and  hailed  a  boy.  Just  then  an  auto- 
mobile with  men  standing  on  the  running-board  came  around  the  comer.  The  possi- 
bility of  another  riot  flashed  through  my  mind  and  without  looking  at  the  paper  I 
snapped  off  the  hght,  closed  the  door,  and  prepared  for  trouble  if  it  came  my  way. 
But  the  "Fight "  had  been  a  gunman's  war.  This  is  just  indicative  of  the  caution  such 
an  experience  develops.     It  is  not  a  fear,  but  a  wariness  in  uncertainty. 

3.      DEFENSIVE   POLICIES 

To  stimulate  group  morale  and  solidify  the  sentiments  of  Negroes  for  uni- 
fied opposition  to  what  they  regard  as  oppressive  measures  of  white  people, 
many  tactics  are  employed.  The  most  common  of  these  is  that  of  interpret- 
ing the  aims  and  ambitions  of  Negroes  to  white  persons  and  of  defending 
themselves  generally  against  criticism.  A  selection  of  types  of  this  "defen- 
sive" sentiment  is  given. 

A  Negro  attorney  said: 

The  only  way  to  gain  favorable  pubUc  opinion  is  to  create  favorable  press  notices. 
A  certain  amount  of  agitation  is  necessary  on  the  part  of  colored  papers  to  educate 
the  race  as  to  what  it  is  entitled  to.  The  American  white  race  has  been  very  success- 
ful in  its  propaganda  that  colored  people  are  not  entitled  to  certain  things.  This 
has  caused  many  Negroes  to  beHeve  that  they  are  not  as  good  as  the  white  people. 

The  press  can  be  a  source  of  evil  or  of  good.  It  depends  upon  the  point  of  view. 
The  difiiculty  Ues  in  the  fact  that  the  white  press  has  the  wrong  attitude,  usually. 
A  great  deal  of  harm  is  done  by  paid  workers  who  will  give  interviews  that  will  sustain 
the  viewpoint  of  the  papers.  Others  desirous  of  newspaper  notoriety  are  guilty  of  the 
same  offense.  Usually  those  interviewed  are  not  capable  of  giving  exact  opinions  and 
viewpoints.  Those  capable  of  doing  justice  to  the  situation  are  not  sought  by 
reporters.  During  the  time  when  there  is  more  calm  and  people  are  in  a  position  to 
give  thoughtful  consideration  to  the  question,  no  effort  is  made  to  find  out  the  attitude 
of  substantial  citizens.    If  this  were  done  the  papers  would  get  somewhere. 

A  letter  from  a  Negro  thanking  the  editor  of  a  northern  paper  for  a  fair 
editorial  said: 

The  colored  citizens  realize  fully  the  extent  to  which  propaganda  is  spread  against 
them  in  the  average  newspaper  under  the  guise  of  news,  and  when  they  find  someone 

who  knows  that  too,  and  who  is  strong  enough  to  help,  as  is  the [newspaper], 

they  thank  him  with  all  the  strength  of  their  hearts,  although  their  Hps  may  remain 
mute. 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  485 

Negro  sentiment  regarding  racial  news  in  the  white  press. — A  Negro  weekly 
paper  said: 

Whatever  be  the  cause  or  the  motive  there  is  apparently  a  well  organized  plan  to 
discredit  the  race  in  America  and  to  bring  estrangement  between  fellow  Americans. 
A  short-sighted  ....  press  is  contributing  to  this  estrangement  by  playing  upon 
the  passions  of  the  undiscriminating  and  thoughtlessly  by  its  glaring  and  sensational 
headings,  emphasizing  rumours  of  alleged  crimes  by  Negroes. 

Flattery  as  a  means  of  promoting  tolerance. — A  popular  Negro  orator  said: 

I  think  that  the  great  trouble  with  us  already  is  that  we  have  allowed  the  white 
people  to  settle  too  many  things  for  us.  The  nation  gave  you  constitutional  freedom, 
but  no  man  can  make  you  truly  free  except  you  yourself.  The  white  man  hates 
nothing  worse  than  a  coward,  and  the  American  white  man  is  the  most  remarkable 
human  being  the  world  ever  knew.  He  is  God's  superman.  As  white  and  black 
have  one  destiny  beneath  the  Stars  and  Stripes,  so  have  we  the  common  duties  of 
citizenship 

Woodrow  Wilson  is  my  leader.  What  he  commands  me  to  do  I  shall  do.  Where 
he  commands  me  to  go  I  shall  go.  I  had  naught  of  ill  will  toward  Von  Bernsdorf 
until  Wilson  pointed  him  out  as  a  national  menace.  Whom  Woodrow  Wilson  cannot 
receive  into  fellowship,  I  cannot  receive. 

A  Negro  resident  of  Chicago  for  fourteen  years,  formerly  of  Louisiana, 
said: 

I  went  to  Wilson's  last  inauguration  in  Washington  and  tried  to  talk  to  the 
President.  I  got  in  the  gate,  but  the  guard  would  not  let  me  go  farther  without  a 
pass.  I  went  into  every  place  that  men  were  allowed  to  enter  and  found  no  "Jim- 
Crowing"  in  any  public  place.  The  nearest  approach  to  it  was  in  the  printing  depart- 
ment of  the  government.  There  were  several  colored  girls  all  working  at  the  same 
table.  In  other  departments  I  had  seen  white  and  colored  together.  I  went  into 
every  washroom  on  every  floor  of  one  bmlding  and  must  have  washed  my  hands 
twenty  times. 

Negroes,  real  Americans. — ^A  letter  from  a  Negro  workman  to  Governor 
Lowden  said: 

Why  is  it  that  intelligent  colored  people,  the  real  Americans  and  the  most  humble 
and  purest  nation  that  ever  trod  the  soil  of  America  since  they  have  been  here — we 
have  never  thrown  any  bombs;  we  have  never  written  a  black-hand  letter  and  what 
disgrace  and  shameful  things  we  do  it  was  learned  to  us  by  our  foreparents'  masters 
down  south  because  they  taught  them  to  steal  and  murder  and  do  all  other  most 
disgraceful  things.  We  have  never  bombed  any  white  people's  homes,  but  I  cannot 
see  into  it  why  it  is  that  all  nations  such  as  the  Pohsh,  Japan,  Chinaman,  Mexican, 
German  and  Russ  and  now  you  see  what  they  have  done  to  this  country;  they  have 
done  everything  to  overthrow  this  Government  and  have  got  the  I.W.W.  and  the 
Red.  Where  have  we  done  such  dirty  deeds  ?  We  have  enriched  this  soil  of  America 
with  our  blood  in  every  war  for  this  country  and  then  cannot  live  where  we  want  to 
as  an  American  citizen.  We  even  shed  our  blood  in  France  to  save  someone  else 
money  and  their  homes,  and  the  thanks  we  got  when  we  come  back  was  a  big  race 


486'  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

riot  which  I  do  believe  was  started  by  southern  white  men  to  put  a  disgrace  on  the 
North  because  the  North  do  not  lynch  and  burn  as  they  do.  Of  course  I  know  you 
cannot  do  anything  by  yourself.  But  if  you  can  get  enough  men  who  have  got  a 
backbone  to  protect  the  ones  who  have  always  protected  them  this  outrage  could 
be  stopped.  I  read  a  piece  in  the  Herald-Examiner  that  it  would  be  a  riot  here; 
that  has  poisoned  the  minds  of  so  many  people.  So  now  I  hope  you  wiU  try  to  stop 
such  trouble. 

Defensive  philosophy;  silence  does  not  mean  contentment. — ^A  Negro  educator 
said: 

Many  white  men  of  high  intellectual  ability  and  keen  discernment  have  mistaken 
the  Negro  silence  for  contentment,  his  facial  expression  for  satisfaction  at  prevailing 
conditions,  and  his  songs  and  jovial  air  for  happiness.  But  not  always  so.  These 
are  his  methods  of  bearing  his  troubles  and  keeping  his  soul  sweet  under  seeming 
wrongs.  In  the  absence  of  a  spokesman  or  means  of  communication  with  the  whites 
over  imagined  grievances,  he  has  brightened  his  countenance,  smiled  and  sung  to 
give  ease  to  his  mind.  In  the  midst  of  it  all  he  is  imable  to  harmonize  the  teachings 
of  the  Bible  which  the  white  Christian  placed  in  his  hands  with  the  practices  of  daily 
life.  He  finds  it  difl&cult  to  harmonize  the  fatherhood  of  God  and  the  brotherhood  of 
man,  and  his  faith  is  put  to  the  test  in  that  "Providence"  which  enslaved  his  ancestors, 
corrupted  his  blood  and  placed  upon  him  stigmas  more  damaging  than  to  be  a  leper 
or  convict  by  making  his  color  a  badge  of  infamy  and  his  preordained  social  position 
at  the  bottom  of  human  society.  So  firmly  has  his  status  been  fixed  by  this  "Provi- 
dence" that  neither  moral  worth,  fidelity  to  trust,  love  of  home,  loyalty  to  coimtry 
or  faith  in  God  can  raise  him  to  human  recognition. 

Votes  for  Negroes. — The  Crisis  for  January,  192 1,  said: 

The  astonishing  thing  about  the  Bourbon  South  is  its  intellectual  bankruptcy 
when  it  comes  to  the  Negro.  It  continually  assumes  that  the  Negro  is  a  fool.  Some 
Negroes  are  fools,  but  the  proportion  among  them  is  steadily  decreasing,  while  that 
among  the  Bourbons  seems  to  increase.  When  the  average  white  Southerner  faces 
the  problem  of  racial  contact  he  has  absolutely  nothing  to  ofi'er  except  what  he 
offered  in  1861,  namely:  the  Will  of  God,  Force  and  Bloodshed,  and,  "The  best  friend 
in  the  world  to  the  Negro  is  the  Southern  white  man — the  only  one  who  truly  loves 
him."  We  quote  from  our  ever-delightful  friend,  the  editor  of  the  Macon  (Ga.) 
Telegraph. 

The  tragedy  of  the  situation  is  that  this  man  believes  what  he  says.  He  knows 
absolutely  just  the  "place"  for  which  God  made  "niggers";  but  to  support  this  sin- 
cere beUef  he  spreads  falsehoods.  He  says  that  the  woman  suffrage  party  by  its 
secret  machinations  "probably"  caused  the  blood  shed  in  the  Florida  elections! 
He  threatens  murder  for  black  men  who  want  to  vote,  and  almost  weeps  over  the  mis- 
guided Negroes  who  have  left  the  Empire  State  of  lynching  and  gone  to  Chicago. 

There  seems  to  be  in  this  man's  mind  absolutely  no  conception  of  the  tremendous, 
increasing,  unswerving  development  of  the  Negro.  To  him  all  aspiration,  unrest, 
and  complaints  of  black  folk  are  conspiracies  of  whites.  For  the  blacks  he  has  no 
program,  no  vision,  except  that  they  stay  where  they  have  always  been,  growing  more 
content  with  "Jim-Crow"  cars,  lynching  and  disfranchisement. 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  487 

It  is  inconceivable  to  the  mentality  of  this  section  of  the  white  South  that  such  a 
program  is  absolutely  impossible.  That  if,  in  the  end,  the  price  we  must  pay  for 
aspiration  to  modern  manhood  is  death,  and  death  in  the  most  horrible  form  of  public 
torture  and  burning  like  that  in  Florida,  if  to  live  we  must  die,  then  the  South  will 
have  us  to  kill.  Any  man  who  does  not  prefer  death  to  slavery  is  not  worth  free- 
dom  

The  black  man  must  vote.  Every  Southerner  with  brains  knows  this.  The 
Negro  is  awaiting  his  enfranchisement  with  greater  patience  than  the  South  has  any 
right  to  expect.  But  he  will  not  wait  forever.  If  he  sees  gathering  signs  of  sanity — 
a  willingness  to  let  the  intelligent  and  thrifty  vote,  an  honest  effort  to  establish  law 
and  order  and  overthrow  the  rule  of  the  mob,  a  desire  to  substitute  honest  industrial 
conditions  in  place  of  the  organized  and  entrenched  theft  of  black  wealth  upon  which 
southern  industry  is  based  today — such  a  program,  tardy  and  slow  and  inadequate 
though  it  be,  may  count  on  the  infinite  patience  and  long  suffering  of  Ethiopia. 

4.      RACE   CONSCIOUSNESS 

Ancient  Order  of  Ethiopian  Princes:^ 

To  My  Kinsmen. — In  a  broad  sense,  the  words  "Negro"  and  "Nigger"  have  no 
historical  significance.  They  are  used  synonymously  in  the  white  man's  dictionary. 
"Negro"  is  a  pure  Spanish  word  meaning  "black."  The  word  "Negro,"  therefore, 
may  be  descriptive  of  a  race,  but  not  the  name  of  it.  In  reality  "Negro"  is  an  alias, 
or  nickname  applied  to  us  originally,  in  much  the  same  contemptuous  spirit  as  the 
black  boy  is  called  "Rastus"  or  "Sambo." 

The  white  man  writes  his  history  for  us  to  study,  makes  his  scenario  with  his  heroes 
and  heroines  for  us  to  admire,  and  supplies  our  newspapers.  Through  these  instru- 
mentalities he  almost  entirely  controls  our  thought. 

Remember  that  "a  word  is  the  sign  of  an  idea."  The  kind  of  an  "idea"  that 
the  "sign"  stands  for  depends  upon  our  teaching.  If  we  associate  a  word,  then,  with 
a  noble  or  degraded  idea,  we  have  been  taught  to  do  so. 

You  can  easily  prove  this  by  experimenting  with  certain  words  for  yourself. 
After  repeating  each  word  tell  what  your  idea  is  and  what  you  see:  (i)  Roman, 
(2)  Paradise,  (3)  Statesmen,  (4)  General.  Is  the  idea  or  picture  you  get  degraded  ? 
No.     The  White  Press,  history,  reel  and  teacher  have  taken  care  of  that. 

Now  take  the  following  words:  (i)  Lynched,  (2)  Jim  Crow,  (3)  Disfranchised, 
(4)  Negro. 

What  is  the  resvdt?  The  words  "Lynched,"  "Jim  Crow,"  "Disfranchised," 
are  the  signs  of  degraded  ideas.  Moreover,  "Negro"  is  very  apt  to  creep  into  each 
one  of  the  three  mind  pictures  and  conversely  one  of  the  three  into  the  "Negro" 
mind  picture. 

Do  you  understand  ?  Now  why  is  that  ?  That  is  what  Ethiopic  culture  teaches, 
through  the  "Ancient  Order  of  Ethiopian  Princes." 

If  we  beb'eve  that  we  come  from  nowhere  and  have  no  history  but  that  of  a  slave, 
our  substance  will  be  the  charity  of  our  oppressors,  and  our  future  handicapped  by 
doubts  and  fears. 

Ancient  history  knows  no  "Negro,"  but  ancient  history  does  know  Ethiopia  and 
Ethiopians.     Change  a  family's  name  and  in  a  generation  you  cannot  tell  whether 

'  Prospectus  issued  in  192 1. 


488  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

its  foreparents  were  rogues  or  saints.  It  is  the  same  with  a  race.  You  cannot  trace 
your  ancestors  through  the  name  "Negro." 

Take  away  our  birthright,  our  ancient  honorable  name,  "Ethiopian"  and  you 
have  stopped  the  very  fountain  of  our  inspiration.  If  we  are  "Negroes"  we  are  by 
the  same  dictionary  also,  "Niggers."  The  moment  we  realize,  however,  that  we  are 
"Ethiopians,"  we  can  see  the  beams  from  the  lamps  of  Ethiopian  culture  lighting  a 
pathway  down  the  shadowy  ages,  'and  the  fires  of  ambition  are  rekindled  in  our  hearts, 
because  we  know  that  we  came  from  the  builders  of  temples  and  founders  of  civili- 
zation. 

Study  this. 

Contrasts  of  North  and  South. — ^An  investigator 's  report  on  home  conditions 
of  retarded  children  said: 

The  mother  is  eager  to  learn,  and  constantly  talks  of  wanting  to  attend  night 
school  if  the  opportunity  ever  offers  itself.  She  is  eager  for  her  girl  to  complete  her 
education  and  wants  her  to  take  a  business  course  so  she  will  be  independent.     "A 

white  man  can  take  everything  from  the  colored  man  but  his  learning,"  Mrs. 

said  repeatedly. 

In  coming  to  Chicago  she  wasn't  sure  what  she  woidd  find,  but  she  had  heard 
that  colored  people  had  a  show  here.  She  brought  her  child  here  to  give  her  one. 
Chicago  seems  like  heaven  to  her  now  when  she  thinks  of  what  she  had  been  through 
in  the  South. 

When  the  investigator  asked  her  about  the  church  to  which  she  belonged  she 
said:  "Olivet.  I  goes  every  Simday  and  Wednesday  nights  to  prayer  meeting  just  to 
thank  God  that  he  let  me  live  to  go  to  a  place  of  worship  like  that,  a  place  where  my 
people  worship  and  ain't  pestered  by  the  white  men." 

The  Chicago  riot  provoked  probably  the  first  full  expressions  of  sentiment 
from  Negroes  in  their  own  press.  Underlying  them  are  attitudes  toward  pres- 
ent race  relations.  There  is  a  strong  note  of  resentment,  and  the  announce- 
ment of  the  birth  of  a  "New  Negro." 

The  war  is  credited  with  bringing  about  this  change.  More  than  250,000 
young  Negroes,  the  pick  of  the  race  in  health  and  intelligence,  had  returned 
to  the  United  States,  presumably  with  changed  ideas,  and  perhaps  with  grow- 
ing cynicism  as  to  promises  of  fair  treatment.  Perhaps  for  the  first  time  in 
American  history  the  Negro  group  fought  in  the  19 19  riot  as  a  body  against 
mob  violence.  The  idea  that  these  disorders  are  a  result  of  active  opposition 
to  distasteful  practices  is  prominent  in  practically  every  Negro  discussion. 
"The  Negro  race  is  facing  about"  is  a  familiar  statement.  Said  one  Negro 
newspaper: 

It  is  the  utter  ignoring  of  the  Negro  in  the  community  life  that  is  responsible  for 
these  outbreaks.  The  controlling  whites  were  absolutely  out  of  touch  with  the 
Negroes,  and  the  races  came  together  in  a  quarrel  and  there  was  no  means  by  which 
the  trouble  could  be  settled. 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  489 

A  monthly  magazine,  the  Favorite,  said: 

If  the  white  man  thinks  that  the  rights,  privileges  and  ordinary  pursuits  of  the 
Negro  can  now  be  annulled  at  this  stage  of  the  world's  affairs,  he  certainly  has  "another 
thought  coming."  This  Washington  revolt"  is  only  the  "handwriting  on  the  wall." 
Don't  squeeze  the  Negro  too  hard;  if  you  do  you  squeeze  him  to  the  bursting  point. 
The  young  Negro  of  today  is  far  different  from  his  foreparents,  and  wiU  not  be  con- 
tent with  anything  less  than  a  fair  deal. 

The  New  York  American  said: 

The  dangerous  enemy  of  his  race  is  the  colored  man  that  advocates  force  as  a 
remedy.     There  is  such  a  thing  as  being  outnumbered  beyond  any  hope. 

A  Negro  newspaper  replied: 

There  is  such  a  thing,  too,  as  a  noble  preference  of  death  to  a  life  of  slavery.  Do 
Hearst  and  Arthur  Brisbane  think  the  sentiment  of  "Give  me  Liberty  or  Give  me 
Death"  belongs  exclusively  to  a  white  skin? 

A  poem  in  the  Crusader  and  republished  in  the  Messenger  and  several  other 
periodicals,  carries  this  same  idea: 

If  We  Must  Die 

If  we  must  die,  let  it  not  be  like  hogs 

Hvmted  and  penned  in  an  inglorious  spot, 
While  aroimd  us  bark  the  mad  and  hungry  dogs 

Making  their  mock  at  our  accursed  lot. 

If  we  must  die — oh,  let  us  nobly  die. 

So  that  our  precious  blood  may  not  be  shed 

In  vain;  then  even  the  monsters  we  defy 

Shall  be  constrained  to  honor  us,  though  dead ! 

Oh,  kinsmen!    We  must  meet  the  common  foe; 

Though  far  outnumbered,  let  us  stiU  be  brave, 
And  for  their  thousand  blows  deal  one  death-blow! 

What  though  before  us  lies  the  open  grave  ? 
Like  men  we'U  face  the  murderous,  cowardly  pack, 

Pressed  to  the  wall,  dying,  but — 'fighting  back ! 

— Claude  McKay 

Defensive  measures  justified. — The  general  belief  among  Negroes  is  that 
resistance  to  violence  is  justified.  Some  view  this  display  of  counterviolence 
as  simply  defensive  measures,  some  as  retaUation,  which  in  substance  means 
the  same. 

The  Washington  Eagle,  a  Negro  newspaper,  commenting  on  the  beginning 
of  the  Washington  riot,  said: 

Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  these  mobs,  increasing  in  number  and  in  violence 
each  evening,  were  allowed  to  harass  law-abiding  colored  citizens  for  three  consecu- 


490  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

tive  evenings,  the  colored  citizens  showed  no  signs  of  revenge  or  retaliation.  But 
when  the  situation  became  so  terrible  that  colored  citizens  could  endure  it  no  longer 
they  rose  up  almost  as  one  man,  and,  adhering  to  the  first  law  of  human  nature,  which 
says  that  self-preservation  is  the  first  law  of  nature,  they  armed  themselves  "to  the 
teeth,"  to  use  the  phrase  of  one  of  the  local  newspapers.  It  was  only  when  they 
showed  this  disposition  to  fight  back  that  the  riot  ceased. 

The  Messenger,  a  Negro  magazine,  said: 

The  world  knows  not  that  the  new  Negroes  are  determined  to  observe  the  primal 
law  of  self-preservation  whenever  civil  laws  break  down;  to  assist  the  authorities 
to  preserve  order  and  prevent  themselves  and  families  from  being  murdered  in  cold 
blood.     Surely,  no  one  can  easily  object  to  this  new  and  laudable  determination. 

Opinions  of  Negroes  regarding  the  conduct  of  the  police. — Negro  condemna- 
tion of  the  police  seems  general.  From  a  large  selection  of  comments  two  are 
given.    The  Favorite  said: 

History  proves  that  nearly  all  race  riots  are  started  by  white  poUcemen.  East 
St.  Louis,  Houston  and  Washington,  D.C.,  have  had  terrible  cataclysms  provoked  by 
white  bluecoats  who  in  nine  cases  out  of  ten  carry  their  prejudices  with  them  whenever 
they  enter  black  belts.  Instead  of  acting  in  behalf  of  law  and  order  white  policemen 
usually  act  in  behalf  of  some  passion  that  tells  them  Negroes  are  convenient  brutes. 
For  the  safety  of  the  twenty-five  thousand  colored  and  ten  thousand  whites  in  the 
Second  Ward  of  Chicago  we  ask  that  every  white  patrolman  in  the  district  be  replaced 
by  a  colored  bluecoat.  Chicago  must  not  be  added  to  the  list  of  American  cities  cut 
off  from  civilization  by  race  riots,  and  it  is  up  to  Mayor  WiUiam  Hale  Thompson 
and  Chief  Garrity  to  see  that  the  honor  of  that  city  is  preserved. 

The  Washington  Eagle  thought  most  of  the  trouble  was  due  to  the  over- 
bearing attitude  of  the  police.     It  said: 

Bishop  Cottrell,  wiring  from  Holly  Springs,  Miss.,  wants  the  President  to  call  a 
conference  of  representatives  of  both  races  to  consider  the  matter  of  mob  law.  We 
doubt  if  the  President  will  take  the  trouble  to  do  anything  of  the  kind:  while  he  is 
thinking  it  over  the  police  in  every  place  had  better  be  instructed  to  have  more 
respect  for  the  rights  and  feelings  of  the  Afro-American  people.  Most  of  the  trouble 
is  to  be  found  in  the  insolent  and  overbearing  attitude  of  the  police. 

Negro  opinions  regarding  white  newspapers. — It  is  asserted  by  numerous 
Negro  papers  that  certam  white  papers  spurred  the  rioters  to  greater  lawless- 
ness in  the  Washington  outbreak,  and  in  some  cases  settled  the  date  and  place 
of  assembly  for  attacking  parties.  The  Afro-American  quoted  from  the  Wash- 
ington Post  an  excerpt  headed  "Mobilizing  for  Tonight,"  and  reading: 

It  was  learned  that  a  mobilization  of  every  available  service  man  stationed  in  or 
near  Washington  or  on  leave  here  has  been  ordered  for  tomorrow  evening  near  the 
Knights  of  Columbus  hut  on  Pennsylvania  Avenue,  between  Seventh  and  Eighth 
streets.  The  hour  of  assembly  is  9  o'clock  and  the  purpose  is  a  "cleanup"  that  will 
cause  the  events  of  the  last  two  evenings  to  pale  into  insignificance.  Whether  official 
cognizance  of  this  assemblage  and  its  intent  will  bring  about  its  forestalling  cannot  be 
told. 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  491 

The  Afro- American  added: 

Commenting  on  this  article  Secretary  Shillady  of  the  National  Association 
declares:  "In  view  of  the  fact  that  the  'mobilization'  announced  by  the  Washington 
Post  had  not  been  ordered  by  any  authority,  military  or  civil,  does  not  the  passage 
show  intent  by  the  Washington  Post  to  bring  about  such  mobilization  ? " 

Another  Negro  paper  m  Washington  carried  the  criticism  farther: 
Editorials  are  supposed  to  concern  those  topics  that  are  most  important  to  the 
commimity  in  which  they  are  written.  No  one  can  deny  the  importance  of  the  race 
riots  that  disgraced  the  name  of  fair  America's  Capital  during  the  present  week; 
yet  two  of  the  leading  daily  papers  of  the  city  found  everything  to  fill  their  editorial 
columns  but  the  proper  attempts  to  discourage  mob  violence  and  a  disposition  to 
place  the  blame  where  it  justly  belongs.  The  rioting,  in  itself,  was  a  deplorable  dis- 
grace, but  a  greater  disgrace  is  that  the  daily  newspapers  should  have  encouraged  the 
rioting  by  the  glaring,  ugly  headlines  that  they  gave  it,  rather  than  discourage  the 
riots  in  editorials. 

The  National  Defender  and  Sun  replied  to  an  editorial  of  the  Chicago 
Tribune: 

In  a  recent  edition  of  the  Chicago  Daily  Tribune,  which  calls  itself  the  world's 
greatest  newspaper,  in  discussing  the  recent  race  riot  in  Chicago,  it  had  this  to  say: 
"Can  the  two  races  continue  to  live  in  peace  in  Chicago  without  segregation?  We 
have  for  some  time  criticized  the  South  for  its  treatment  of  its  black  citizens.  We 
beheve  since  the  race  riot  in  Chicago  that  segregation,  separate  cars,  will  be  the  only 
cure  to  prevent  race  riots  in  the  future."  We  are  very  much  surprised  at  the  state- 
ment of  the  Chicago  Tribune.  Does  the  world's  greatest  newspaper  forget  that 
Atlanta,  Ga.,  Memphis,  Tenn.,  Arkansas  and  Texas,  had  great  race  riots,  and 
that  all  of  the  above-named  states  have  their  Jim  Crow  laws  and  segregated 
district  ? 

The  New  York  Age  had  this  to  say: 

So  much  clamor  and  bad  blood  have  been  aroused  by  the  repeated  charge  of 
assaults  attempted  upon  women  in  the  city  of  Washington,  that  more  than  ordinary 
significance  attaches  to  a  news  item  found  tucked  away  in  an  inconspicuous  position 
on  an  inside  page  of  the  Washington  Times.  It  was  headed:  "Woman  Now  Denies 
She  Was  Attacked,"  and  read  as  follows:  "The  case  of  an  alleged  attack  on  Mrs. 
Minnie  Franklin,  1361  K.  Street  Southeast,  by  two  Negroes  near  Fifteenth  and  H. 
Sts.,  Northeast,  Thursday  night,  was  closed  last  night  when  according  to  detectives, 
the  woman  said  the  story  was  a  fabrication.  Several  headquarters  detectives  ques- 
tioned the  woman  yesterday  and  then  went  over  the  ground  where  the  alleged  attack 
was  supposed  to  have  occurred,  but  could  find  no  evidence  of  a  struggle." 

This  reported  case  of  "assault"  had  "scare"  headlines  at  the  time  it  was  sup- 
posed to  have  occurred,  and  it  looked  as  if  the  daily  papers  were  trying  to  provoke 
another  riot.  Later,  by  the  admission  of  the  accuser,  the  police  and  the  press,  the 
charge  was  shown  to  be  groundless.  Time  and  again  these  charges  of  assaults  have 
been  shown  to  be  "faked,"  and  the  most  credulous  should  be  brought  to  see  the 
necessity  of  searching  investigation  before  pronouncing  the  accused  guilty.    Hysteria, 


492  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

by  newspaper  suggestion,  may  be  at  the  foundation  of  many  a  case  of  reported 
"assault." 

Charges  of  southern  propaganda  in  the  North. — A  wide  distinction  has  been 
made  by  Negro  observers  between  the  Washington  and  Chicago  riots,  the  for- 
mer being  called  a  typical  southern,  and  the  latter  a  typical  northern,  riot. 
Reasons  for  this  are  given  in  the  different  forms  of  incentive  to  rioting.  The 
Washington  reasons  were  largely  sentimental  and  bore  a  striking  resemblance 
to  the  Atlanta  riot  about  1906.  Reports  of  attacks  on  white  women,  played  up 
in  the  newspapers,  were  sufficient  to  set  the  current  going.  The  sentiment 
of  the  South  is  said  to  have  been  behind  this  outbreak.  Said  the  Chicago 
Defender: 

It  is  easy  to  see  that  the  southern  white  man  is  at  the  bottom  of  race  riots  in  the 

northern  cities  to  which  we  have  migrated  in  recent  years It  is  idle  to  suppose 

that  the  black  man  was  the  only  migrator  from  the  South;  every  northern  community 
is  practically  overrun  with  southern  whites  of  both  sexes.  In  many  of  the  northern 
cities  a  majority  of  the  white  women  employed  as  clerks  and  saleswomen  in  depart- 
ment stores,  telephone  operators  and  other  fields  of  industry  are  from  the  South. 
In  every  place  where  men  are  utilized,  including  pubUc  officials,  judges  and  prosecut- 
ing attorneys,  some  of  them  are  also  from  the  South. 

Remedies. — The  Chicago  Defender  said: 

To  emphasize  the  fact  that  no  self-respecting  citizen  had  anything  to  do  with  the 
disgracefvd  affairs  recently  witnessed  here  and  in  Washington,  thousands  of  circulars 
have  been  distributed  by  our  people  and  to  our  people  filled  with  good,  wholesome 
advice  as  to  being  good,  law-abiding  citizens.  Our  only  salvation  Ues  in  harmony, 
and  both  elements  must  come  to  vmderstand  that  each  is  necessary  to  the  other, 
and  that  with  all  pulling  together,  democracy  for  America  will  no  longer  be  a  theory, 
but  a  reality. 

The  foregoing  examples  of  sentiment  by  no  means  cover  the  varieties  of 
Negro  opinion.  They  are  merely  illustrative  of  different  types.  The  peculiari- 
ties of  group  behavior  which  appear  to  be  the  attributes  of  the  Negro  group 
would  doubtless  show  themselves  in  any  other  groups  similarly  placed  in  the 
social  scale.  There  would  at  the  same  time  be  no  more  likelihood  of  their 
being  understood.  Situations  develop  which  appear  to  the  uninitiated  white 
observer  strange  and  even  dangerous.  That  they  do  represent  very  definite 
and  calculated  programs  of  action  within  certain  circles  of  the  Negro  group  may 
be  illustrated  by  a  few  examples. 

At  a  garment  manufacturer 's  plant  thirty  colored  girls  were  employed  in 
a  separate  unit.  When  a  white  girl  was  employed,  the  colored  girls  walked 
out.  They  explained  that  when  they  first  began  work  in  a  plant  employing 
white  girls  a  precedent  for  this  action  was  given.  If  white  girls  were  too  proud 
to  work  with  colored  girls,  then  colored  girls  should  be  too  proud  to  work  with 
white  girls.  It  required  much  effort  on  the  part  of  the  Urban  League  to  correct 
their  viewpoints. 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  493 

A  short  time  ago  there  was  considerable  agitation  among  certain  groups 
of  Negroes  over  the  appointment  of  a  Negro  principal  for  one  of  the  elementary 
schools.  His  appointment  was  strongly  opposed  by  Negroes.  Although  this 
may  have  seemed  inexplicable  to  white  people,  the  action  was  not  wholly  illogi- 
cal from  the  viewpoint  of  Negroes.  The  school  in  question,  near  the  Negro 
residential  area,  had  an  attendance  of  about  70  per  cent  Negro  children. 
Negroes  reasoned  thus:  If  a  Negro  principal  were  appointed  the  white  teachers 
would  eventually  resign  or  for  one  reason  or  another  be  transferred;  the  white 
parents  then  would  withdraw  their  children  because  there  would  be  no  white 
teachers,  and  so  the  first  step  would  be  accomplished  toward  segregation  of 
Negroes  in  the  public  schools.  It  was  segregation  that  was  opposed,  although 
the  advancement  of  one  of  their  number  must  be  sacrificed. 

Marcus  Garvey,  a  West  Indian  Negro,  with  a  remarkable  genius  for  organi- 
zation, four  years  ago  began  a  venture  on  a  commercial  basis  and  developed  it 
into  a  definite  racial  movement.  He  conceived  the  notion  of  establishing  trade 
relations  with  Africa,  and  accordingly  organized  a  steamship  Une.  It  was  a 
large  undertaking.  There  were  few  large  Negro  investors,  and  if  money  was  to 
be  raised  it  had  to  come  in  numerous  small  amounts  rather  than  in  a  few  large 
ones.  Again,  if  commercial  relations  were  to  be  established,  there  must  be 
intelligent  Negroes  at  the  African  end.  The  effort  grew  into  another  "Back 
to  Africa"  movement.  To  increase  interest  it  was  necessary  to  campaign 
actively,  using  appeals  calculated  to  arouse  the  great  mass  of  Negroes.  This 
Garvey  did  with  such  success  that  his  "Back  to  Africa"  slogans  created  a  far 
larger  movement  than  his  original  commercial  proposition.  The  Universal 
Negro  Improvement  Association  attracted  more  interest  and  members.  The 
Negro  World,  a  newspaper  with  a  constant  and  powerful  appeal  to  racial 
pride,  racial  solidarity,  and  racial  independence,  is  the  organ  of  the  movement. 
During  the  summer  of  1920  a  great  convention  was  held.  A  provisional  presi- 
dent of  the  Black  Republic  was  elected,  and  was  acclaimed  the  recognized 
leader  of  the  black  people  of  the  world.  The  women  were  organized  into 
"Black  Cross"  nurses  and  it  was  planned  to  establish  a  "Black  House"  in 
Washington.  The  movement  has  been  widened  to  include  the  black  peoples  of 
the  British  colonies  and  Africa.  An  alliance  of  sympathy  has  been  declared 
with  peoples  similarly  disadvantaged.  Thus  Ireland's  contention  for  home 
rule  is  supported,  in  spite  of  the  supposed  general  hostility  between  the  Negroes 
and  the  Irish  in  the  United  States.  The  movement  is  credited  with  4,000,000 
followers  in  different  parts  of  the  world. 

VI.      OPINIONS  OF  FIFTEEN  NEGROES  ON  DEFINITE  RACIAL  PROBLEMS 

What  are  Negroes  thinking  ?  Few  white  persons  know  the  intimate  reac- 
tions of  Negroes  to  problems  which  they  face  daily.  Yet  it  is  obvious  that  the 
conduct  of  Negroes  in  practically  every  phase  of  Ufe  is  determined  by  these 
very  sentiments,  which  for  the  white  world  remain  a  closed  book. 


494  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

It  was  with  this  in  mind  that  a  series  of  questions  was  put  to  seventeen 
Negroes  whose  intelligence  and  pubhc-mindedness  qualified  them  for  critical 
self-analysis  as  well  as  dispassionate  examination  of  racial  issues  as  they  aflfect 
the  minds,  behavior,  and  pohcies  of  Negroes  as  a  group.  Ten  of  these  Negroes 
lived  in  Chicago  and  represented  an  ordinary  type  of  the  inteUigent  Negro. 
Five  of  them  Hved  outside  of  Chicago.  Included  in  this  latter  number  were 
two  Negroes  whose  writings  have  been  widely  read  and  who  may  be  said  to 
exercise  some  influence  over  the  thinking  of  Negroes. 

The  fifteen  whose  repHes  are  presented  here  included  business  men,  phy- 
sicians, ministers,  school  teachers,  lawyers,  and  social  workers.  Two  were 
women. 

ARE  RACE  RELATIONS  IMPROVING  ? 

Question:  Putting  aside  for  the  moment  the  question  of  right  and  wrong  and  the 
iniquity  of  the  causes  back  of  present  relations,  do  you  believe  that  the 
relations  are  becoming  better  or  worse,  or  are  they  at  a  standstill  ? 


Answers: 


Better,  decidedly  better.  If  it  becomes  unprofitable  to  lynch  Negroes,  or 
unprofitable  to  shoot  them  up  in  riots,  they  will  probably  more  and  more  be 
let  alone.  The  riots  in  Chicago  and  Washington  mean  that  not  only  Negroes 
wUl  lose  their  lives.  They  also  indicate  to  me  that  the  Negro  feels  that  his 
back  is  more  and  more  to  the  waU,  and  he  is  bestirring  himself.  So  long  as 
he  is  satisfied,  his  case  is  hopeless.  When  he  begins  to  force  respect  he  will 
usher  in  the  dawn  of  a  new  day.  Again  there  is  an  increasing  number  of 
evidences  that  white  people  are  waking  up  to  the  conditions.  Negroes  feel 
that  some  of  the  "Study  Groups"  are  ineffective,  but  the  fact  remains  that 
at  one  time  the  race  question  was  not  deemed  worthy  of  study  except 
by  Negroes.  When  all  is  said,  I  would  rather  be  living  in  1920  than  in 
1870. 

The  relations  are  becoming  worse.  Relatively  speaking,  race  relations 
in  America  have  not  kept  pace  with  progress  in  many  fields  along  other  lines. 
The  great  desideratum  is  that  the  Negro  change  his  point  of  view. 
The  present  relations  between  the  races  seem  more  tense  than  formerly. 
This  is  due  to  the  fact  that  Negroes  have  developed  within  the  past  few  years 
a  greater  race  consciousness,  a  great  race  respect.  The  immigration  from 
the  South  which  permitted  him  to  enter  into  the  industrial  life  of  the  North 
wdth  very  few  hindrances,  to  partake  of  its  civic  fife  without  an  ever-constant 
reminder  of  race,  was  one  of  the  main  factors  in  increasing  race  consciousness 
and  race  respect.  Another  factor  was  the  treatment  as  equals  and  feUow 
human  beings  of  the  Negro  soldiers  by  the  French  soldiery  and  people. 
These  things  have  caused  the  Negro  to  demand  the  respect  which  he  is  entitled 
to  as  a  man  and  the  privileges  due  him  as  a  citizen.  The  whites  at  the  present 
time  still  object  to  giving  him  these.  This  causes  friction.  I  believe,  how- 
ever, that  it  will  be  lessened  as  soon  as  the  whites  realize  that  these  demands 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS 


495 


of  the  Negro  will  not  be  withdrawn  but  will  continue  to  be  made  with  greater 
insistence. 

4.  Better. 

5.  Much  was  gained  through  the  war.  However,  at  the  present  time  things 
seem  to  be  at  a  standstill. 

6.  Racial  relations  between  aU  races  were  never  more  acute  nor  more  keenly 
felt  and  resented  than  during  the  present  day. 

7.  Conditions,  I  believe,  are  getting  a  little  better. 

8.  I  don't  believe  that  consideration  of  right  and  wrong  influences  fundamental 
reactions.  One's  conception  of  advantage  and  disadvantage  determines 
the  character  of  every  act.  I  believe  that  all  social  relations  are  in  a  state 
of  flux  and  that  with  the  improvement  of  mankind  which  is  coming  with  the 
evolution  of  a  sense  of  higher  values  there  will  be  an  improvement  in  human 
relationships. 

9.  Race  relations  on  the  whole  are  growing  worse  instead  of  better,  and  they  are 
crystallizing  in  the  wrong  direction.  The  whites  are  adjusting  their  con- 
science to  their  conduct,  and  are  consciously  or  unconsciously  justifying  viola- 
tion of  the  Ten  Commandments,  the  Golden  Rule,  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount, 
the  Declaration  of  Independence  and  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
at  the  behest  of  race  prejudice. 

10.  They  are  becoming  distinctly  worse  as  each  year  solidifies  the  hatred  and 
crystallizes  the  opinions  of  the  whites  which  immediately  subsequent  to  the 
Civil  War  were  in  a  chaotic  state. 

11.  The  last  year  or  so  has  shown  that  riots  are  more  quickly  started.  In  our 
opinion  race  relations  are  likely  to  get  much  worse,  especially  if  the  present 
flood  of  European  immigration  continues.  But  getting  worse  to  become 
better  is  much  like  a  boil  which,  after  it  gathers  and  breaks,  leaves  the  body 
in  a  healthier  condition.  Negroes  are  becoming  more  and  more  determined 
to  enjoy  their  constitutional  rights. 

12.  I  am  in  doubt. 

13.  I  am  an  optimist.    I  believe  relations  are  becoming  better. 

OPINIONS  ON   SOLUTION 

Question:  Do  you  believe  that  money  and  the  acquisition  of  wealth  make  an  appreci- 
able difference  in  the  degree  of  respect  in  which  Negroes  are  held  by  their 
white  neighbors,  or  in  the  treatment  they  receive  ? 


Economic  Progress* 

1866 

1919 

Gain  in  Fifty-three 
Years 

Homes  owned 

12,000 
20 , 000 

2,IOO 

$1,500,000 
$20,000,000 

600,000 

I , 000 , 000 

50,000 

$85,900,000 

$1,100,000,000 

588,000 

980,000 

47, goo 

$84 , 400 , 000 

$1 ,080,000,000 

Farms  operated 

Businesses  conducted 

Value  of  church  property 

Wealth  accumulated 

♦"Statistical  Statement  of  Negro  Progress  in  Fifty-three  Years,"  from  Negro  Year  Book,  igiS-ip. 


496  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Answers: 

1.  Yes,  money  and  wealth  are  the  root  of  all  good  and  evil.  In  North  Carolina, 
a  rich  Negro,  McCary,  who,  it  was  alleged,  had  been  caught  in  intimate  rela- 
tions with  a  leading  white  woman,  was  sued  for  money  damages  instead  of 
being  lynched.  Money  and  wealth  must  be  widely  diffused  enough  to  make 
an  appreciable  difference,  however;  isolated  cases  of  wealth  ordinarily  en- 
gender friction  and  hatred. 

2.  No,  because  I  personally  know  many  who  are  highly  respected  and  kindly 
treated  in  their  communities  though  in  very  humble  circumstances. 

3.  I  believe  that  money  or  wealth  causes  more  respect  to  be  accorded  within 
white  people's  hearts,  but  it  is  more  likely  to  increase  racial  feeling  than  to 
lessen  it.  The  element  of  jealousy  among  poorer  whites  probably  gives  rise 
to  such  statements  as  keeping  the  Negro  in  his  place.  The  whites  of  better 
circumstances  merely  use  these  existing  feelings  to  gain  their  own  selfish  ends. 

4.  Yes,  and  no.  Money  is  power.  The  power  over  a  man's  subsistence  is  the 
power  over  his  will.  The  individual  who  has  money  is  sought  because  he  is 
in  a  position  to  confer  advantages.  He  is  likewise  hated  because  he  can 
inflict  pain.  Were  race  prejudice  logical  and  based  upon  reason  and  not 
hysteria,  the  procurement  of  money  and  the  consequent  demonstration  of 
basic  equality  would  improve  conditions.  However,  the  majority  of  persons 
do  not  think  but  are  exploited.  Religious  dogmas  and  racial  antipathies 
being  useful  adjuncts  in  the  process  are  sufficient  to  outweigh  material 
or  rational  considerations. 

5.  Absolutely. 

6.  The  possession  of  money  causes  whites  to  accord  the  Negro  more  respect  and 
better  treatment  if  the  particular  Negro  can  intelligently  handle  his  affluent 
situation  so  as  to  demand  such. 

7.  I  think  that  money  and  the  acquisition  of  wealth  make  an  appreciable 
difference  in  the  degree  of  respect  in  which  Negroes  are  held  by  their  white 
neighbors;  not  that  the  prejudice  against  the  race  is  reduced  considerably 
or  possibly  to  any  extent,  but  because  men  worship  dollars,  and  if  they  are 
possessed  by  Negroes,  Negroes  fall  in  for  additional  respect  as  the  holders 
of  wealth. 

8.  I  believe  that  the  acquisition  of  wealth  causes  marked  increase  in  respect, 
provided  that  a  fairly  large  group  of  Negroes  in  that  community  respectively 
are  the  possessors;  but  for  merely  one  or  two  persons  to  acquire  wealth  in  a 
community  is  not  likely  to  inspire  respect.  It  may  cause  its  opposite.  I 
assume,  of  course,  that  a  fair  intelligence  was  necessary  to  secure  the  wealth. 

9.  Intelligence  and  wealth  are  necessary  to  the  self-respect  of  the  Negro.  I 
doubt  not  that  in  many  instances  they  would  increase  racial  friction  for  the 
time  being;  but  the  time  must  come  and  is  now  near  at  hand,  when  the  white 
race  must  recognize  that  the  whole  is  greater  than  any  of  its  parts.  A  com- 
munity like  Chicago,  for  instance,  cannot  be  intelligent  if  the  Negro  is  igno- 
rant; it  cannot  be  competent  if  the  Negro  is  inefficient;  it  cannot  be  virtuous 
if  the  Negro  is  vicious;  it  cannot  be  healthy  if  the  Negro  is  diseased.  Intelli- 
gence and  wealth  will  not  of  themselves  solve  the  race  problem,  but  the 
problem  cannot  be  solved  without  intelligence  and  wealth. 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS 


497 


10.  Money  and  wealth  do  make  a  difference  in  the  amount  of  respect  accorded 
to  individuals,  as  they  lessen  the  causes  for  class  antagonism.  The  white 
man  accords  esteem  to  those  who  are  able  to  secure  good  clothing,  decent 
homes,  education,  and  indulge  in  what  are  considered  luxuries.  These  things, 
too,  increase  the  respect  the  Negro  has  for  himself  and  make  him  demand 
respect  from  others.  The  treatment  accorded  him  is  not  likely  to  be  changed 
as  his  advancement  tends  to  increase  hatred  among  the  whites  whom  he 
rises  above,  and  a  desire  not  to  treat  him  as  an  equal  among  those  whose 
level  he  reaches. 

11.  Money,  commerce,  rule  the  world.  The  average  white  man  is  happiest  when 
he  sees  the  Negro  down.  But  if  the  Negro  has  money  he  is  willing  to  con- 
ceal his  prejudice  and  trade  with  him.  Money,  in  the  possession  of  no  matter 
whom,  commands  fear,  which  is  the  nearest  most  human  beings  get  to  having 
respect  for  others.  While  one  rich  Negro  in  a  town,  in  most  instances, 
would  receive  pretty  much  the  same  treatment  as  other  Negroes,  yet  a 
hundred  rich  Negroes  in  that  same  town  would  certainly  make  a  big  differ- 
ence. Apply  this  ratio  to  the  nation.  A  rich  Negro,  even  in  Georgia  or 
Mississippi,  certainly  has  a  far  pleasanter  lot  than  a  poor  white. 

12.  Yes. 

13.  Yes,  it  does  for  white  people.  To  quote  a  friend,  "It  is  easy  for  anybody  to 
be  respectful  and  courteous  to  a  milHon  dollars."  This  is  especially  true  of 
Americans. 

Question:  Do  you  believe  that  if  Negroes  were  100  per  cent  literate  it  would  make 
any  great  difference  in  race  relations?  Are  general  and  higher  education 
likely  to  widen  the  breach  between  Negroes  and  white  persons,  increase  intol- 
erance, resentment,  sensitiveness  to  insults,  or  can  a  quieted  process  of  ad- 
justment or  complete  fusion  of  interests  be  expected  ? 


Educational  Progress* 

1866 

igig 

Gain  in  Fifty- 
three  Years 

Per  cent  literate 

10 

15 

100,000 

600 

$60 , 000 

$700,000 

$80,000 

80 

500 

I , 800 , 000 

38,000 

$2  2 , 000 , 000 

$15,000,000 

$1,700,000 

70 

Colleges  and  normal  schools 

48  s 

Students  in  public  schools 

I , 700 , 000 

Teachers  in  all  schools 

37,400 

Property  for  higher  education 

$21,940,000 

Annual  expenditures  for  education 

$14,300,000 

Raised  by  Negroes 

$1,620,000 

♦"Statistical  Statement  of  Negro  Progress  in  Fifty-three  Years,"  from  Negro  Year  Book,  1918-19. 


Answers: 


Education  wUl  help  decidedly,  especially  that  kind  of  education  which  gives 
Negroes  a  command  of  some  special  accomplishment  in  any  field  of  endeavor. 
Higher  education  will  not  in  my  opinion  widen  the  breach  if  Negroes  will 
consciously  and  deliberately  set  out  to  educate  white  people  as  to  their  ideals, 
ability  and  character,  and  at  the  same  time  labor  to  increase  the  spirit  of 
self-help  and  self-confidence  among  their  own  group  which  will  serve  to  de- 
crease ignorance  and  irresponsibility  among  the  less  fortunate  and  vmtrained 
members  of  the  race. 


49^  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

2.  I  conceive  that  literacy  in  itself  is  a  cure  for  nothing  except  illiteracy.  One- 
hundred-per-cent  literate  Negroes  without  proper  use  of  their  literacy  may 
even  make  matters  worse.  General  and  higher  education  may  be  expected 
to  make  matters  better  only  if  there  is  general  and  higher  education  among 
whites  and  the  education  on  both  sides  is  of  the  right  kind.  In  America,  at 
present,  education,  where  it  touches  race  lines,  appears  to  be  more  propaganda 
than  education.  It  is  reported  that  some  histories  of  reconstruction  taught  to 
Negroes  by  the  state  in  parts  of  the  United  States  emphasize  and  detail  their 
shortcomings  and  omit  their  virtues.  Obviously  such  education  is  educa- 
tion for  mistrust,  unrest,  conflict.  It  educates  the  races  apart,  and  its  logical 
consequence  is  conflict.  I  am  ready  to  answer,  then,  that  general  and  higher 
education  which  emphasizes  likeness  and  passes  over  without  undue  atten- 
tion imlikeness,  education  which  aims  to  have  men  live  in  harmony  and  co- 
operation and  does  not  aim  to  array  classes  against  classes  and  races  against 
races  by  omissions  and  emphasis,  may  be  expected  to  better  our  race  relations 
in  the  United  States  provided  it  finds  lodgment  in  the  school  systems  of  both 
races. 

3.  If  10,000,000  literate  Negroes  were  environed  with  100,000,000  white  men, 
the  majority  of  whom  were  below  their  cultural  level,  the  dominant  minds 
among  the  whites  would  arouse  ethnic  antagonisms  as  an  economic  weapon 
to  be  used  in  promoting  their  selfish  ends.  I  believe  that  there  is  not  a 
single  force,  ethical,  religious,  or  of  any  type,  sufl&ciently  powerful  to  cause 
an  individual  to  forego  what  he  believes  to  be  his  highest  advantage,  and  the 
appeal  to  group  instincts  is  the  easiest  method  of  securing  mass  action. 

4.  If  Negroes  were  100  per  cent  literate  they  would  certainly  be  more  sensitive 
to  insults  and  more  resentful.  I  should  expect  a  great  increase  in  racial 
differences,  unless  those  Negroes  imbibed  a  tendency  to  non-resistance. 
That,  however,  is  far  from  likely.  With  universal  literacy,  a  larger  acquaint- 
ance with  current  events  and  conditions,  Negroes  could  immeasurably 
improve  their  living  conditions,  but  their  contacts  with  the  whites  would  be 
far  more  unpleasant. 

5.  One  hundred  per  cent  literacy  among  Negroes  would  make  a  huge  difference. 
In  the  long  run  it  would  lessen  the  breach  between  Negroes  and  white  persons, 
for  Negroes  would  strive  for  equality.  The  most  essential  thing  is  to  produce 
a  change  in  the  mental  equipment  of  the  Negro.  The  white  man's  mind  will 
take  care  of  itself.  What  is  needed  is  a  more  balanced  and  equal  meeting 
of  the  minds.    But  there  would  be  bloodshed  at  the  beginning. 

6.  Resentment  and  sensitiveness  to  insults  wiU  increase  on  the  part  of  Negroes 
as  they  grow  in  intelligence,  but  as  their  spirits  rebel  more  insistently  and 
positively  against  insults,  it  cannot  help  but  have  its  eff'ect  upon  white  men 
who  ignorantly  mistreat  them,  and  if  the  respect  growing  out  of  love  does  not 
follow,  the  respect  growing  out  of  tolerance,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Jews  in 
America,  will  ensue  and  result  in  recognition  of  equal  intelligence  and  culture. 

7.  Literacy  must  be  100  per  cent  on  both  sides  to  bring  about  a  "  complete  fusion 
of  interests"  or  a  "quieted  process  of  adjustment."  Intelligent  Negroes 
among  uneducated  whites  would  aggravate  the  situation. 

8.  If  Negroes  were  100  per  cent  literate  they  would  command  more  respect, 
because  men  always  command  more  respect  when  they  are  intelligent. 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  499 

9.  I  believe  in  education  first,  last,  and  always  as  a  leveller  and  as  a  bulwark 
of  defense.  There  is  no  race  prejudice  among  broadly  cultured  people.  Art 
knows  no  such  distinctions. 

10.  (a)  Yes.  (b)  Not,  if  at  the  same  time  the  education  of  the  whites  is  broadened 
and  made  more  general,  (c)  Better  education  of  both  races  wUl  facilitate  a 
fusion  of  interests,  beginning  probably  in  economic  relations. 

11.  It  would  make  them  much  more  bitter,  for  (a)  the  Negro  would  be  more 
sensitive  to  injustice  and  have  more  of  the  combative  spirit  which  literacy 
usually  gives,  and  (b)  whites  would  be  more  jealous  and  anxious  to  show  the 
Negro  his  place.  I  believe  that  such  an  intensification  of  the  struggle  is 
desirable  and  necessary,  as  I  don't  believe  that  the  brilliant  ideas  necessary 
for  solution  of  the  race  problem  can  come  other  than  as  the  children  of  the  most 
intense  and  bitter  racial  conflict.  Of  course  it  would  defeat  its  purpose  if 
such  a  conflict  were  bloody,  as  then  we  would  have  a  long  period  of  the 
nauseating  burden  such  as  America  suffers  with  today,  viz.:  the  North 
attempting  to  reconcile  the  South. 

12.  Literacy  will  make  a  difference  also  in  race  relations.  The  difference  will 
increase  in  degree  as  literacy  advances  beyond  the  mere  ability  to  read  and 
write  to  a  wider  participation  in  every  field  of  educational  or  intellectual 
endeavor.  As  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  observe,  the  breach  between  whites 
and  Negroes  is  widened  as  Negroes  advance  in  education  and  culture.  The 
educated  Negro  rarely  comes  in  contact  with  the  white  man  as  a  menial  or 
laborer — the  only  point  of  contact  which  the  great  majority  of  white  people 
want.  He  will  respect  the  Negro  teacher,  lawyer,  doctor,  or  business  man 
who  knows  his  work  thoroughly  and  can  do  as  well  as  he.  He  is  not  likely, 
however,  to  find  any  reason  to  co-operate  with  this  class  of  Negroes,  and 
the  Negroes  do  seek  such  co-operation. 

13.  (a)  Yes.  (b)  In  slavery  times  whites  made  it  a  crime  to  teach  Negroes  to 
read.  That  desire,  in  up-to-date  garb,  remains  in  the  breast  of  most  whites 
today.  To  many  white  persons  a  Negro  of  superior  talent  and  refinement 
is  a  more  detestable  production  than  the  most  pronounced  rogue.  Most 
white  persons,  even  of  the  best  quality,  are  secretly  displeased  at  a  Negro  of 
this  type.  They  were  brought  up  to  regard  Negroes  as  being  below  them,  and 
the  sight  is  a  blow  to  their  vanity,  (c)  A  dollar  talks  much  more  sweetly 
than  Emerson  or  Shakespeare  and  even  Christ  to  most  men,  therefore  a 
process  of  adjustment  or  complete  fusion  of  interests  will  be  effected  chiefly 
through  trade  relationship,  not  esthetics. 

Question:  If  unrestricted  suffrage  were  given  Negroes  throughout  the  United  States, 

would  matters  be  helped  ? 
Answers: 

1.  Equal  suffrage  between  the  races  in  some  parts  of  the  country  would  doubt- 
less precipitate  a  temporary  disturbance,  but  it  is  not  thinkable  that  under 
democratic  institutions  any  group  or  class  can  be  permanently  or  for  a 
long  while  refused  equal  participation  in  the  government  under  which  they 
live  and  by  which  they  are  controlled.     Shall  we  do  evil  that  good  may  come  ? 

2.  Every  appreciable  increase  in  power  among  Negroes  will  be  met  with  jeal- 
ousy and  repression  by  the  whites.  Unrestricted  suffrage  does  not  mean 
much  when  people  have  guns  at  the  polls  and  dare  other  people  to  vote.    Its 


500  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

inception  would  mean  acute  racial  trouble,  I  think,  but  if  the  Negroes  used 
the  same  means  and  methods  to  register  their  vote  as  the  whites  do  to  keep 
them  from  registering  it,  and  kept  it  up  long  enough,  ultimately  conditions 
would  be  very  much  improved  where  Negroes  constitute  about  half  the  popu- 
lation of  a  unit. 

3.  Yes.  Even  though  Negroes  might  not  vote  intelligently  at  the  outset,  they 
would  tend  to  vote  for  their  own  welfare.  The  Negro  does  not  feel  whole- 
heartedly that  he  is  a  part  of  the  American  people.  But  with  the  vote 
he  would  be  in  a  better  position  to  work  for  common  ends.  Though  voting 
for  the  capitalist  parties  would  not  mean  much  to  the  Negro,  a  vote  for  the 
money  barons  is  better  than  no  vote  at  all. 

4.  Unrestricted  suffrage  is  a  right  as  well  as  a  privilege.  It  is  essential  for 
building  up  the  sense  of  responsibility  and  loyalty  among  any  group  of  people 
in  a  democracy  founded  on  the  ideals  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
and  the  Constitution. 

5.  Yes,  the  baUot  is  a  protection  which  the  Negro  now  is  intelligent  enough  to 
use  and  keep.  In  the  present  segregated  condition  of  the  Negro,  the  ballot 
has  a  genuine  property  value.  Police  protection,  better  lighted  and  better 
paved  streets,  I  am  convinced,  must  come  to  him  through  the  ballot  or 
else  he  does  not  get  them. 

6.  Unrestricted  Negro  suffrage  would  help  a  great  deal  in  securing  for  Negroes 
the  things  it  is  possible  to  secure  through  the  use  of  the  ballot.  Political 
parties,  as  well  as  the  Negro  himself,  would  realize  the  power  of  Negro  suffrage 
and  would  doubtless  be  inclined  to  cater  to  that  vote.  The  exercise  of  such 
unlimited  suffrage  is  likely  to  increase  for  a  time  the  tenseness  in  race  relations, 
as  the  whites  woidd  not  readily  give  up  the  domination  they  have  secured. 
The  agitation  in  Ohio  and  in  the  Middle  West  over  the  exercise  by  the 
Negro  of  his  suffrage  shows  how  clearly  the  white  man  fears  the  power  of 
the  ballot  when  used  by  the  Negro. 

7.  Other  things  remaining  the  same,  it  would  not. 

8.  Not  necessarily  by  that  fact  alone.  The  ultimate  value  of  the  right  of  suffrage 
is  conditioned  by  the  intelligence  with  which  that  right  is  used. 

9.  This  goes  without  saying.  In  Chicago,  Negroes  exercise  considerable 
influence  in  the  city  administration,  because  of  their  strong  political  power. 
The  same  is  true  of  New  York  and  Cleveland.    Apply  this  to  the  nation. 

10.  Yes. 

11.  Yes,  if  we  had  a  third  party  with  racial  cohesion. 

12.  Suffrage  to  be  effective  must  be  taken  and  not  conferred.  "Who  would  be 
free,  himself  must  strike  the  blow."  A  man  has  no  right  that  he  can't  pro- 
tect and  defend. 

Question:  How  about  religion  as  a  solvent  of  racial  difiiculties  and  differences  ? 


Religious  Progress* 

1 866 

iQig 

Gain  in  Fifty- 
three  Years 

Number  of  churches 

700 

600,000 

1,000 

50 , 000 

43,000 
4 , 800 , 000 

46 , 000 
2,250,000 

42,300 

Number  of  communicants 

4,200,000 

Number  of  Sunday  schools 

45,000 

Sunday-school  pupils 

2 , 200 , 000 

♦"Statistical  Statement  of  Negro  Progress  in  Fifty-three  Years,"  from  Negro  Year  Book,  igiS-ig. 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  501 

Answers: 

1.  Religion,  if  it  ever  becomes  a  vital  force  in  the  everyday  affairs  of  people, 
will  be  one  of  the  greatest  forces  in  solving  race  difficulties.  At  the  present 
time  its  influence  is  practically  nil.  The  average  church  is  still  calling  worn- 
out  theology  religion;  those  which  have  adopted  a  more  modem  and  practical 
view  of  religion  are  too  few  to  exert  any  influence  in  race  problems. 

2.  Religion  per  se,  to  my  mind,  has  failed,  but  Christianity,  the  spirit  mani- 
fested by  Jesus  Christ  in  his  life  and  which  he  commanded  his  followers  to 
imitate,  if  adopted  in  its  vital  truth  and  simplicity  by  all  professing  Chris- 
tians, could  solve  all  the  dtfiiculties. 

3.  Religion  might  be  helpful  in  solving  racial  difficulties  if  it  were  tried — but  it 
has  not  been  very  largely  tried  yet. 

4.  Religion  as  a  solvent  of  racial  diflSculties  is  necessary,  but  both  groups  will 
need  to  practice  it  to  the  same  degree. 

5.  The  religion  of  America,  or  of  any  other  country,  is  merely  an  index  to  the 
national  character.  Religion  expresses  itself  in  the  church,  and  the  church 
is  a  capitalistic  institution.  Expressed  religion  in  America,  because  its 
pecuniary  existence  largely  depends  upon  the  rank  and  file  of  the  people  who 
support  it,  will  not  rise  above  the  prejudices  and  folkways  of  that  rank  and 
file.    Religion  will  not  solve  many  racial  difficulties  or  differences. 

6.  Religion  hardly  touches  the  deeper  motivations.  It  may  regulate  details, 
but  usually  the  priest-craft  succeeds  by  sophistry,  emphasis  or  omission  in 
avoiding  certain  fundamental  issues  in  their  religious  exhortations.  It 
often  appears  that  the  preacher  is  retained  to  idealize  the  crassness  of  the 
world,  and  unpleasant  things  are  simply  taboo.    He  must  look  to  his  salary. 

7.  It  has  no  utility.  It  had  no  utility  in  the  world  war  and  so  a  fortiori  could 
have  no  utility  in  our  race  problem  where  more  bitter  issues  are  involved. 

8.  Unfortunately  religion  has  little  sanction  over  the  social  conduct  where 
interest  and  passions  are  involved.  This  was  too  sadly  manifested  in  the 
world  war.  It  is  to  be  hoped,  however,  that  there  may  arise  a  moral  and 
spiritual  renaissance  under  whose  sanction  religion  may  exercise  controlling 
influence  over  the  frictional  relations  among  men. 

9.  Very  much  overestimated  is  religion  as  a  solvent  of  racial  differences.  Neither 
Negroes  nor  whites  have  enough  confidence  in  it  to  put  it  into  practical  appli- 
cation. No  one  thing  will  bring  about  the  Negro's  real  emancipation.  The 
fight  must  be  carried  on  in  every  sphere  where  prejudice  has  vitiated  relations. 

10.  Religion  has  failed  to  solve  the  racial  difficulties  and  differences  in  America 
because  its  principles  have  never  been  practiced  by  the  people.  Religion 
has  remained  a  beautiful  theory.  If  the  religious  principles  were  practiced 
there  would  be  no  racial  difficulties. 

11.  Utterly  valueless.  The  average  individual  cannot  think.  He  lives  only  in 
the  concrete.  Material  advantages  outweigh  philosophical  benefits.  Deprive 
religion  of  the  moving  force  of  fear  which  its  exponents  engender,  and  it  will 
entirely  cease  to  be  dynamic. 

12.  The  religion  of  Christ  will  prove  a  solvent  if  men  ever  give  it  a  trial. 

13.  Religion,  in  our  opinion,  has  never  settled  any  question.  Nothing  else  con- 
tains so  much  the  germs  of  strife.  Mankind,  throughout  the  ages,  has  never 
been  able  to  agree  on  it.  The  history  of  Europe,  Asia  and  Northern  Africa 
is  one  long  record  of  warring  religions. 


502  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

SOCIAL  ADJUSTMENTS 

Question:  What  are  some  of  the  most  pronounced  mental  complexes  experienced  in 
adjusting  your  personal  desires  and  expectations  to  the  present  social  system  ? 
Answers: 

1.  A  constant  haunting  feeling  when  in  the  presence  of  white  persons  that  they 
desire  to  shun  me  because  of  my  color;  that  they  are  eager  to  use  me  to  further 
their  ends  under  the  guise  of  piety  or  patronizing  the  " good-feeling- toward- 
your-people"  attitude,  I  suffer  from  time  to  time  an  acute  embarrassment 
because  of  uncouth  conduct  in  the  presence  of  white  persons  on  the  part 
of  uncultured  Negroes.  Such  conduct  embarrasses  me  generally,  but  the 
presence  of  white  persons  who  are  supposed  to  be  inimical  seems  to  be  the 
dominant  element  in  the  situation. 

2.  The  most  pronounced  mental  complex  which  I  experience  in  adjusting  my 
desires  and  expectations  to  the  present  social  system  is  not  the  "inferiority 
complex"  with  which  most  Negroes  are  charged  by  the  whites.  I  desire  all 
that  the  social  system  affords;  but  as  to  expectation  it  is  necessary  for  me  to 
use  auto-hypnotism  to  make  myself  expect  it  in  order  that  I  can  present  to 
the  white  man  the  front  of  optimism,  the  necessary  air  of  expectancy  to  secure 
success.  The  shocks  and  disappointments  which  a  Negro  must  constantly 
experience  tend  to  get  him  in  the  attitude  of  expecting  nothing. 

3.  I  can't  describe  the  mental  complexes,  but  some  are  caused  by  situations  such 
as  these:  I  go  to  the  library  to  get  a  book,  and  I  am  told  that  I  must  sit  in 
a  seat  among  dusty  shelves  of  newspaper  files  at  a  table  marked  "For  colored 
people";  in  order  to  see  a  play  I  have  to  sit  in  the  gallery.  I  submit  to  that 
and  when  I  get  to  the  theater,  I  am  told  that  no  seats  are  reserved  for  colored 
people.  I  go  to  a  lecture  by  the  Hon.  Mr.  So  and  So  (white)  and  he  discusses 
the  Declaration  of  Independence  and  the  Constitution,  creating  much  enthusi- 
asm among  the  unthinking  and  some  of  the  thinking.  Then  the  next  morning 
I  take  up  the  paper  of  which  the  same  gentleman  is  the  editor,  and  read  a 
sneering  editorial  on  the  race  question,  and  so  on. 

4.  Personally,  I  am  able  to  impersonalize  my  relation  to  the  situation,  and 
experience  no  mental  perplexities.  I  try  to  preserve  a  rational  attitude  in  an 
irrational  environment  and  objectify  cruelty,  injustice  and  wrong.  I  know 
that  I  as  an  individual  am  not  Jim  Crowed,  or  disfranchised  or  socially  iso- 
lated; it  is  the  race  to  which  I  belong.  My  only  perplexity  is  how  to  remove 
these  racial,  not  personal,  disqualifications. 

5.  Determination  to  fulfill  my  personal  desires  in  spite  of  the  present  social 
system;  a  loss  of  respect  for  the  white  man's  sense  of  justice. 

6.  The  arrogance  of  the  poor  ignorant  white  man  and  the  snobbishness  of  the 
middle  class.  This  is  the  stumbling-block  for  the  future  of  our  race  to 
overcome. 

7.  Trying  to  get  white  persons,  as  employers,  etc.,  to  accept  me  as  a  man  first 
of  all,  then  to  judge  me  on  my  merits,  irrespective  of  my  color.  Trying  to 
attain  to  the  same  degree  of  success  and  liberty  of  any  other  man  of  my 
training  and  experience  in  spite  of  the  world  in  which  I  live. 

8.  Amused  and  almost  cynical  tolerance.  A  desire  to  reap  the  greatest  possible 
advantages  from  the  system,  without  permitting  my  intelligence  to  admit 
that  it  is  right  because  it  is  personally  advantageous. 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  503 

9.  My  desires  are  never  adjusted  to  the  present  "social  system";  they  are  con- 
stantly out  of  harmony  with  the  practices  of  our  so-called  democracy,  as  these 
practices  relate  to  the  Negro. 

10.  If  this  question  means  what  I  think  it  does,  space  will  not  permit  an  intelli- 
gent answer. 

11.  A  hyper-sensitiveness  in  regard  to  the  subject  Negro;  a  tendency  to  see 
racial  antagonism  as  a  motive  of  conduct  in  every  act  of  white  persons  when 
perhaps  it  is  sometimes  absent;  a  hesitancy  about  entering  public  places  or 
approaching  individuals  for  fear  of  rebuff  or  insult;  a  withdrawal  into  a  Negro 
world  in  which  almost  every  thought  and  act  are  colored  by  a  racial  aspect 
before  a  humanitarian  one,  are  some  of  the  mental  complexes  experienced  in 
a  greater  or  less  degree  by  almost  every  colored  person. 

Question:  Do  you  believe  that  Negroes  are  prejudiced  against  white  persons  ? 
Answers: 

1.  Some  are,  but  the  prejudice  is  due  to  nurture  rather  than  to  nature. 

2.  Prejudice  means  pre-judgment.  Negroes  come  into  the  world  to  find  most 
white  persons  disliking  them.  They  grow  up  in  an  atmosphere  where  they 
find  whites  ready  to  insult  them  because  of  the  color  Nature  saw  fit  to  give 
them.  Therefore,  knowledge,  not  prejudice,  causes  Negroes  to  dislike  whites. 
Human  beings,  and  even  dumb  animals,  love  only  those  who  love  them.  The 
average  Negro  is,  however,  quick  to  drop  this  defensive  attitude  when  he 
meets  a  fair-minded  white  person.  Perhaps  too  easily,  as  he  is  often  taken 
advantage  of  by  shrewd  whites  disguised  as  friends. 

3.  I  do  not  believe  that  Negroes  are  inherently  prejudiced  against  the  white 
race.  Personally,  I  have  absolutely  no  such  prejudice.  I  do  not  believe 
that  the  white  race  is  inherently  prejudiced  against  the  Negro,  but  that  it  is 
wholly  a  feeling  stimulated  by  social  opinion  which  can  be  modified  and  con- 
trolled. I  put  in  evidence  the  facts:  First,  when  social  pressure  is  removed, 
white  women  marry  Negro  men,  and  white  men  marry  Negro  women. 
Second,  the  superior  always  shows  prejudice  against  the  inferior,  whether 
superiority  is  claimed  on  basis  of  wealth,  culture,  birth,  or  position.  The 
prejudices  of  inferior  against  superior  is  never  so  pronounced  as  that  of 
superior  against  inferior.  Natural  antipathy  is  mutually  reciprocal.  Third, 
some  white  persons  are  less  influenced  by  it  than  others.  Fourth,  race 
antagonism  as  such  is  scarcely  discernible  where  Latin  civilization  and  the 
Catholic  religion  are  in  control.  Fifth,  it  does  not  exist  in  the  Mohammedan 
dispensation.  Sixth,  the  experience  of  thousands  of  Negro  soldiers  in 
France  proves  its  comparative  absence.  Seventh,  race  prejudice  seems  to  be 
principally  the  vice  of  the  Teuton  and  the  Anglo-Saxon,  which  must  be  sub- 
ject to  ultimate  control.  It  will  not  be  quite  so  strong  among  Germans  as 
it  was  before  the  war. 

4.  I  do  not  believe  that  Negroes  as  a  race  are  prejudiced  against  white  people, 
although  I  am  conscious  of  an  increasing  prejudice  against  white  people  on  the 
part  of  many  individual  Negroes,  especially  educated  colored  women  who  live 
in  the  South  and  resent  keenly  the  indiscriminate  approaches  of  white  men. 

5.  Many  Negroes  are  cynical  of  all  the  professions  of  white  men.  They  often 
express  their  hatred  of  white  people  openly.  I  thmk,  however,  that  feeling 
is  more  prevalent  among  the  younger  Negroes  than  among  the  older  ones. 


504  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

6.  Many  pretend  to  be.    Most  of  them  are  not. 

7.  Yes,  98  per  cent  of  them  are. 

8.  Not  as  individuals.  They  are  affected  by  the  spirit  of  mass  hostility  to  dis- 
similar masses  based  upon  the  desire  to  appropriate  and  retain  advantages. 
Racial  prejudices  are  the  products  of  the  will  of  dominant  individuals  evoking 
responses  from  weaker  intelligences  and  serving  the  purpose  of  the  dominat- 
ing mind. 

9.  If  so,  to  a  very  slight  extent.  What  feeling  most  Negroes  have  is  created 
almost  solely  to  offset  the  prejudice  and  antagonism  of  the  whites.  The  preju- 
dice of  the  whites  I  might  describe  as  primary;  that  of  the  colored,  secondary. 

10.  Yes;  too  much  so  among  some  groups. 

11.  Negroes  in  most  cases  are  very  much  prejudiced  against  whites. 

12.  Yes.  The  difference  lies  in  the  degree.  Prejudice  is  artificial.  It  is  learned. 
The  white  boy  and  girl  have  been  "taught"  more  prejudice  than  the  Negro. 
Negroes  seldom  teach  prejudice  outright.  When  they  learn  it,  it  is  inescap- 
able. America  is  a  school,  I  fear,  at  present  where  even  the  most  backward 
learns  something  of  prejudice  whether  he  wiU  it  or  not. 

13.  I  believe  there  is  a  strong  prejudice  against  white  persons.  This  antipathy  is, 
I  believe,  not  based  on  racial  unlikeness,  but  on  resentment  because  of  cruel 
treatment  as  an  inferior. 

Question:  Are  you  ever  conscious  of  a  feeling  of  racial  inferiority  or  even  the  desire 

to  compensate  for  a  supposed  inferiority  ? 
Answers: 

1 .  I  attribute  inferiority  and  superiority  alike  to  individuals,  not  race.  I  have 
every  confidence  that  my  race  is  capable  of  producing  as  great  men,  and  pro- 
portionately as  many  of  them,  as  any  other  race  under  the  sun.  I  trace  to 
environment  the  responsibility  for  not  releasing  their  energy  upon  construc- 
tive work,  but  concentrating  it  upon  gaining  a  living  or  a  chance  to  gain  a 
living.  Many  times  I  feel  the  desire  to  compensate  for  a  supposed  inferiority, 
because  I  believe  in  nailing  a  lie  wherever  possible. 

2.  I  never  have  a  feeling  of  racial  inferiority  or  a  desire  to  compensate  for  a 
supposed  inferiority  (with  reservations).  I  am  usually  cognizant  of  the  fact 
that  most  white  people  consider  the  Negro  an  inferior.  This  often  causes  the 
bristles  to  rise  on  my  back. 

3.  Personally,  at  no  moment  of  our  lives.  The  Negro  is  really  superior  in 
stamina.  His  race  is  progressing,  while  the  whites  appear  to  be  standing  stUl. 
The  white  race  has  had  seven  thousand  years  or  more  of  education  and  civili- 
zation, yet  in  this  prosperous  republic  today  the  average  white  person  is 
comparatively  poor  and  possesses  little  education.  The  Negro,  in  spite  of 
the  oppressive  handicap  due  to  color,  is  progressing  along  all  lines,  com- 
mercial, professional  and  artistic. 

4.  I  am  never  conscious  of  racial  inferiority,  but  I  am  a  firm  believer  in  the  theory 
that  any  human  being  wUl  be  whatever  his  environment  and  his  heredity 
will  make  of  him,  regardless  of  the  color  of  his  skin  or  the  form  of  his  skull. 
One  in  considering  this  point  of  view  should  be  sure  not  to  confuse  the  words 
"inferiority"  and  "inequality." 

■;.  No. 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  505 

6.  I  feel  no  desire  to  apologize  to  the  world  because  I  am  a  colored  woman;  I 
had  to  be  of  some  race,  and  here  I  am. 

7.  No.    I  believe  that  accidents  of  environment  determine  relative  positions. 

8.  Decidedly  no !  I  believe  absolutely  in  my  own  worth  as  a  man  and  as  a  Negro 
and  defer  only  to  wider  experience,  knowledge,  or  skill,  whether  possessed 
by  white  persons  or  Negroes. 

9.  No! 

10.  No. 

11.  I  never  have  a  feeling  of  racial  inferiority  or  a  desire  to  compensate  for  a 
supposed  inferiority. 

12.  Personally,  I  am  absolutely  unconscious  of  any  feeling  of  racial  inferiority. 
I  recognize  the  control  of  social  forces  and  influences  which  may  seem  too 
strong  to  be  overcome  at  present.    I  simply  suffer  it  to  be  so  now. 

13.  I  have  never  felt  any  racial  inferiority,  though  always  when  thrown  in 
school  work  or  business  with  white  people  the  desire  to  do  my  work  as  well 
or  better  than  they  is  very  strong.  This  desire  comes  primarily  from  a  desire 
to  show  that  the  Negro  is  not  inferior  in  his  ability. 

NEGRO  PROBLEMS 

Question:  Do  you  believe  that  there  should  be  recognized  leaders  of  Negroes  ?  Are 
there  such  persons  whom  you  regard  as  qualified  for  leadership  ?  Discuss 
their  merits  and  demerits. 

Answers: 

1.  As  long  as  the  dominant  power  treats  with  us  as  with  Negroes  rather  than  as 
with  American  citizens,  there  will  be  need  of  recognized  leaders;  but  these 
leaders  should  be  chosen  by  the  Negroes  themselves,  not  chosen  and  imposed 
by  others. 

2.  Ye"s  and  no.  Theoretically  and  ultimately,  no.  Practically  and  immedi- 
ately, yes.  In  any  clearly  differentiated  group  the  spokesman  should  come 
from  and  grow  out  of  conditions  within  the  group.  In  a  community  in  which 
there  were  cultural  and  not  ethnic  divisions  there  would  be  no  need  for  Negro 
leaders.  What  was  good  for  the  hive  would  be  for  the  good  of  each  bee. 
However,  in  a  community  in  which  color  is  a  target,  defensive  alliances  under 
the  best  possible  leadership  are  a  sine  qua  non.  I  am  too  dose  to  the  problem 
to  have  sufficient  perspective  to  attempt  the  discussion  of  personalities. 

3.  Logically,  no.  Practically,  under  present  conditions  it  is  imperative  to  have 
Negro  leaders.  Where  people  do  not  read  much,  do  not  study  much,  they 
are  incapable  of  doing  much  thinking.  Better  a  bad  leader  under  such 
circumstances  than  no  leader  at  all.  The  very  clashes  between  rival  leaders 
with  their  several  points  of  view  force  the  rank  and  file  to  attend  to  condi- 
tions and  compare  conflicting  views.  This  often  marks  the  beginning  of 
interests  in  striving  to  improve  conditions.  The  merits  of  leaders  are  con- 
sidered in  another  place. 

4.  I  do  not  think  that  it  will  be  possible,  or  advisable,  to  attempt  to  appoint  or 
elect  leaders  for  Negroes.  Naturally  men  and  women  of  exceptional  powers 
will  be  recognized  by  those  of  less  developed  powers  as  leaders  of  thought 
in  various  connections  in  their  several  localities. 


5o6  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

5.  There  should  be  no  recognized  leaders  of  Negroes  except  those  who  are 
selected  from  groups  or  bodies  of  Negroes — selected  by  them  for  a  particular 
purpose  or  a  particular  cause.  I  do  not  believe  in  Negro  leadership  secured 
by  members  of  the  white  race  and  then  handed  to  our  group  as  a  leader  with- 
out first  having  had  the  endorsement  of  the  Negroes  themselves. 

6.  Yes.  Emmet  Scott,  Dr.  Du  Bois  and  Mr.  Grimke.  Mr.  Scott  has  great 
executive  ability.  Dr.  Du  Bois  is  a  great  philosopher  and  an  ardent  race 
rights  advocate.  Mr.  Grimke  a  scholar  and  wise  counsellor.  This  combina- 
tion as  Leaders'  Council  would,  in  my  opinion,  conserve  our  best  interests. 
Mr.  Scott  is  too  much  of  an  opportunist  for  an  ideal  leader,  Dr.  Du  Bois  is 
too  radical  at  times,  Mr.  Grimke  is  too  much  of  an  intellectual  recluse. 

7.  There  shoiild  be  recognized  leaders  of  Negroes,  recognized  by  Negroes  because 
of  their  merits  in  their  particular  fields  of  endeavor.  There  are  Negroes 
qualified  for  such  leadership  today,  but  their  afl&liations  with  organizations 
largely  or  partly  supported  by  philanthropic  whites  negative  their  usefulness. 

8.  I  believe  every  community  should  develop  its  own  leadership.  A  great  deal 
of  our  present  leadership  is  too  largely  clerical  and  poUtical  and  therefore  not 
free,  broad,  and  independent.  We  need  a  leadership  which  is  free,  courage- 
ous, and  which  possesses  a  program  and  definite  objective. 

9.  I  do  not  approve  self-appointed  leadership  or  leadership  bestowed  by  white 
friends  because  they  can  command  funds.  If  there  are  to  be  leaders,  they 
should  be  chosen  by  selection  so  that  there  can  be  "solemn  referendum." 
With  this  qualification,  there  are  a  large  number  of  Negroes  whom  I  would 
vote  for  as  leaders.  The  trouble  now  is  that  our  so-called  leaders  are  not 
responsible  to  those  whom  they  are  supposed  to  represent. 

10.  There  should  not  be;  as  soon  as  one  appears,  destructive  influences  are 
brought  to  bear  upon  him  both  from  within  and  without,  making  of  hun 
within  a  short  period  an  extremely  artificial  and  useless  guide,  but  who  is 
followed,  nevertheless,  by  Negroes  blindly  to  their  own  great  injury. 

11.  I  believe  firmly  in  the  capacity  of  the  race  for  self-leadership.  Any  people 
can  govern  themselves  better  than  an  outsider  is  apt  to  govern  them,  unless 
the  alien  is  willing  to  become  naturalized  in  the  group  he  aspires  to  lead. 
The  white  race  at  present  is  unable  or  unwilling  to  become  naturalized  in  the 
Negro  group. 

12.  The  basis  of  Negro  leadership  should  rest  on  the  abUity  to  develop  within 
the  masses  a  desire  and  the  power  to  obtain  better  homes,  education  and  their 
privileges  as  citizens  without  belittling  themselves  or  adopting  the  toadying 
attitude.  Any  individual  who  is  striving  in  a  community  to  secure  these 
things  for  his  people  should  be  considered  a  leader.  The  mere  ability  to 
write  a  book,  edit  a  magazine,  or  publicly  express  the  cause  of  the  Negro  is 
not  a  sufficient  qualification  for  leadership  even  though  it  does  bring  national 
prominence. 

13.  (c)  Under  the  circumstances,  yes.  (b)  Useless  to  discuss  this.  People 
usually  choose  as  their  leaders  those  who  express  most  strongly  prevailing 
sentiments,     (c)  The  followers  are  their  own  judges  of  merit  and  demerit. 

Question:  What,  in  your  opinion,  are  some  of  the  greatest  mistakes  of  prominent 
Negroes  in  their  policies  or  stand  on  racial  issues  ? 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  507 

Answers: 

1.  Most  are  honest,  I  think,  but  emphasize  too  much  some  one  pet  solution, 
such  as  "Get  Property,"  "Industrial  Education,"  etc.  Many  are  insincere, 
using  their  influence  to  feather  their  own  nests,  letting  the  race  go  hang. 
An  intolerance  among  Negroes  themselves  for  those  among  their  number 
who  have  different  opinions  as  to  the  wisest  courses  in  arriving  at  the  better 
conditions  which  they  equally  are  trying  to  bring  about.  Some  characteris- 
tics possessed  by  most  of  the  so-called  leaders  may  be  summed  as  foUows: 

Don't  bother  and  leave  all  in  the  hands  of  God. 

Overestimation  of  the  Negroes'  present  attainments,  eulogies  instead  of 
information. 

Oratory  of  denunciation  only,  raising  prejudice  against  whites  but 
offering  no  course  of  action  or  thought  leading  to  improvement  either  of 
Negroes  personally  or  individually,  or  as  a  race. 

A  disinclination  to  tell  the  blunt  truth  when  interracial  conferences  offer 
the  opportunity  for  an  exchange  of  views. 

2.  The  greatest  mistake  that  leaders  usually  make  is  that  of  failing  to  study  the 
problems  towards  the  solution  of  which  they  are  working.  They  also  are 
not  wUling  to  co-operate  with  leaders  along  other  lines. 

3.  Selfishness  and  lack  of  moral  backbone  in  the  face  of  possible  financial  loss. 

4.  To  accept  that  there  is  a  purely  racial  psychology.  And  to  think,  act,  or 
accept  as  a  Negro  and  not  as  a  man. 

5.  (o)  Compromising  attitude;  (5)  depending  on  support  of  white  people  finan- 
cially and  morally;  (c)  failure  to  co-operate  freely  with  all  cases  among  the 
Negroes  themselves. 

6.  Lack  of  absolute  frankness  with  white  people  about  mind  and  feeling  of 
Negroes;  lack  of  absolute  frankness  with  Negroes  about  their  owm  short- 
comings and  failure.    I  believe  that  many  men  are  overcoming  this  weakness. 

7.  Short-sightedness.  They  seem  not  to  look  ahead  and  see  the  consequence 
of  their  arrangements  and  concessions.  Most  of  them,  because  of  the  manner 
of  their  selections,  are  unacquainted  with  history,  sociology,  etc.  They  see 
the  present,  not  even  the  present  generation.  They  fall  into  advices  and 
concessions  today  which  prove  a  noose  tomorrow.  There  is  lack  of  poise. 
Often  they  seem  to  know  nothing  of  a  means.  There  is  no  intermediate 
ground;  it  simply  is  or  it  is  not.  This  absolutism  inevitably  leads  to  trouble. 
This  of  course  does  not  apply  to  all  of  our  leaders. 

8.  The  greatest  mistakes  of  prominent  Negroes  in  their  stands:  A  statesman  is 
supposed  to  be  the  fusion  of  two  necessary  elements:  (i)  the  theorist,  such 
as  we  have  in  our  coUege  professors  and  most  of  our  writers;  and  (2)  the 
practical  politician  who  can  get  things  done.  The  main  fault  with  most  of 
our  prominent  Negroes  in  their  policies  and  behaviour  is  that  they  never 
accomplish  this  fusion;  all  fall  very  definitely  into  either  group  one  or  group 
two,  and  either  group  by  itself  is  helpless. 

9.  The  greatest  mistake  of  prominent  Negroes,  in  my  judgment,  is  that  they  pay 
too  great  a  deference  to  the  attitude  of  the  white  race  rather  than  to  the 
inherent  demands  of  humanity.  Jesus  refused  to  defer  to  the  arrogance  of 
Pilate,  although  he  exercised  the  power  of  life  or  death. 


5o8  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

lo.  Faulty  perspective  due  to  improper  training;  failure  to  grasp  the  economic 
significance  of  race  prejudice;  and  a  tendency  to  preach  the  doctrine  of  non- 
resistance  when  they  get  rich  and  fat.  The  younger  crop  of  Negroes,  armed 
with  modem  scientific  education  are  remedying  the  first  two.  Time  will 
show  whether  they  will  prove  more  unselfish. 

DEFENSIVE  PHILOSOPHY 

Question:  If  it  may  be  assumed  that  there  are  conditions  which  are  intolerable,  or, 
at  least,  a  constant  source  of  irritation  to  Negroes,  it  is  to  be  expected  that 
some  defensive  philosophy  is  necessary  to  give  poise,  dignity,  and  self- 
respect.  What  is  your  philosophy?  What  basic  philosophical  considera- 
tions, even  if  not  crystalhzed  into  dogma,  support  your  outlook  on  life,  or 
that  of  Negroes  of  your  acquaintance  and  general  point  of  view  ? 

Answers: 

1.  I  believe  racial  solidarity,  as  I  conceive  it,  to  be  the  defensive  philosophy  of 
many  Negroes.  My  own  philosophy,  if  I  have  one,  is  summed  up  in  the 
belief  that  potentially  the  Negro  has  the  same  qualities  making  for  success 
and  usefulness  as  any  other  group.  All  he  needs  is  an  even  break.  I  believe 
in  an  ofi^ensive  program  to  teach  pride  in  their  achievements  and  prepare 
themselves  for  keen,  hard  competition  all  along  the  line.  I  believe  in 
attacking  the  indifference  and  ignorance  of  white  people  which  is  largely  the 
basis  of  prejudice,  by  educating  them  to  respect  and  believe  in  the  self- 
defending,  non-favor-asking,  justice-demanding  Negro. 

2.  My  philosophy  rests  upon  two  propositions.  The  first  is  borrowed  from  the 
Latin  "I  am  a  man;  nothing  human  is  foreign  to  me."  The  second  is:  A 
man  is  entirely  the  product  of  his  environment.  (Heredity  is  the  sum  of  our 
former  environments.)  Given,  then,  an  essential  equahty  in  all  men, 
temporary  advantages  are  the  results  of  environment.  Self-preservation 
and  its  corollary,  the  desire  for  the  preservation  of  species,  are  fundamental 
traits,  and  the  Israelites,  killing  those  who  said  Sibboleth  and  not  Shib- 
boleth, have  their  prototype  in  those  who  make  non-conformity  in  hair, 
color,  speech  or  culture,  a  crime  and  inferiority  stamp.  It  seems  rational 
to  suppose,  however,  that  man  may  evolve  sufficient  mentality,  and  far 
enough  away  from  the  brute,  to  make  differences  in  culture  and  not  physical 
characteristics  the  basis  of  distinctions.  Until  then  the  pursuit  of  pleasure 
and  advantage  is  the  proper  aim  of  life. 

3.  The  Negro  maintains  his  self-respect  and  dignity  in  the  face  of  intolerable 
conditions  because  of  his  natural  optimism  and  his  hope  for  and  belief  in 
the  approach  of  a  better  day.  I  teach  my  children  that  they  should  not 
seek  companionship  with  any  other  children  who  reluctantly  associate  with 
them,  not  that  my  children  should  consider  themselves  in  any  way  inferior 
or  unequal,  but  that  they  should  be  possessed  of  too  much  personal  pride  to 
wish  association  with  those  who  would  not  be  pleasant  and  agreeable. 

4.  My  philosophy  is  a  pessimistic  one.  There  is  often  a  sense  of  hopelessness. 
To  live  in  the  white  group  makes  it  incumbent  on  me  to  overcome  many 
presumptions  on  their  part.  On  the  other  hand,  to  create  mutual  under- 
standability  is  a  phase  of  aggressive  conduct  I  follow.    To  conduct  one's 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  509 

self  in  a  more  socially  acceptable  way,  viz.,  to  do  a  certain  thing  better  than 
any  member  of  the  dominant  group,  is  another  excellent  mode  of  enhancing 
social  values.  But  the  best  way  of  all  is  to  assume  an  offensive  attack,  and 
place  the  white  group  or  individual  on  the  defensive  at  all  times.  This  can 
be  accomplished  only  by  a  superior  type  of  mind. 

5.  Never  submit  passively  to  unnecessary  indignities.  Keep  alive  the  spirit 
of  protest  against  all  injustice  from  black  or  white.  I  am  just  as  good  or  at 
least  my  right  to  decent  treatment  is  as  good  as  that  of  any  other  man.  I 
am  what  I  think  and  do,  not  what  some  other  person  does  to  me  or  thinks 
about  me. 

6.  My  experience  with  the  segregation  tendency  has  taught  me  to  look  down 
upon  the  system.  It  bristles  with  contradictions,  being  foolishly  fastidious, 
fanatically  unreasonable,  and  usually  carried  out  by  the  uncultured  element. 
Moreover,  the  promoters  of  the  system  are  not  ready  to  discuss  the  matter; 
it  is  simply  taboo.  The  immoral  forays  of  members  of  this  super-sensitive 
"superior  race"  coupled  with  criminal  economical  advantages  maintained  by 
intimidation  aside  from  being  tragic  lends  a  subtle  hypocrisy  which  does  not 
escape  even  the  casual  observer.  Add  to  this  the  hysteria  of  the  thing  and 
you  have  a  medley  of  the  ludicrous  hypocritical,  illogical,  and  hysterical. 
Any  man  then  who  is  honest  and  self-respecting  easily  comes  to  feel  himself 
superior  to  the  promoters  of  the  institutions.  One  moves  among  these 
conditions  with  a  feeling  probably  not  unlike  that  of  Socrates  among  the 
Athenians,  although,  if  he  chances  to  be  a  man  of  color,  with  far  less  freedom 
of  conduct  and  speech. 

7.  My  philosophy  would  be  that  by  our  conduct  as  a  group  we  will  be  able  to 
disprove  the  principles  upon  which  the  white  man's  intolerance  is  based;  we 
should  assert  our  rights  and  use  propaganda  to  change  the  white  man's  point 
of  view  civically,  morally  and  in  the  economic  world. 

8.  I  am  firmly  convinced  that  a  dignified  friendly  attitude  towards  the  white 
race  is  the  wisest  course  for  the  Negro:  education,  industry,  and  good  man- 
ners wUl  win  for  us  more  real  tolerance  and  consideration  than  continued, 
agitation  and  bitterness.  Truth  and  justice  will  demand  fair  play  in  time, 
and  sentiment  must  be  molded  by  appeal  to  intelligence  and  finer  sentiments 
through  undisputable  facts. 

9.  Cultivate  a  wholesome  discontent  with  untoward  conditions  and  use  every 
lawfxil  means  to  improve  these  conditions,  so  that  it  may  not  be  said  that  we 
are  satisfied  with  unjust  discriminations.  "The  talent  for  misery  is  the 
fulcrum  of  progress." 

SEGREGATION  AND  RACIAL  SOLIDARITY 

Question:  What,  to  your  mind,  is  the  distinction,  either  in  p)oint  of  view  or  definite 
racial  aim,  between  segregation  and  "racial  solidarity"  ? 

Answers: 

I.  Segregation  implies  coercion  by  the  dominant  group.  Racial  solidarity 
implies  certain  subjective  tendencies  of  like-mindedness.  Racial  solidarity 
may  be  enhanced  by  segregation  but  it  thrives  best  if  its  causes  have  their 
roots  in  the  wUl  to  progress  rather  than  the  will  to  exist  amidst  oppression. 


5IO  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Though  segregation  may  aid  the  tendency  toward  racial  solidarity,  neither 
segregation  nor  racial  solidarity  are  to  be  advised  in  a  modem  civilization. 
Racial  solidarity  for  protective  reasons  with  strong  limitations  (never  legal) 
may  be  advisable  today  in  America. 

2.  The  definite  racial  aim  of  segregation  is  to  prevent  the  contact  of  races  physi- 
cally; to  prevent  Negroes  from  living  with  the  whites  in  their  neighborhoods 
and  vice  versa;  to  keep  themselves  separate  as  a  group,  thus  making  segrega- 
tion of  schools  and  other  institutions  a  natural  sequence.  Whereas,  the  aim  of 
racial  solidarity  is  to  focus  the  financial,  economic,  political  and  social 
strength  of  the  group  for  the  purpose  of  meeting  the  attacks  of  the  white 
race  as  well  as  for  the  solution  of  group  problems;  for  example,  solid 
financial  strength  would  mean  Negro  business  houses  of  every  description, 
banks,  etc. ;  it  would  mean  that  the  race  as  a  unit  would  withdraw  its  patron- 
age and  support  from  any  institution  or  business  that  discriminated  against 
members  of  their  group;  they  would  boycott  as  a  unit  any  brand  of  goods 
made  by  a  firm  dealing  unjustly  with  colored  patrons,  etc.  It  means  that 
politically  the  group  would  throw  its  strength  to  the  party  whose  principles 
are  in  harmony  with  the  welfare  of  the  Negro. 

3.  Segregation  presupposes  a  force  from  without  which  seeks  to  compel  those 
of  the  same  race  or  nationality  or  religious  belief  to  remain  among  themselves, 
separated  from  those  of  another  group  supposedly  superior.  Grouping 
together  either  for  purposes  of  living  or  of  religious  worship  or  for  other  pur- 
poses, with  the  idea  of  developing  a  group  or  race  consciousness  and  thus  to 
develop  "pride  of  race,"  presupposes  a  force  from  within — that  is  a  conscious 
desire  of  the  people  themselves  to  develop  the  latent  powers  within  their 
own  group  through  intensive  application. 

4.  Negroes  tend  to  flock  together  as  do  members  of  other  racial  groups.  I  do 
not  regard  this  as  segregation.  When  an  effort  is  made  from  without  to  group 
them  together,  which  carries  along  with  it  restrictions  of  movement,  residence 
or  activity,  we  have  segregation.  Racial  solidarity  seems  to  me  to  be  the 
conscious  or  unconscious  reaction  to  segregation.    It  is  a  doctrine  of  revolt. 

5.  Segregation  means  to  me  regulation  of  racial  contacts  by  law  or  force  between 
white  and  colored  people.  Racial  solidarity  is  a  natural  development  of 
massing  because  of  race  congeniality. 

6.  Segregation  and  racial  solidarity  differ  fundamentally  and  essentially  in 
the  motive  prompting  the  individual  act  to  be  discussed.  Segregation  is 
the  forcing  apart  of  any  group  into  a  less  favorable  environment  in  order  that 
advantage  or  position  may  accrue  to  those  in  authority.  Race  solidarity  repre- 
sents the  active  part  in  the  same  role,  and  is  the  effort  of  individuals  to  utilize 
similarity  of  aims  or  of  situation  as  the  basis  of  an  offensive  or  defensive  alliance. 

7.  Racial  segregation  is  harmful  as  a  social  aim.  Racial  segregation  is  the 
result  of  the  attempt  of  a  more  powerful  group  to  impose  its  ideas  of  racial 
inferiority  upon  a  weaker  group.  The  weaker  group  in  its  attempt  to  defeat 
this  program  rightly  adopts  racial  solidarity  as  a  definite  aim  in  order  to 
strengthen  itself  both  to  resist  discrimination  which  usually  follows  segrega- 
tion and  to  attack  the  vicious  and  narrow-minded  motives  of  proponents  of 
racial  segregation. 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  511 

8.  Voluntary  segregation  is  a  step,  consciously  or  unconsciously  taken,  toward 
racial  solidarity. 

9.  It  seems  to  me  that  segregation  and  racial  solidarity  differ  in  that  the  latter 
is  merely  a  mental  attitude  whereas  the  former,  though  it  includes  a  certain 
mental  attitude,  is  chiefly  characterized  by  a  sort  of  hysterical  physical 
separation.  Racial  solidarity  obviously  can  exist  among  groups  separated 
by  considerable  distance,  as  among  Jews.  When  the  mental  attitude  is  not, 
or  is  felt  not  to  be,  adequate  to  effect  the  desired  separation  among  races, 
then  a  sort  of  hysteria  ensues  and  separation  is  one  of  the  forms  in  which  this 
hysteria  expresses  itself.  On  the  whole  we  may  have  reason  to  doubt  its 
ef&cacy,  for  it  bears  a  relation  to  race  solidarity  akin  to  that  which  legal 
restraint  bears  to  moral  restraint. 

It  seems  probable  that  both  racial  solidarity  and  segregation  aim  at 
the  same  thing.  Segregation,  it  seems  to  me,  in  the  long  run  must  prove  a 
poor  means  to  the  end,  and  it  would  not  require  a  very  imaginative  person 
to  think  that  in  its  crass  forms  it  may  destroy  the  very  end  it  aims  to  achieve 
by  creating  a  prejudice  of  a  violent  and  consuming  sort. 

10.  The  term  "segregation"  in  current  discussion  connotes  legal  compulsion, 
whereas  "racial  solidarity"  implies  voluntary  union  of  the  colored  group 
under  the  compvdsion  of  internal  feeling  or  social  influences. 

11.  Segregation,  either  voluntary  or  forced,  is  purely  an  objective  situation,  a 
setting  apart  in  a  definite  location  from  one's  fellows.  Racial  solidarity  is 
subjective  and  is  the  feeling  of  cohesion  between  persons  of  the  same  race. 
Segregation  is  undoubtedly  a  factor  in  intensifying  this  feeling  of  the  con- 
sciousness of  kind. 

12.  The  distinction  between  segregation  and  "racial  solidarity"  is  in  a  point  of 
view,  viz.:  racial  solidarity  concerns  the  interior  of  the  Negro,  his  psychosis, 
as  to  its  inclusion  of  a  cohesive  spirit;  segregation  concerns  the  exterior  of  the 
Negro,  is  looking  at  the  situation  from  the  viewpoint  of  the  whites  and  relates 
to  the  barriers  opposed  by  the  whites  to  his  unlimited  expansion.  Voluntary 
segregation  may  seem  to  point  to  the  mind  and  viewpoint  of  the  Negro 
rather  than  the  whites,  but  voluntary  segregation  does  not  become  a  practical 
problem  until  the  whites  attempt  to  use  it  as  a  precedent,  in  which  case  it 
becomes  after  all  a  matter  of  the  viewpoint  of  the  whites. 

13.  It  would  appear  that  there  is  a  very  fundamental  dift'erence  between  segrega- 
tion and  racial  solidarity  as  the  terms  are  now  used  in  the  United  States 
relative  to  the  Negro.  By  racial  solidarity  it  is  generally  understood  that 
there  is  some  sort  of  a  physical  separation  which  has  been  decreed  by  a  law, 
as  for  example:  the  various  residential  segregation  laws  enacted  some  years 
ago  and  the  segregation  laws  relative  to  the  separation  of  races  in  public 
conveyances,  etc.  Racial  solidarity,  it  may  be  said,  is  largely  volitional, 
whereas  segregation,  as  the  term  now  is  generally  used,  has  back  of  it  an 
enacted  law  or  the  idea  of  having  an  enacted  law. 

A  still  more  fundamental  distinction  is  that  racial  solidarity  does  not 
turn  upon  the  receiving  of  benefits  from  privileges  or  things  that  are  for  all 
the  public;  segregation,  on  the  other  hand,  has  to  do  almost  exclusively  with 
the  restriction  of  privileges  relating  to  the  free  use  of  things  that  are  for 


512  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

all  the  public,  as  for  example,  the  free  use  of  public  conveyances,  public 
places,  the  establishing  of  residences,  etc. 
14.  Segregation  aims  to  herd  Negroes  together  in  order  that  they  may  be  cheated 
of  the  rights  of  citizenship  the  more  easily.  Racial  solidarity  urges  Negroes 
to  get  together  in  order  that  they  may  fight  segregation  the  more  effectively. 
"National  soUdarity"  is,  to  our  thinking,  a  far  better  weapon.  Negroes 
should  endeavor  to  find  out  those  whites  who  are  their  friends  and  ask  them 
to  join  in  the  fight  for  the  enforcement  of  the  Constitution. 

Question:  A  large  number  of  Negroes  are  in  agreement  on  the  matter  of  separate 
colored  churches  with  colored  pastors,  and,  more  recently,  colored  bishops. 
Yet  this  is  an  argument  used  by  many  exponents  of  the  segregation  idea, 
both  whole  and  partial,  for  other  separate  institutions.  Candidly,  what  is 
your  opinion  on  the  subject  ? 

Answers: 

1.  Separate  churches,  etc.,  are  but  a  part  of  the  system  of  segregation  inherent 
in  the  social  fabric  of  America.  This  question  is  therefore  not  fundamental 
or  basic  enough.  As  a  matter  of  logic  and  sociological  analysis,  since  I  do 
not  favor  legal  or  customary  segregation,  I  cannot  favor  separate  churches, 
which  are  but  a  reflex  of  enforced  segregation.  Therefore  I  do  not  favor 
other  separate  institutions.  Yet,  I  at  all  times  favor  free  assemblage  and 
organization  whatever  the  social  system  is  or  may  be.  If  separate  institu- 
tions are  "desired"  by  the  group  and  this  "want"  is  not  cramped  by  such 
considerations  as  factors  like  American  public  opinion,  then  separate  insti- 
tutions are  in  order.  The  test  is  the  free  and  unimpaired  development  of  the 
group. 

2 .  The  ' '  colored  "  church  is  itself  an  anomaly.  The  very  idea  is  logically  ridicu- 
lous. From  the  practical  standpoint  it  is  the  result  of  the  un-Christian 
attitude  of  churches  which  preceded  it  and  largely  brought  it  into  being. 
If  I  had  to  join  a  church  now,  I  hope  I  should  decide  according  to  the  doc- 
trines and  tenets  rather  than  according  to  the  race  of  the  pastor  and  communi- 
cants. If  any  consideration  should  guide  me  rather  than  the  doctrines, 
it  would  be  to  go  where  I  could  do  the  most  good. 

3.  The  idea  of  using  the  fact  of  the  Negro's  preference  for  his  own  church, 
governed  by  its  own  ministry,  as  a  reason  for  segregation  not  only  is  absurd 
but  is  a  weak  reason  for  the  manifestation  of  race  prejudice.  That  Negroes 
prefer  to  be  together  in  religious  worship  is  a  well-established  fact ;  that  they 
wish  their  church  to  be  governed  by  their  ovsti  ministers  and  bishops  is  equally 
well  established;  that  such  desire  is  natural  and  human,  one  must  admit;  but 
that  this  perfectly  normal  desire  should  become  a  reason  for  forcing  upon  the 
Negro  other  separate  institutions  is  not  justifiable.  There  is  a  fine  distinction 
between  the  performance  of  one's  religious  rites  and  the  activities  necessary 
to  maintain  and  foster  these  (which  becomes  social  in  character),  and  the 
business  arrangements  of  getting  an  education,  being  conveyed  somewhere, 
buying  a  meal,  or  paying  to  hear  a  world-famed  artist.  The  former  is  part 
of  one's  private  life  and  as  such  is  a  matter  of  choice  and  should  be  confined 
to  those  who  are  closest  to  him  by  race  and  spiritual  conception.  The  latter 
are  affairs  of  business  wherein  one  wishes  something  and  pays  for  it;  and  as 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  513 

long  as  he  has  the  necessary  greenback,  expects  to  be  accorded  the  rights  and 
courtesies  given  any  citizen  of  the  city  or  state.  The  French,  the  Itah'an, 
nearly  every  nationality,  have  their  own  churches,  their  own  ministers,  and 
worship  in  their  own  tongue.  But  no  one  ever  hears  anything  about  segregat- 
ing the  Frenchman  or  the  Italian  for  that  reason. 

4.  The  latter  plan,  racial  solidarity,  is  not  at  all  inconsistent  with  the  spirit  of 
democracy  even  when  it  means  the  development  of  separate  colored  churches 
or  the  appointment  of  colored  bishops  for  colored  churches  in  the  denomina- 
tions where  the  color  line  is  not  so  sharply  drawn. 

5.  In  my  opinion,  the  Negroes  as  a  whole  are  not  in  harmony  and  agreement  on 
colored  churches  as  such.  It  is  a  condition  that  has  been  pushed  upon  them; 
a  means  to  the  end.  If  Negroes  were  treated  just  as  any  other  member  of  a 
white  church,  and  given  the  same  opportunity  to  advance  to  positions  of 
honor  within  the  church,  ministers,  priests,  bishops,  etc.,  regardless  of  color, 
there  would  be  no  Negro  churches. 

6.  It  is  this  universal  spirit  which  causes  Negroes  to  desire  Negro  churches 
and  Negro  bishops,  because  the  dominant  minds  can  more  easily  secure 
advantages  when  in  an  environment  in  which  they  conform  to  the  majority 
pattern  and  are  not  parts  of  a  clearly  differentiated  minority. 

7.  Separate  colored  churches  in  some  degree  are  necessary  in  order  to  build  up 
racial  solidarity  as  described  above.  In  other  words,  a  strong  defensive  many 
times  makes  for  an  effective  offensive. 

8.  Separate  colored  churches  have  never  seemed  to  me  to  be  necessary. 

9.  I  am  convinced  that  a  limited  race  separation  is  not  only  desirable  but 
unavoidable.  There  is  a  wide  stretch  of  possibilities  between  absolute  segre- 
gation and  unlimited  social  communication.  To  argue  that  because  Negroes 
have  and  want  ministers  and  teachers  of  their  own  color,  therefore  they  should 
want  absolute  segregation,  strikes  me  as  a  bit  absurd.  There  are  at  least 
two  justifications:  it  may  be  thought  that  the  Negro  ministers  and  teachers 
understand  our  racial  aspirations  better  and  can  better  impart  instructions 
leading  to  a  realization  of  them. 

10.  Wherever  Negroes  find  themselves  segregated  in  schools  and  churches  by 
choice  or  control,  they  should  have  teachers,  preachers  and  overseers  of  their 
own  race.  Long  distance  leadership  is  neither  desirable  nor  effective.  This 
leadership  will  acquire  requisite  efificiency  by  survival  of  the  fittest. 

1 1 .  The  motivation  of  any  separate  institutions  shoiild  be  the  basis  of  its  approval 
or  disapproval.  If  Negroes  of  their  own  volition  develop  Negro  churches, 
banks,  clubs,  stores  or  other  organizations  as  a  means  of  developing  enter- 
prise or  initiative,  or  for  providing  better  opportunities  of  work  for  young  men 
and  women  of  our  race,  I  am  in  accord  with  such  separation.  If,  however, 
such  separation  is  forced  on  them  especially  in  public  places,  such  as  hotels, 
restaurants,  theaters  and  railroads,  a  separation  whicli  sets  the  Negro  apart 
from  the  general  public,  I  believe  it  shoul  1  be  condemned  and  fought  against. 

12.  It  is  argued  that  if  many  of  our  leading  Negroes  agree  upon  the  expediency 
of  complete  racial  separation  in  church  life,  they  are  inconsistent  in  not 
applying  it  to  aU  matters  concerning  the  Negro.  The  answer  to  this  is  as 
follows:  The  highest  end  of  the  Negro  is  the  same  as  that  of  the  man  of  any 


514  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

other  race,  viz.:  complete  self-expression  and  development  of  his  indi- 
viduality; in  deciding  upon  what  he  shall  accept  or  reject  in  any  case  this 
must  be  his  guiding  principle;  between  being  a  nonentity  in  the  "white" 
church  and  partially  expressing  himself  in  a  Negro  church,  he  naturally 
chooses  the  latter,  choosing  it  not  as  the  summun  honum,  but  solely  as  the 
lesser  of  two  evils;  between  having  the  Negro  officers  in  the  world  war  and 
having  Negro  officers  who  are  trained  in  a  separate  camp,  he  considers 
the  latter  less  injurious.  But  give  the  Negro  a  choice  between  a  separate 
church  where  only  partial  self-expression  can  be  possible,  and  a  "white" 
church  which  would  give  him  fuU  opportunity  for  individual  expression, 
and  he  would  not  hestitate  a  moment  in  choosing  such  a  "white"  church. 

13.  Separate  colored  churches,  colored  pastors  and  colored  bishops  represent 
more  or  less  a  voluntary  action  of  colored  people  and  are  indicative  of  racial 
solidarity  in  just  the  same  way  as  Jewish  churches  having  Jewish  rabbis 
represent  Jewish  solidarity. 

14.  As  a  slave  the  Negro  was  welcome  to  worship  at  the  white  church.  As  a 
citizen  he  is  not.  The  white  church  is  a  semi-pubUc  institution,  being  more 
social  than  religious  in  its  tone.  Since  Negroes  are  not  wanted,  their  only 
recourse  is  to  have  their  own  churches.  And  if  their  own  churches,  why  a 
white  pastor  or  bishop,  when  Negro  preachers  quite  as  competent  can  be 
found  ? 

OPINION-MAKING 

Question:  On  what  instrvunents  ordinarily  responsible  for  the  making  of  public 
opinion  do  you  rely  for  your  opinions?  With  what  reservations  do  you 
accept  what  you  read  in  the  white  press  ?  To  what  degree  are  you  influenced 
by  the  opinions  of  colored  persons  ? 

Answers: 

1.  Of  course  I  read  daily  papers,  magazines  and  books  and  attend  lectures  and 
seek  every  possible  means  to  learn  the  trend  of  thought  and  philosophy  of 
life  as  it  develops  throughout  civilization.    However,  whenever  the  Negro 

/  question  is  treated,  I  always  approach  with  suspicion  the  arguments  pre- 
sented  by  white  people.  I  always  read  expressions  forecasting  the  approach 
of  democracy  with  the  knowledge  that  but  few  white  writers  and  speakers 
think  of  the  colored  races  in  their  utterances.  The  colored  newspapers  are 
much  more  fair  than  the  whites,  but  even  they,  at  times,  are  inclined  to 
bias. 

2.  Magazines,  colored  and  white  papers,  public  speakers.  I  accept  with  great 
reservation  what  I  read  in  the  white  press.  I  am  influenced  to  a  small  degree 
by  the  opinions  of  the  colored  papers. 

3.  The  daily  papers,  the  Nation,  the  New  Republic,  the  Crisis,  the  Messenger, 
the  Literary  Digest,  the  Socialist  Review,  the  colored  papers,  and  other 
scattered  organs  from  here,  there  and  everywhere.  The  dependence  I  put 
upon  these  white  papers  is  hard  to  state  in  words.  If  in  a  white  paper  I 
see  something  favorable  to  the  Negro  on  a  question  of  fact,  I  take  it  at  face 
value.  On  questions  of  opinion,  I  draw  my  own  conclusions  from  my  own 
study  and  experience,  wherever  possible.    Likewise  in  a  colored  paper  I 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  515 

take  at  face  value  on  a  question  of  fact  anything  favorable  to  the  white  view. 

Otherwise  I  draw  my  own  conclusions. 

(a)  Daily  papers,  lectures  and  magazines,     (b)  Always  with  reservations  on 

any  subject,  especially  on  race  records,     (c)  Not  very  much  outside  of  a  few 

good  magazines. 

Every  article  in  white  or  Negro  press  is  read  with  the  idea  that  the  bias  of 

the  writer  must  be  discounted  and  that  the  conclusions  cannot  be  accepted, 

but  that  one's  conclusions  must  be  made  from  the  aggregate  of  the  facts 

gleaned   from   every   available   source   bearing  upon   the   subject   under 

discussion. 

Leading  New  York  newspapers:  Herald,  Times,  World,  Tribune,  Call. 

Leading  American  monthlies:  World's  Work,  American,  Metropolitan, 

Leading  American  weeklies:  Nation,  New  Republic,  Freeman. 

Leading  American  quarterlies:   Yale  Review,  American  Journal  of  Soci- 
ology, Non-Partisan  Review. 

Leading  New  York  Negro  weeklies:  New  York  Age,  Negro  World. 

Leading  Negro  monthlies:  Messenger  and  Crisis. 

I  read  all  these  papers  with  great  reservations  as  to  their  truth  and  good 
judgment. 

Newspapers,  magazines,  legislative  action,  personal  contacts.  The  white 
press  will  always  justify  suspicion  and  the  traditional  grain  of  salt  with 
reference  to  its  news  concerning  Negroes.  White  news  reporters  know 
too  few  actual  facts  about  Negroes  and  are  too  hemmed  about  by  traditional 
prejudices  to  be  reliable  news  gatherers  in  this  field.  Colored  newspapers 
are,  in  my  opinion,  becoming  increasingly  more  reliable  in  their  expression 
of  the  thoughts  and  mind  of  Negroes,  although  many  times  they  suffer  from 
the  same  disease  with  reference  to  white  people  which  besets  white  re- 
porters. 

History  and  observation.  I  habitually  question  unfavorable  comment, 
because  the  prejudice  and  the  training  of  the  writers  must  be  considered. 
Colored  papers,  unless  paid  to  do  otherwise,  are  more  likely  to  exaggerate 
reports  favorable  to  the  Negro.  Therefore  some  reservations  must  be 
made  on  account  of  the  prejudice  and  the  lack  of  training  of  many  of  the 
writers. 

I  believe  that  the  information  I  get  from  the  instruments  ordinarily  responsible 
for  public  opinion  influences  my  opinion  but  little  at  any  particular  moment. 
I  seem  to  have  a  theory  of  present-day  tendencies  in  American  institutions 
with  reference  to  the  Negro,  and  I  accept  items  from  these  instruments  merely 
as  confirmations  or  negations  of  my  opinions.  Usually  the  negations  are 
so  few  and  far  between  that  I  can  look  upon  them  as  sports  or  the  "exception 
that  proves  the  rule."  Perhaps  the  Crisis  figures  most  prominently  in  form- 
ing my  opinion.  At  least  when  my  opinion  is  formed,  I  am  unable  to  account 
for  it  by  any  small  number  of  books,  or  other  publications.  I  read  regularly 
the  New  York  Age,  the  Negro  World,  and  from  time  to  time  many  other  Negro 
newspapers;  I  read  the  Crisis,  the  Messenger,  the  Century,  Review  of  Reviews, 
World's  Work,  Outlook,  Independent,  and  various  scientific  articles  bearing  on 


5i6  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

the  Negro  and  such  reviews  of  an  even  larger  number  of  articles  as  appear  in 
the  Psychological  Bulletin  and  similar  publications  from  time  to  time. 

Nearly  always  when  I  read,  the  white  press  items  concerning  the  Negro 
are  looked  upon  as  carefully  selected  and  shaped  for  propaganda.  By  a 
careful  and  studied  system  of  emphasis  and  omission  such  items  can  be 
made  to  prove  most  any  point.  There  are  exceptions,  such  as  the  Inde- 
pendent editorials,  etc.  Colored  newspapers  influence  my  opinion  little 
directly.  The  items  of  real  news  are  accepted  at  face  value,  there  being  no 
appeal,  and  these  are  referred  to  a  more  or  less  stable  theory  of  the  situation. 
The  theory  changes  so  gradually  that  I  am  unable  to  tell  what  items  exert 
the  greatest  influence. 
9.  I  read  the  dailies  and  the  Crisis,  Messenger  and  Amsterdam  News.  I  accept 
what  all  of  them  say  with  great  reservation,  though  I  naturally  give  more 
credence  to  report  of  Negro  topics  in  Negro  papers  than  in  white  papers. 

10.  I  regret  to  say  that  the  Christian  church  and  the  religious  press,  which  should 
be  the  chief  reliance  in  shaping  public  opinion  in  the  moral  direction,  are 
all  but  negligible  factors.  More  race  prejudice  wUl  be  shown  in  Chicago 
in  the  churches  on  next  Sunday  morning  than  in  the  schools  on  the  following 
Monday.  Religion  failing,  the  chief  reliance  for  the  present  must  be  upon 
the  secular  agencies  such  as  science,  politics,  trade,  business  and  the  public 
press  and  platform.  The  Negro  himself  must  shape  and  direct  righteous 
public  opinion.  Moral  reform  comes  through  the  public,  who  feel  the  need 
of  it.  The  Negro  press  is  greatly  hampered  by  restrictive  and  controlling 
influences,  but  on  the  whole  it  is,  perhaps,  the  most  righteous  voice  in 
America  now  crying  in  the  wilderness. 

1 1 .  I  rely  on  books,  magazines  and  newspapers  for  facts  on  which  to  base  opinions. 
With  the  exception  of  a  few  weeklies,  and  a  few  radical  newspapers  and  maga- 
zines, I  believe  the  white  press  is  hostile  towards  the  Negro.  Whatever  I 
read  concerning  him,  in  the  daily  papers  especially,  I  take  with  a  grain  of  salt. 
In  matters  of  race  problems  the  Negro  papers  usually  present  the  facts  of  the 
case  fairly,  I  am  inclined  to  accept  their  views  about  such  matters.  Their 
opinions  about  other  phases  of  life,  in  which  race  is  not  predominant  concern, 
I  take  also  with  a  grain  of  salt  or  not  at  all. 

12.  Personally  we  rely  on  facts,  not  opinions.  Hardly  anything  in  the  white 
press  regarding  Negroes  is  to  be  believed.  It  rarely,  if  ever,  mentions 
good  about  Negroes.  The  white  press  is  the  chief  instrument  used  for  foster- 
ing the  exploitations  of  Negroes.  Most  of  the  news  is  cooked  and  doctored 
to  fan  race  hatred.  A  few  white  editors  would  perhaps  write  more  fairly  were 
they  free.  Personally  very  little.  Nearly  every  Negro  newspaper  that  we 
know,  though,  aims  sincerely  to  benefit  Negroes.  While  the  judgment  of 
the  Negro  editor  is  often  at  fault,  his  heart  is  honest.  It  is  infinitely 
safer  for  Negroes  to  accept  the  judgment  of  a  Negro  editor  than  that  of 
a  white  one. 

Question:  Specifically  what  constitutes  the  offensiveness  in  the  manner  in  which  the 
subject  "Negro"  is  handled  in  some  of  the  local  white  papers  and  what  sensi- 
tive spots  do  these  methods  of  handling  touch  ? 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  517 

Answers: 

1.  There  is  a  suggestion  of  inferiority  and  degradation  in  the  usual  handling 
of  the  subject  "Negro"  by  the  local  white  papers;  they  generally  use  the 
subject  in  connection  with  something  evil  or  unlovely;  seldom  discussed 
with  credit  or  praise.    This  aflfects  race  honor,  race  pride,  and  race  love. 

2.  Withholding  the  titles  Miss  and  Mrs.  from  the  names  of  colored  women. 

Crime  headlines,  parading  Negro  crime  and  criminals. 
Printing  misstatements  of  facts  but  not  the  denials  of  them. 
Continual  suggestions  of  "proper  limitations  upon  Negro  activity" 
along  lines  innocent  where  other  races  are  concerned. 

A  patronizing  attitude  toward  the  Negro  and  his  activities. 

3.  I  detest  the  use  of  the  word  "Negro"  as  it  is  spelled  with  a  small  n.  I  shrink 
from  the  feminine  "Negress."  "A  colored  American"  is  not  distasteful  to 
me  at  any  time. 

4.  The  realization  that  an  inferior  man  whose  face  is  white  can,  by  appealing  to 
white  racial  consciousness,  outstrip  his  superior  by  the  utilization  of  mass 
cohesion.  My  feeling  is  one  of  thwarted  ambition  rather  than  offended  sensi- 
bilities. 

5.  Spelling  of  "Negro"  with  a  small  n. 

Negro  caricatures — always  a  joke  and  easily  handled. 

The  Negro  as  criminal  is  the  general  view. 

Nothing  said  about  the  Negro  on  the  progressive  side. 

Negro  naturally  inferior.    I  need  only  refer  to  the  Harding  episode. 

6.  The  assumption  that  all  Negroes  are  intellectually  and  morally  inferior.  The 
implication  that  certain  crimes  are  peculiar  to  the  Negro.  The  application 
of  opprobrious  epithets,  so  common  in  some  papers.  The  statement  that 
the  race  is  satisfied  with  the  treatment  it  receives  in  public  places. 

7.  Undue  prominence  and  emphasis  upon  the  social  aspect  of  news  which  is 
purely  personal.  Evident  failure  to  obtain  or  give  expression  to  the  Negro 
point  of  view. 

8.  The  tendency  in  my  community  to  connect  the  Negro  in  public  print  with 
some  offensive  or  boorish  or  irrespyonsibly  humorous  incident  is  the  most 
annoying  use  of  the  word  "Negro."  By  careful  emphasis  and  omissions,  the 
word  "Negro"  comes  to  be  associated  with  irresponsible,  apish,  or  sUIy  con- 
duct on  the  one  hand  or  criminality  on  the  other. 

9.  Among  the  other  things  I  take  offense  at  the  way  the  local  white  papers  cannot 
report  crimes  committed  by  Negroes  without  a  big  headline,  often  on  the 
front  page,  stating  that  "Brutal  Negro  Commits  Outrage";  I  object  to  the 
use  of  the  word  "Negress,"  to  spelling  Negro  with  a  small  n;  and  particularly 
I  object  to  the  sins  of  omission  of  these  newspapers  in  that  they  never  attempt 
any  news  which  may  construct  better  relations,  e.g.,  such  as  could  be  obtained 
if  they  secured  on  their  reportorial  staff  an  intelligent  Negro  who  knew  the 
needs  and  aspirations  of  his  people.  My  sensitiveness  upon  this  results  from 
two  things:  (i)  it  wounds  my  self-respect,  and  (2)  I  hate  to  see  race  struggle 
consciously  and  effectively  fomented  by  the  powerful  press. 


5i8  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

10.  The  white  race  as  a  whole  seems  to  disregard  the  just  sensibilities  of  the  Negro 
race,  and  does  not  scruple  to  use  offensive  terms  and  epithets  which  would  be 
violently  resented  by  any  other  group  of  American  citizens.  I  have  no  objec- 
tion to  the  term  Negro  used  in  a  descriptive  sense  for  the  entire  racial  group. 

11.  The  word  Negro  is  still  printed  in  many  papers  with  a  small  n.  A  general 
attitude  to  ridicule  Negroes  is  sometimes  evident.  Recently  a  baby  contest 
was  held  in  New  York  in  which  there  were  entered  several  Negro  babes; 
some  of  them  took  prizes.  One  paper  spoke  of  them  as  "dusky  belles." 
Very  often  when  a  colored  woman  is  mentioned  in  the  papers  it  is  written  in 
this  manner:  "Katherine  Jones,  a  negress."  The  recent  discussion  of 
Senator  Harding's  lineage  showed  that  most  of  the  papers  considered  it  a 
"vile  and  contemptuous  slander";  the  possession  of  Negro  blood  seemed  to 
be  a  polluting  element  which  could  only  mean  degradation. 

12.  The  word  Negro  is  wrong,  altogether.  Prejudice  is  the  only  reason  for  its 
use.     Capitalizing  might  help,  but  does  it  modify  the  treatment  ? 

The  editor  of  the  Crisis,  whose  opinions  are  read  by  millions  of  Negroes, 
was  one  of  the  five  Negroes  living  outside  of  Chicago  to  whom  the  foregoing 
questions  were  put.  He  sensed  in  them  an  insidious  attempt  to  make  Negroes 
confess  that  they  preferred  ill  treatment,  riots,  segregation  by  proscription, 
and  Negro  Ghettos.  Acting  upon  this  conviction,  he  warned  the  Negroes  of 
the  country  to  watch  the  white  members  of  this  Commission.  The  article  is 
given  as  it  appeared  in  the  January  1921  issue  of  the  Crisis: 

Chicago 

We  would  advise  our  Chicago  friends  to  watch  narrowly  the  work  and  forthcom- 
ing report  of  the  Interracial  Commission  appointed  by  the  Governor  of  Illinois  after 
the  late  riot.  The  Commission  consists  of  colored  men  who  apparently  have  a  much 
too  complacent  trust  in  their  white  friends;  of  white  men  who  are  too  busy  to  know; 
and  of  enemies  of  the  Negro  race  who  under  the  guise  of  impartiality  and  good  will 
are  pushing  insidiously  but  unswervingly  a  program  of  racial  segregation.  They 
have,  for  instance,  sent  a  "questionnaire"  to  prominent  colored  men,  consisting  of 
fifteen  questions,  which  with  all  their  surface  frankness  and  innocence  seek  to  betray 
black  folk  by  means  of  the  logical  dilemma  of  "segregation"  and  racial  "solidarity." 
By  subtle  suggestion  these  queries  say:  If  you  believe  in  colored  churches,  why  not 
in  colored  ghettos?  Does  not  Negro  advancement  increase  anti-Negro  hatred? 
Are  not  Negroes  prejudiced  against  whites  ?  Are  not  the  mistakes  of  Negro  leaders 
manifest  ?    And  so  on. 

Indeed,  if  a  professed  enemy  of  black  folk  and  their  progress  had  set  out  to  start 
a  controversy  so  as  to  divide  the  Negroes  and  their  friends  in  counsel  and  throw  the 
whole  burden  of  such  hasty  outbreaks  of  race  hate  as  the  East  St.  Louis,  Washington, 
and  Chicago  riots  upon  them,  he  would  have  framed  just  such  a  questionnaire  as 
has  been  sent  out  by  this  Commission. 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS 


519 


Does  not   Negro   advancement   in 
crease  anti-Negro  hatred  ? 


The  Crisis^  view  of  the  questions  is  presented  in  the  following  contrast: 
The  Questionnaire  The  "Crisis"  Version 

What,  to  your  mind,  is  the  distinc-  If  you  beheve  in  colored  churches, 

tion,  either  in  point  of  view  or  definite      why  not  in  colored  ghettos  ? 
racial    aim,    between    segregation    and 
"racial  solidarity"? 

A  large  number  of  Negroes  are  in 
agreement  in  the  matter  of  separate 
colored  churches  with  colored  pastors, 
and,  more  recently,  colored  bishops. 
Yet  this  is  an  argument  used  by  many 
exponents  of  the  segregation  idea,  both 
whole  and  partial,  for  other  separate 
institutions.  Candidly,  what  is  your 
opinion  on  this  subject? 

Do  you  believe  that  if  Negroes  were 
100  per  cent  literate  it  would  make  any 
great  difference  in  race  relations?  Are 
general  and  higher  education  likely  to 
widen  the  breach  between  Negroes  and 
white  persons,  increase  intolerance,  re- 
sentment, sensitiveness  to  insults,  or  can 
a  quieted  process  of  adjustment  or  com- 
plete fusion  of  interests  be  expected  ? 

Do  you  believe  Negroes  are  preju- 
diced against  white  persons  ? 

Do  you  believe  there  should  be  recog- 
nized leaders  of  Negroes?  Are  there 
such  persons  whom  you  regard  as  quali- 
fied for  leadership  ?  Discuss  their  merits 
and  demerits. 

What  in  your  opinion,  are  some  of 
the  greatest  mistakes  of  prominent 
Negroes  in  their  poUcies  or  stand  on 
racial  issues? 

At  the  time  of  this  article  the  Commission  had  made  no  report  of  its  findings 
whatever,  and  there  was  no  possible  basis  for  the  accusation  of  bias.  When 
a  Negro  living  in  Chicago  explained  that  the  questionnaire  was  prepared  by  a 
Negro  member  of  the  Commission's  staff,  the  editor  of  the  Crisis  replied  that 
"whoever  framed  the  questionnaire  of  which  I  speak  in  the  Crisis  or  advised 
its  framing  had  a  bias  against  Negroes.  Of  that  I  have  not  the  slightest 
doubt,  and  what  I  was  doing  was  simply  to  warn  the  public  of  this  bias." 


Are  not  Negroes  prejudiced  against 
white  persons  ? 

Are  not  the  mistakes  of  Negro  leaders 
manifest  ? 


CHAPTER  X 

PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS— Continued 
B.    INSTRUMENTS  OF  OPINION  MAKING 

I.      THE  PRESS 

We  cannot  escape  the  conclusion  that  the  press  is  the  most  powerful  institution  in 
this  country.  It  can  make  men,  it  can  destroy  men.  It  can  conduct  crusades;  it 
can  put  an  end  to  crusades.  It  can  create  propaganda;  it  can  stifle  propaganda.  It 
can  subvert  the  Government;  it  can  practically  uphold  the  Government.  It  is  at 
once  the  most  powerful  agency  for  good  in  the  United  States  and  the  most  dangerous 
institution  known  under  our  system  of  Government.  More  than  aU  this,  despite  theo- 
retical laws  which  restrain  abuses  of  the  Press,  so  determined  are  the  American  people 
that  its  freedom  shall  not  be  abridged  that  they  have  written  into  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States  (Amend.  I)  the  express  provision  that  "Congress  shall  make  no 
law  ....  abridging  the  freedom  ....  of  the  press,"  and  in  practice  the  Press  is 
free  to  destroy  men,  institutions  and  races,  or  to  make  them  live,  the  power  being 
limited  only  by  the  conscience  and  sagacity  of  the  men  who  compose  this  powerful 
Fourth  Estate.  —Edmund  Burke 

Sound  opinions  depend  always  upon  accurate  statements  of  facts.  Upon 
the  objective  information  which  the  press  is  supposed  to  provide,  the  public 
depends  to  guide  its  thinking.  If  the  information  source  is  polluted,  pollu- 
tion may  be  expected  in  the  opinions  based  upon  it.  When  the  public  is 
deluded  by  distortions  of  fact,  one-sided  presentations,  exaggerations,  and 
interpretations  of  fact  controlled  by  definite  policies  of  whatever  sort,  a  situa- 
tion is  created  which  wiU  inevitably  accomplish  great  damage. 

Race  relations  are  at  all  times  dependent  upon  the  public  opinion  of  the 
community.  Considering  the  great  number  of  delicate  issues  involved,  the 
careful  handling  of  this  kind  of  news  is  a  question  of  great  concern  and  has 
been  the  subject  of  much  comment  and  criticism  both  by  Negroes  and  whites. 
These  criticisms  are  frequent  and  vehement.  Negroes  in  Chicago  almost  with- 
out exception  point  to  the  Chicago  press  as  the  responsible  agent  for  many  of 
their  present  difficulties.  Throughout  the  country  it  is  pointed  out  by  both 
whites  and  Negroes  that  the  policies  of  newspapers  on  racial  matters  have  made 
relations  more  difficult,  at  times  fostering  new  antagonism  and  enmities 
and  even  precipitating  riots  by  inflaming  the  public  against  Negroes.  For 
example,  the  Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  of  Christ  in  America,  in  its 
report  on  the  church  and  social  work,  makes  this  comment:  "We  observe  also 
with  regret  and  deep  concern  ....  the  continuing  incitement  to  riot  by 
certain  public  officials  and  periodicals,  especially  the  partisan  press  with  its 
misrepresentation  and  inflaming  spirit." 

530 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  521 

Said  the  Survey  magazine,  May  15,  1920:  "The  custom  of  newspapers  to 
ridicule  the  efiforts  of  colored  people  is  a  gratuitous  insult  that  they  have  to 
meet  on  every  hand." 

The  New  Republic  observes  editorially:  "Race  riots  within  a  week  of  one 

another  occurred  in  Washington  and  Chicago The  press  made  a  race 

question  of  individual  crime,  and  the  mob,  led  by  marines  and  soldiers,  took 
up  the  issue  which  the  press  had  presented  to  them." 

Negroes  are  loud  in  their  condemnation  of  the  press  throughout  the  country. 
Says  one  Negro  newspaper: 

Whatever  be  the  cause  of  the  motive,  there  is  apparently  a  well-organized  plan 
to  discredit  the  race  in  America  and  to  bring  estrangement  between  feUow-Americans. 
A  short-sighted  ....  press  is  contributing  to  this  estrangement  by  playing  upon  the 
passions  of  the  undiscriminating,  and  thoughtlessly,  by  its  glaring  and  sensational 
headlines,  emphasizing  rumors  of  alleged  crimes  by  Negroes. 

The  Associated  Negro  Press  accuses  the  Associated  Press  of  fostering  ill 
feeling  and  hatred  between  whites  and  Negroes.     It  says: 

The  Associated  Press  (white)  ....  always  in  its  first  paragraph attrib- 
utes the  source  of  trouble  to  our  people  "molesting  white  women."  That,  the  Asso- 
ciated Press  knows,  is  always  fuel  for  the  fire  of  the  fury It  arouses  certain 

elements  of  whites  to  indignation  by  the  thoughts  of  the  ever  "burly  black  brutes," 
and  it  stirs  the  people  of  our  group  to  a  state  of  fighting,  mad  by  the  folly  of  it. 

The  Philadelphia  Tribune,  a  Negro  paper,  said:  "Daily  papers  keep  up 
mob  sentiment.    They  continue  to  fan  the  riot  flames  into  a  destructive  blaze." 

The  method  of  news  handling  now  in  practice  in  the  Chicago  Press,  white 
and  Negro,  appears  to  contribute  in  effect  to  strained  relations  between  the 
races.    This  condition  prompts  a  more  than  casual  inquiry  into  these  methods. 

A  few  examples  will  illustrate.  On  the  night  of  July  20,  1920,  follow- 
ing the  demonstration  of  a  group  of  Negro  fanatics,  the  self-styled 
"Abyssinians,"  a  prominent  newspaper  printed  in  large  headlines:  "Race 
Riot — Two  Whites  Slain."  The  paper  was  an  extra  and  widely  distributed. 
At  Sixty-third  and  Halsted  streets  four  Negro  ministers  returning  from  a 
church  conference  in  Gary,  Indiana,  were  set  upon  by  a  mob  of  whites  who  had 
merely  read  the  report,  and  were  beaten  unmercifully. 

On  January  23,  1920,  the  following  article  appeared  in  the  Chicago  Herald- 
Examiner: 

SimjENTS  Defy  Negro  Teacher 

Pupils'  Strike  Starts  at  Altgeld  School  over  Substitute; 
Parents  Support  Them 

A  revolt  which  threatened  to  require  settlement  by  the  Board  of  Education 
developed  yesterday  in  the  eighth  grade  of  the  Altgeld  School,  Seventy-first  and 
Loomis  streets.  Two  of  the  pupils  have  been  suspended,  others  threaten  a  general 
walkout.  Pickets  are  to  be  established  about  the  school  today,  several  students 
promised  tonight  to  urge  a  general  strike.  The  regular  teacher  was  ill  with  influenza 
yesterday. 


522  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

PUT  NEGRO  GIRL  IN  CHARGE 

The  only  available  substitute  was  a  Negro  girl,  Effie  Stewart,  normal  graduate 
and  accredited  eighth-grade  instructor.  She  was  taken  to  the  schoolroom  by  Principal 
J.  W.  Brooks  and  given  charge.  As  the  principal  left  pandemonium  broke  loose. 
Disregarding  the  efforts  of  the  teacher  to  restore  calm,  several  of  the  boys  arose  and 
harangued  the  class  to  ignore  the  substitute.    Half  a  dozen  of  the  pupils  left  the  room. 

REFUSE   TO   OBEY   HER 

The  teacher  directed  one  of  the  pupils,  Paul  Brissono,  to  summon  Principal  Brooks 
to  the  room.  Paul  flatly  refused.  He  walked  out  and  reported  the  trouble  to  his 
parents  at  1406  West  Seventy-third  Street.  Genevieve  Lindy,  6744  Laflin  Street, 
next  was  told  to  go  to  the  Principal's  office  for  help.  She  declined  and  went  home. 
Principal  Brooks  ordered  both  pupils  suspended.  He  said  the  facts  would  be  placed 
before  the  district  superintendent,  John  A.  Long.  In  the  meantime  many  of  the 
parents  of  eighth-grade  pupils  took  a  stand  supporting  their  children. 

The  Commission  sent  investigators  to  check  up  the  facts  as  a  thorough  test 
of  a  report  which  most  whites  believed  and  most  Negroes  did  not  believe. 
The  Negro  teacher  in  question,  the  school  principal,  the  superintendent  of 
schools,  and  some  of  the  parents  of  white  children  in  the  school  were  inter- 
viewed.   The  following  is  the  result  of  the  Commission's  investigation: 

a)  Every  item  noted  by  the  press  in  this  case  was  contradicted  by  the  principal 
and  teachers. 

b)  Principal  Brooks  stated  that  "the  only  part  of  the  story  that  the  newspapers 
gave  straight  was  the  color  of  the  young  lady  teacher." 

c)  Superintendent  of  Schools  Mortensen  stated  that  there  was  no  basis  whatever 
for  the  story,  and  that  no  more  trouble  happened  than  often  happened  when  mis- 
chievous boys  took  advantage  of  the  absence  of  the  regular  teacher. 

d)  Miss  Stewart,  the  colored  substitute  teacher  involved,  stated  that  she  was 
assigned  to  the  Altgeld  School  on  Monday,  to  the  Pullman  School  Tuesday,  and 
back  to  the  Altgeld  Wednesday.  On  Monday  she  had  charge  of  the  eighth  grade. 
About  twenty-five  minutes  before  recess  five  or  six  boys  came  to  her  stating  that  they 
had  been  appointed  as  monitors  for  that  day  and  asked  to  be  excused.  This  request 
was  granted  by  Miss  Stewart.  Shortly  afterward  Miss  Deneen,  a  white  teacher, 
brought  the  boys  back  into  the  room,  stating  that  they  had  been  disorderly;  she 
deprived  them  of  their  monitorship.  One  boy,  Paul,  mentioned  in  the  article,  resented 
this  and  was  impudent  to  Miss  Deneen.  He  was  suspended  by  Miss  Deneen  to 
take  effect  the  next  day  and  to  return  only  on  condition  that  he  made  apologies  for 
his  conduct.    He  was  present  in  the  room  on  the  same  afternoon. 

Miss  Stewart  first  knew  about  the  supposed  strike  when  she  read  it  in  the  morning 
paper.  She  stated  that  she  had  no  trouble  with  any  of  the  students  during  the  entire 
day,  and  there  was  no  occasion  to  call  in  the  principal,  Mr.  Brooks.  Miss  Deneen 
also  had  some  trouble  with  a  girl  in  the  same  room.  Miss  Stewart  had  no  trouble 
either  with  Paul  or  the  girl  mentioned  in  the  case.  Mr.  Brooks  at  no  time  during 
that  day  was  called  into  the  room. 

e)  The  parents  of  the  children  were  incensed  over  the  false  publicity  given  them. 
/)  The  suggestive  effect  of  this  report  was  immediate.    At  the  Coleman  School, 

according  to  the  principal,  the  children  were  greatly  excited  over  the  account  and 
looked  upon  it  as  a  precedent  which  had  not  occurred  to  them.    She  thought  that  such 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  523 

publicity,  even  if  true,  could  have  no  good  effect  upon  the  minds  and  conduct  of  the 
children. 

The  prominence  given  to  the  idea  of  "striking"  also  had  its  effect.  Dis- 
cussions of  strikes  for  other  causes  followed  in  the  Pullman  School.  Later,  in 
February  the  students  of  the  Crane  Technical  School  threatened  a  strike 
because  of  the  removal  of  a  teacher  from  the  junior  staff  to  the  high-school  staff. 

On  June  18,  19 18,  a  Negro  organization  expressed  the  views  of  Negroes  on 
the  Chicago  Tribune's  handUng  of  a  news  article  entitled:  "Negro  Benefit 
Carries  Mammy  to  Pearly  Gates."  The  occasion  of  the  article  was  a  musical 
recital  given  by  Negro  artists  at  the  Auditorium  and  patronized  by  many 
cultured  whites  and  Negroes.  It  was  a  benefit  performance  in  aid  of  the 
families  of  Negro  soldiers.    The  letter  of  protest  to  the  editor  of  the  Tribune  read : 

On  Saturday,  June  15,  there  appeared  in  your  paper  what  purported  to  be  an 
account  of  a  meeting  and  concert  at  the  Auditorium  held  for  the  benefit  of  Negro 
soldiers'  families.  Despite  the  fact  that  it  was  distinctly  a  patriotic  affair,  presenting 
on  its  program  colored  artists  of  unquestioned  talent,  and  rendered  in  such  a  manner  as 
to  evoke  the  warmest  praise  from  an  appreciative  and  music  loving  audience,  your 
reporter  saw  fit  to  tell  of  it  by  reciting  what  he  knew  or  thought  he  knew  about 
Negro  "mammies." 

The  body  of  the  article  contains  sixty-two  lines.  Thirteen  of  these  are  devoted  to 
mention  of  the  names  of  the  colored  artists,  ten  to  a  description  of  the  crowd,  which, 
by  the  way,  was  inaccurate,  fourteen  to  another  list  of  notables  in  attendance  and 
twenty-five  to  an  enraptured  dissertation  on  "mammies."  Not  only  is  this  reference 
grossly  irrelevant,  but  to  colored  people  it  is  positively  distasteful  as  everyone  should 
know  by  now. 

The  caption  of  the  article  "Negro  Benefit  Carries  Mammy  to  Pearly  Gates" 
could  by  no  stretch  of  fancy  be  taken  as  the  heading  for  an  account  of  a  musical 

concert There  is  no  complaint  against  the  limited  appreciations  of  your 

reporter,  neither  do  we  protest  against  his  fondness  for  the  adolescent  idol  of  his 
black  mammy;  but  as  a  news  item  the  account  is  ridiculously  improper  and  out  of 
place. 

The  patriotic  endeavors  of  the  colored  people  of  this  city  have  more  than  once  been 
discouraged  by  just  such  thoughtlessness  and  incomprehension.  You  would  do  a 
great  service  to  colored  people  and  to  our  government  in  the  prosecution  of  the  war 
if  in  such  accoimts  as  appear  you  cause  to  be  eliminated  such  personal  reminiscences 
and  irritating  irrelevancies  as  are  calculated  to  make  patriotism  difficult  and  racial 
relationship  unsettled. 

I.      GENERAL  SURVEY  OF  CHICAGO  NEWSPAPERS 

It  was  assumed  by  the  Commission  that  so  far  as  the  ordinary  reading 
public  is  concerned  the  study  of  the  three  Chicago  white  daily  papers  with 
the  largest  circulation  and  the  three  Negro  weekly  papers  most  widely  read 
would  provide  an  adequate  basis  for  a  test  of  news  handling,  and  for  measuring 
the  effect  on  the  public  of  accounts  of  racial  happenings.  The  papers  selected 
are  listed  in  Table  XXX. 


524 


THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

TABLE  XXX 


Published 

Circulation* 

Week  Days 

Sundays 

White 
Chicago  Tribune 

Every  morning 
Every  afternoon 
except  Sundays 
Every  morning 

WeeUy 
Weekly 
Weekly 

439,262 
404,726 

289,094 

185,000 
65 , 000 
10 , 000     . 

713,966 

Chicago  Daily  News 

Chicago  Herald-Examiner 

596,851 

Negro 
Chicago  Defender 

Chicago  Whip 

Chicago  Searchlight 

*  Circulation  figures  as  of  igao. 

For  the  two-year  period  1916  and  191 7  the  Commission  listed  from  the 
Chicago  Tribune,  the  Chicago  Daily  News,  and  the  Chicago  Herald-Examiner 
1,551  articles  on  racial  matters.  Of  these  articles  1,338  were  news  items, 
108  were  letters  to  the  press,  and  96  were  editorials. 

Table  XXXI  classifies  these  items  according  to  subject: 


TABLE  XXXI 


Number 
Subject  of  Articles 

Riots  and  clashes 309 

Crime  and  vice 297 


Soldiers 

Politics 

Housing 

Ridicule 

Illegitimate  contacts 
Sports 


199 

99 
89 

63 
61 

56 


Migration 

Personal 

Special  columns. 

Education 

Meetings 

Art 

Business 

Total 


Number 
of  Articles 

45 
39 
33 
18 

17 


1,338 


These  figures  do  not  represent  all  articles  appearing  on  racial  issues  during 
the  two-year  period.  Many  additional  articles  appeared  in  early  editions  and 
not  in  the  editions  examined. 

Generally  these  articles  indicated  hastily  acquired  and  partial  information, 
giving  high  lights  and  picturing  hysteria.  Frequently  they  showed  gross 
exaggeration.  The  less  sensational  articles,  permitting  a  glimpse  of  the  stabler 
side  of  Negro  life,  were  less  than  seventy-five.  The  subjects  receiving  most 
frequent  and  extended  treatment  in  these  three  papers  were:  crime,  housing, 
politics,  riots,  and  soldiers.  In  analyzing  the  articles  themselves,  under  these 
specific  headings,  it  appears  that  the  appeal  to  the  interests  of  the  public  is 
founded  on  definite  assumptions  in  the  public  mind.  It  has  come  to  be 
recognized  by  both  whites  and  Negroes,  but  more  especially  by  the  latter, 
that  crune  is  most  often  associated  with  the  publication  of  Negro  news  in 
white  newspapers. 

Crime. — The  University  Commission  on  Southern  Race  Problems  in  a 
recommendation  to  the  white  college  men  of  the  South  said: 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  525 

Colored  people  feel  very  keenly  about  the  way  crime  committed,  or  alleged  to  have 
been  committed,  by  Negroes  is  played  up  in  the  newspapers.  We  never  see  the 
Negro's  good  qualities  mentioned.  As  a  rule,  when  a  Negro's  name  appears  in  the 
newspapers  he  has  done  something  to  somebody,  or  somebody  has  done  something  to 
him.  It  may  be  true  that  the  newspaper's  attitude  toward  the  Negro  does  not 
influence  white  public  opinion  as  much  as  the  Negro  thinks,  but  it  is  bound  to  afi'ect 
the  point  of  view  of  those  white  people  who  do  not  know  the  Negro. 

As  between  North  and  South  this  press  handling  of  racial  matter  seems 
but  a  question  of  degree.  For  a  public  which  depends  upon  newspapers  for 
its  information  an  inordinately  one-sided  picture  is  presented.  This  emphasis 
on  individual  crimes  specifying  Negroes  in  each  offense  tends  to  stamp  the 
entire  Negro  group  as  criminal.  The  following  headings  in  white  newspapers 
will  suggest  the  inference  of  the  public  as  to  whether  or  not  Negroes  are  crimi- 
nally inclined: 

Negro  Robbers  Attack  Woman  near  Her  Home 
Tear  Open  Her  Waist  in  Search  for  Money,  but  Fail  to  Find  $6  Which  She  Had 

Police  Hxjnt  for  Negro  Who  Held  up  Woman 

Scour  Englewood  District  for  Short  Black  Man  Who  Threatened 

Girls  with  Revolver 

Negro  Slayer  Escapes  from  Iail 

Austin  Woman  Attacked  in  Own  Home  by  Negro 

Woman  Shocked  by  Negro  Thief 
Mrs.  John  W.  Beckwith  Surprises  Black  Burglar  in  Her  Home 

Rescue  Negro  from  Mob  That  Threatened  Lynching 

Morgan  Park  Police  Save  William  Shaw  Who  Attacked  Woman  from 

Infuriated  Crowd 

Negro  Attacks  Woman.    Her  Screams  Bring  Help 
IVIrs.  Joseph  Westhouse  Dragged  into  Dark  Passageway  on  South  Side  Street 

Arrest  Negro  Suspect.    Find  Much  in  Pocket 

Earnest  Wallace  Identified  by  Three  Men  as  Ku  Klvix  Robbers  Who 

Held  Them  Up 

Masked  Negro  Robs  as  White 
Arthur  Hood  Learns  to  Disguise  Voice  in  Prison;  Uses  Talent 

Girls  Flee  from  Negro 
Accused  Wm.  Brewere  of  Following  Them 

Negro  Troop  Runs  Amuck.    Three  Men  Are  Wounded 

Negro  Stands  with  Knife  over  Sleeper  in  Park 

Negro  Camp  Intruder  Arrested  after  Fight 

Coroner  Clears  Policeman  for  Killing  Negro 

Negro  Shot  Dead  Trying  to  Escape  after  Crime 

Negro  Attacks  Dancer  in  Room  off  Loop  Stage 
Purpose  Robbery 

Sailors  Charge  Negro  Insulters  in  Evanston 


526  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

The  frequent  mention  of  Negroes  in  connection  with  crime  by  the  white 
press  has  the  following  effects: 

1.  It  plays  upon  the  popular  beUef  that  Negroes  are  naturally  criminal. 

2.  The  constant  recounting  of  crimes  of  Negroes,  always  naming  the  race 
of  the  offender,  effects  an  association  of  Negroes  with  criminality. 

3.  It  frequently  involves  reference  to  sex  matters  which  provides  a  power- 
ful stimulant  to  public  interest. 

4.  It  provides  sensational  and  sometimes  amusing  material,  and  at  the 
same  time  fixes  the  crimes  upon  a  group  with  supposed  criminal  traits. 

The  beliefs  handed  down  through  tradition  concerning  the  weak  moral 
character  of  Negroes  and  their  emotional  nature  are  thus  constantly  and  stead- 
ily held  before  the  public.  Police  oflSicers,  judges,  and  other  public  ofl&cials  are 
similarly  affected,  consciously  or  unconsciously,  by  these  beliefs  and  by  the 
constant  mention  of  Negroes  in  relation  to  crime.  Arrest  on  suspicion,  convic- 
tion on  scanty  evidence,  and  severe  punishments  are  the  results.  A  vicious 
circle  is  thus  created. 

Crimes  involving  only  Negroes  as  offenders  and  victims  receive  little 
newspaper  attention.  It  might  be  supposed  that  they  are  uninteresting  because 
there  is  no  element  of  race  conflict.  As  long  as  crimes  are  committed  within 
the  group,  and  this  group  is  regarded  as  an  isolated  appendix  of  the  community, 
there  is  little  public  interest  in  them,  and  consequently  Httle  news  value. 
When,  however,  a  member  of  the  isolated  group  comes  into  conflict  with  the 
community  group,  whether  in  industry,  housing,  or  any  relation,  it  assumes  a 
wider  significance,  and  the  information  appears  to  become  news  of  importance 
in  the  judgment  of  the  press. 

Instances  of  purely  Negro  crime,  which  in  the  community  at  large  would 
have  a  strong  appeal  to  public  interest,  take  on  news  value  only  when  the 
ludicrous  or  grotesque  can  be  pictured.  For  the  most  part,  this  type  of  article 
is  written  by  a  reporter  with  some  reputation  for  wit.  He  inserts  the  expected 
Negro  dialect,  whether  with  or  without  warrant,  and  proceeds  to  make  an 
amusing  story. 

Negro  soldiers. — News  interest  in  articles  on  Negro  soldiers  appears  to  be 
founded  largely  on  sentiment.  During  the  war  Negro  soldiers,  especially  from 
lUinois,  were  given  unstinted  praise  by  the  public  and  the  newspapers.  Illus- 
trative headlines  follow: 

Chicago  Soldiers  Are  Ready 
Col.  Dennison  Declared  to  Reporter  That  Regiment  1,038  Strong  Ready 

for  Call  to  War 

Colored  Men  Served  in  the  Colonial  Army 
Washington  Favored  Their  Enlistment,  but  for  a  Time  There  Was  Opposition 

To  Train  Colored  Men  for  Officers 

Colored  Troops  to  Go  South 
Baker  Says  the  8th  Illinois  Will  Be  Sent  to  Camp  Logan 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  527 

Dramatic  Farewell  to  Colored  Troops 
Cheers  of  Crowd  Show  Chicago  Loyalty  to  Men  of  8th  Infantry 

Color  Line  Worries  Exemption  Boards 
Negro  District  Officials  Wonder  How  They  Can  Furnish  40  Per  Cent  AH  White 

Tobacco  for  Negro  Soldiers 
Texas  Club  Will  Give  Midnight  Benefit  to  Aid  Fund 

Negro  Stevedores  to  France 
Colored  Workers  Are  Being  Organized  into  Four  United  States  Regiments 

Army  Ignores  Color  Line 

Negro  Troops  Ordered  to  Every  Cantonment  Where  Available.    War 

Department  Not  Affected  by  Protest,  Latest  Ruling  Shows 

8th  Regiment  Is  Ordered  to  Houston 

Chicago  Colored  Infantry  to  Be  Accorded  Same  Privilege  as  White  Soldiers. 

Overrule  City's  Protest 

Colored  Soldiers  Help  Loan 
Col.  Dennison's  Men  in  the  8th  Infantry  Are  Enthusiastic 

8th  Regiment  Ready  to  Begin  Bond  Drive 
Spirit  Shown  by  Officers  Insures  Good  Response  from  Colored  Soldiers 

Organize  Negro  Labor  Units 
U.S.  Army  Will  Soon  Have  24  Companies  of  Colored  Volunteers 

Politics. — In  politics  the  listed  articles  were  confined  almost  exclusively  to 
suggestions  of  corruption,  unfavorable  criticism  of  Negro  politicians,  and 
treatment  of  Negro  political  support  of  Mayor  Thompson  as  blind,  careless, 
and  venal  loyalty. 

The  following  headings  on  listed  news  items  will  indicate  the  character  of 

emphasis: 

^Mayor's  Rule  Scored  by  Voters'  League 

Since  Harding  retired  from  Council,  Moores  has  collapsed  entirely.  In  combina- 
tion with  his  colleague,  Oscar  De  Priest,  colored,  he  has  become  a  partisan,  willing  to 
go  to  any  length  in  behalf  of  the  politicians  fighting  the  Council. 

M.L.V.  Urges  Defeat  of  Mayor's  Clique.    Second  Ward,  Negro 
Ward,  No  Recommendations 

Hot  on  Trail  of  Vote  Frauds  Letter 

E.  H.  Green's  (Negro)  Communication  to  Dr.  Leroy  N.  Bundy  (Negro) 

May  Reach  Grand  Jury 

Alderman  De  Priest  (Negro)  Involved 

All  Interested  in  Rounding  Up  Colored  RepubUcan  Voters  Talk  of  Colonizing 

Five  in  Hot  Fight  in  Second  Ward 

It  is  said,  however,  that  W.  R.  Cowan  (Negro)  and  L.  B.  Anderson  (Negro) 
have  best  chance. 

Colored  Man  in  Sensation 
St.  Louis  Dentist  Said  to  Have  Revealed  Election  Fraud 


528  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

East  St.  Louis  Bribers  Safe 
Attorney-General  Brundage  says  they  are  immune  under  law.    These  men  were 
accused  in  confession  of  Bundy  (Negro). 

Black  and  Tans  Win  Point 

WUl  Have  Half  the  Delegation  from  Louisiana  to  Republican 

National  Convention 

De  Priest  Quits  Election  Race  at  G.O.P.  Order 
Indicted  Alderman  Ducks  Impending  War  in  Second  Ward 

3,000  Negroes  Cheer  Attack  on  Roosevelt 

New  York  Elects  Its  First  Negro  to  the  Legislature 
Ed.  A.  Johnson 

Mayor  Loses  Big  Wards 
In  recognition  of  what  the  second  ward  did,  the  administration  has  made  more 
Negro  appointments  than  ever  before  in  Chicago.    Yesterday  the  City  Hall  forces 
were  led  by  Alderman  De  Priest,  Corporation  Counsel  Ettleman,  Dr.  A.  J.  Cary, 
and  Edward  Wright.    Morris  won  by  4,050  over  Bibb. 

Import  Negroes  from  the  South  to  Swing  Mid-West 

Negro  Leader  Ejected  from  Hughes  Quarters 
E.  H.  Green  Told  to  Move  On  When  Authorship  of  Letter  Is  Traced 

Negro  Vote  Manipulation  Alleged  in  East  St.  Louis 

Housing. — The  subject  of  the  housing  of  the  Negro  is  interesting  because 
of  its  peculiar  connection  with:  (a)  segregation;  (b)  bombing;  (c)  neighbor- 
hood antagonisms;  (d)  alleged  depreciation  of  property;  (e)  Hyde  Park- 
Kenwood  efforts  to  keep  Negroes  out  of  the  district. 

During  191 7  the  Tribune  carried  six  articles  on  Negro  housing.  One  was 
the  mention  of  the  purchase  of  a  $75,000  lot  by  Mme.  C.  J.  Walker,  a  colored 
woman  living  in  New  York.  Two  related  to  the  efforts  of  white  residents  to 
keep  Negroes  out  of  white  residence  districts;  two  were  devoted  to  the  effort 
of  white  residents  to  put  Negroes  out  of  white  districts;  and  one  to  a  meeting 
of  realty  men  at  which,  it  was  alleged,  angry  Negroes  "  blasted  harmony  on  a 
housing  plan."  The  plan  in  question  was  a  segregated  Negro  district  to  which 
Negroes  objected.    Trends  of  subjects  treated  in  news  items  are  given: 

St.  Louis  Votes  Today  on  Negro  Segregation 

Offers  Her  Home  to  Negroes  Only 

West  Side  Woman  Adopts  Novel  Revenge  in  Row  with  Neighbors 

Due  to  Spite  Fence 

Negroes  May  Buy  House  Adjoining  Spite  Fence 
Owner  of  Property  Will  Sell  to  Colored  People  Only  in  Plan  for  Revenge 

Race  Question  Left  to  Blacks 
Negro  Committee  Given  Power  to  Act  in  Morgan  Park  Feud 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  529 

Committee  Representing  Both  Sides  to  Suggest  Solution  at 

Next  Meeting 

Com.  L.  T.  Orr  and  Chas.  R.  Bixby,  White,  and  G.  H.  Jackson,  and 

G.  R.  Faulkner,  Colored 

Race  Question  Taken  to  Court 
Morgan  Park  Negro  Alleges  Conspiracy  to  Close  His  Building 

Negro  Suburb  Planned  after  English  Gardens 

Dunbar  Park,  Prepared  by  Frances  Barry  Byone 

Oak  Park  Negro  Home  Set  Afire.    Sees  White  Man 

Shoots  as  Arson  Suspect  Stumbles  over  Hedge  Screaming 

Second  Attempt  at  Blaze 

Negress  Buys  Long  Island  Lot  among  Homes  of  Rich 
Mme.  C.  J.  Walker  $75,000  Lot 

Segregation  of  Negroes  Sought  by  Realty  Men 
Plan  Legislation  to  Keep  Colored  People  from  White  Areas 

Angry  Negroes  Blast  Harmony  in  Housing  Plan 
Bolt  Meeting  at  Realty  Board  with  Threats  to  Fight 

Negro  Owner  of  Flat  House  to  War  Back 
Eugene  F.  Manns — Property  in  Morgan  Park 

Court  Blocks  Negro  Invasion 

Injunction  to  Halt  Move  until  Improvements  Are  Put  In 

Race  Segregation  Is  Rent  Booster's  Aim 

Owners  Hope  to  Prevent  Encroachments  of  Either  Colored  or  White  Citizens 

Try  to  Keep  Negro  Out  of  Black  Belt 

Colored  Organizations  Do  Not  Want  Newcomers  to  Go  to  Old  District 

Urge  Race  Segregation  Law 

Members  of  Real  Estate  Board  to  Move  to  Save  South  Side 

Take  Up  Housing  of  Negroes 
Two  White  and  Two  Colored  Realty  Dealers  Consider  the  Problem 

The  migration. — The  migration  provided  a  subject  of  sufficient  interest  to 
stimulate  a  number  of  articles.  Hordes  of  illiterate  and  impecunious  Negroes 
were  pouring  into  the  city,  according  to  some  reports,  at  the  rate  of  forty  car- 
loads a  day;  they  brought  smallpox  and  low  living  standards,  imperiled  health, 
and  created  a  dangerous  problem  for  the  city.  The  combined  estimates  from 
day  to  day  in  the  press  would  give  a  number  of  arrivals  in  Chicago,  equal  to 
or  even  more  than  the  migration  to  the  entire  North.    Thus  the  articles  ran: 

Committee  to  Deal  with  Negro  Influx 
Body  Formed  to  Solve  Problems  Due  to  Migration  to  Chicago  from  South 

Work  Out  Plans  for  Migrating  Negroes 
Influx  from  the  South  Cared  For  by  the  Urban  League  and  Other  Societies 

Opposes  Importing  Negroes 
Illinois  Defense  Council  Moves  to  Stop  Influx  from  South 


530  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

2,000  Southern  Negroes  Arrive  in  Last  Two  Days 
Stockyards  Demand  for  Labor  Cause  of  Influx 

Rush  of  Negroes  to  City  Starts  Health  Inquiry 
Philadelphia  Warns  of  Peril,  Health;  Police  Heads  to  Act 

Negroes  Arrive  by  Thousands — Peril  to  Health 
Big  Influx  of  Laborers  Offers  Vital  Housing  Problem  to  City 

Seek  to  Check  Negro  Arrivals  from  the  South 

City  Officials  Would  Halt  Influx  until  Ready  to  Handle  Problem 

Negroes  Leaving  South;  308,749  in  Few  Months 

Defense  Board  Warned  against  Negro  Influx 
Investigators  See  Peril  Such  as  Resulted  in  East  St.  Louis 

Half  a  Million  Darkies  from  Dixie  Swarm  to  the  North  to 
Better  Themselves 

Negroes  Incited  by  German  Spies 

Federal  Agents  Confirm  Reports  of  New  Conspiracy  in  South;  Accuse 

Germans  for  Exodus  from  South 

North  Does  Not  Welcome  Influx  of  South's  Negroes 

Negro  Influx  Brings  Disease 

Health  Commissioner  Orders  Vaccination  of  Arrivals  to  Check  Smallpox 

Racial  contacts. — ^Aside  from  the  riots  and  clashes  the  most  intensively 
featured  articles  were  those  dealing  with  intimate  racial  contacts.  They  dealt 
with  intermarriage,  positions  of  authority  for  Negroes,  intermingling  of  the 
races  in  resorts,  and  love  affairs — in  fact,  the  usual  taboo  themes  and  "forbid- 
den" interracial  practices.  Some  of  these  subjects  are  thus  indicated: 
Wife  Vanishes — ^Husband  Seeks  Negro 

May  Put  Woman  on  Trial  for  Paying  Negro's  Fare 
San  Diego  Case  First  Instance  of  Man  Not  Being  Taken  under  Mann  Act 

Little  Marjorie  Gay,  but  Aged  Mammy  Mourns 
Colored  Woman  Who  Raised  White  Girl  Says  Officers  Are  Influencing  Child 

A  Strange,  True  Story 
On  Frank  Jaubert,  manager  of  New  Orleans  City  Belt  Railroad,  who  was  accused 
of  being  a  Negro.    Reference  to  Marjorie  Delbridge  case. 

Mammy  Loses  Fight  to  Keep  Delbridge  Girl 
Girl  Declared  Incorrigible,  Delinquent  and  Ward  of  Juvenile  Court 

Dixie  Woman  to  Give  Mammy  and  Her  Child  New  Home  Together 
Mrs.  Brock  Also  Had  a  Mammy 
All  Her  Troubles  near  Happy  End  as  New  Home  Looms  with  Mammy 

Mammy  Kidnaps  Her  Child 
Negress  Seizes  Delbridge  Girl;  Flees  in  Auto 

Mammy  Denies  KmNAPPmo  Ward 

Search  for  Marjorie  Delbridge  Leaves  Disappearance  a  Mystery. 

Mrs.  Brock  Through 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS 


53^ 


2.      INTENSIVE  STUDY  OF  CHICAGO  NEWSPAPERS 

A  careful  study  of  the  three  selected  white  daily  papers  was  made  covering 
1918,  the  year  preceding  the  riot,  to  note  relative  space,  prominence,  impor- 
tance, and  the  type  of  articles  on  racial  matters.  During  the  year  534  articles 
appeared  on  racial  matters  distributed  among  the  three  papers  as  follows: 

NEWS  ITEMS  ON  RACIAL  MATTERS— 1918 

No.  Items 

Chicago  Daily  Tribune 253 

Chicago  Herald-Examifier 157 

Chicago  Daily  News 124 

Total 534 


TABLE  XXXII 

Classification  of  Articles  According  to  Subject  and  Newspaper  during  1918 


Subject 


"Tribune" 


3  S" 
o  Q.  a 


"Herald- 
Examiner' 


"  News  ' 


Total 


Articles 


Space 


Crime  and  vice 

Soldiers,  war  work 

Politics 

Riots 

Lynchings 

Editorials 

Organizations  and  movements . . . 

Housing 

Personal  and  miscellaneous 

Industry,  labor 

Athletic,  sports 

Letters  to  editor  and  "Voice  of 

People" 

Migration 

Propaganda 

Race  relations 

Radicalism 

Guide  post 

Intermarriage 

Education 

Segregation 

Social  service 

Theatrical 


70 

33 

21 

IS 

24 

6 

13 
12 

IS 


13 


231 
136 
78 
80 
S7 
34 
2S 
28 

3S 
28 
12 

107 
4 
o 
o 
o 


IS 


S8 
21 
12 
S 
15 


28 
19 
43 
67 
22 

14 
16 


30 
o 
o 


59 

7 
o 
o 
o 


21 
28 

14 

2 

4 
6 

4 

I 

5 
2 

3 


122 

196 

63 

3 

21 

28 

27 

3 

33 

18 

7 

34 

126 

6 

8 

9 


149 
82 

47 
22 

43 
20 

25 
18 

25 
14 
14 

43 


534 
420 
169 
103 
121 
129 

75 
46 

8S 
47 
24 

171 

130 

6 

9 
10 

59 
7 
8 

IS 


Most  of  the  published  information  concerning  the  Negro  and  issues  involv- 
ing him  magnifies  his  crimes  and  mistakes  beyond  all  reasonable  proportions. 
The  Chicago  public  is  aware  of  the  sentiment  against  morons  created  by  the 
newspaper  practice  of  calling  persons  who  attack  women  or  girls  morons — an 
unscientific  classification,  of  course,  since  all  who  attack  women  are  not  morons. 
Negroes  frequently  say  that  if  each  crime  committed  by  a  "red-headed"  man 


532  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

were  listed  as  a  crime  committed  by  a  "red-headed"  man,  a  sentiment 
would  soon  be  created  sufficiently  hostile  to  provoke  prejudice  against  all  red- 
headed men. 

In  1918  there  were  more  than  90,000  Negroes  in  Chicago.  Practically  all 
of  the  more  serious  crimes  in  this  group,  especially  those  involving  whites  and 
Negroes,  were  given  pubUcity.  This  simple  notation  of  crimes  may  be  a 
part  of  the  routine  of  journalism.  It  does  not,  however,  explain  the  obvious 
appeal  to  passion  found  in  many  of  them  or  even  the  prominence  given  to 
articles  of  a  certain  type.  Crimes,  riots,  intermarriage,  lynchings,  and  radical- 
ism were  the  subjects  of  articles  which,  in  their  repetition  and  accumulative 
significance,  presented  a  disproportionately  imfavorable  aspect  of  the  Negro 
population. 

The  Chicago  Tribune  published,  in  191 8,  145  articles  which,  because  of  their 
emphasis  on  crimes,  clashes,  political  corruption,  and  efforts  to  "invade  white 
neighborhoods"  definitely  placed  Negroes  in  an  unfavorable  light.  Of  this 
number,  twenty-three  appeared  on  the  first  page  of  the  first  section  and 
twenty  on  the  first  page  of  the  second  section.  It  also  published  eighty-four 
articles  dealing  with  Negro  soldiers,  sports,  industry,  and  personalities,  which, 
aside  from  flippancy  in  treatment,  did  not  place  Negroes  in  an  unfavorable 
light.  Of  this  number,  two  were  on  the  first  page  of  the  first  section  and  three 
on  the  first  page  of  the  second  section.  The  relative  length  of  articles  indicates 
another  possible  effect  on  the  public.  The  unfavorable  145  articles  contained 
487  inches  of  printed  matter,  while  the  less  colorful  items  contained  223  inches. 

Front-page  space  amounting  to  eleven  inches  was  given  to  favorable 
articles,  and  158  inches  to  unfavorable.  Of  the  articles  concerning  Negro 
soldiers  appearing  on  the  first  page,  four  of  the  eleven  inches  concerned  a  report 
that  two  Negro  soldiers  had  been  lulled  following  a  dispute  at  Camp  Merritt 
between  a  white  sergeant  and  a  Negro  trooper. 

The  Herald-Examiner  published  ninety-seven  unfavorable  and  thirty 
favorable  articles.  Of  this  number,  thirty-one  unfavorable  and  six  favor- 
able appeared  on  the  front  page. 

The  Chicago  Daily  News  devoted  thirty-three  articles  to  unfavorable  pub- 
licity and  fifty-one  to  publicity  of  a  favorable  sort.  Of  these,  eighteen  unfavor- 
able and  eighteen  favorable  appeared  on  the  first  page. 

Bombing  publicity. — The  bombing  of  the  homes  of  Negroes  is  an  expression 
of  lawlessness  which  in  an  orderly  community  should  not  be  tolerated.  The 
primary  function  of  the  newspaper  is  to  report  the  facts.  Upon  this  basis  the 
pubhc  may  then  pass  its  judgment.  In  the  case  of  a  bombing  it  might  be 
supposed  that  an  orderly  community  would  wish  to  know  the  persons  involved, 
the  damage  effected,  the  motive,  the  action  of  the  pohce  and  the  result  of 
efforts  to  capture  the  perpetrators  of  the  act.  Ordinarily  this  is  done  in  most 
cases  of  lawlessness  and  in  bombings  not  involving  racial  issues. 

Of  the  forty-five  racial  bombings  which  took  place  in  Chicago  between 
July  I,  1917,  and  June  18,  1920,  fourteen  were  not  mentioned  in  any  of  the  six 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  533 

large  dailies  of  the  city.^  Of  the  remaining  thirty-one,  seven  were  reported  in  one 
paper,  ten  in  two  papers,  nine  in  three  papers,  while  five  appeared  in  four 
papers.  Not  one  of  the  forty-five  cases  appeared  in  more  than  four  papers. 
Although  there  might  have  been  a  total  of  270  news  reports  of  these 
bombings  only  seventy-four  actually  appeared.  Of  the  forty-five  bombings 
the  Tribune  and  Her  aid-Examiner  each  reported  twenty,  the  Post  fourteen, 
the  News  eleven,  the  Journal  eight,  and  the  American  one.  In  all  cases  the 
reports  openly  recognized  that  these  bombings  were  not  the  result  of  individual 
grievances  but  involved  organized  efifort  and  activity  on  the  part  of  groups 
or  communities  in  the  practice  of  throwing  racial  bombs.  It  was  generally 
referred  to  as  a  "race  bomb"  or  "race  war  bombs."    Typical  headings  were: 

Journal,  April  7,  191 9: 

Race  Hatred  Boaib  Hurls  Sex  Families  from  Bed 

Journal,  November  19,  1918: 

Bomb  Home  of  Aged  Negro.    Explosion  Seen  as  Protest  by  Whites 

Journal,  March  6,  1920: 

Attribute  Bomb  to  South  Side  Race  War 

Journal,  March  31,  1920: 

Another  Bomb  in  Race  War.    Owner  Sells  Building  to  Negroes 
Despite  Objection  of  Neighbors 

Herald-Examiner,  May  25,  1920: 

Negro  Club  Is  Bombed.    Some  Blame  Politics 

Chicago  Tribune,  May  25,  1920: 

New  Race  War  Wrecks  Porch  of  Negroes'  Club,    The  Club  Is 
Composed  of  600  Colored  Persons 

Herald-Examiner,  June  13,  1920: 

Two  Buildings  Bombed.    Race  Prejudice  Blamed 

Herald-Examiner,  December  28,  1919: 

Race  War  Bomb  Injures  Woman 

Herald-Examiner,  September  24,  1918: 

Police  Said  Bomb  Was  Intended  to  Intimidate  Negroes  Who 
Recently  Moved  into  That  Neighborhood 

Herald-Examiner,  April  7,  191 9: 

A  Race  War  Is  Generally  Believed  to  Have  Been  behind  a 

Bomb  Explosion  Early  This  Morning  at 

4212  Ellis  Ave. 

Herald-Examiner,  April  4,  1920: 

Racial  Difference  Responsible  for  Bomb 

Journal,  March  20,  1919: 

Believe  Bomb  Throwing  Continuation  of  a  Feud  Carried  On  by  the  Whites 

AND  Blacks  in  the  District  Where  Negroes  Have  Been  Allowed 

TO  Occupy  Buildings  Formerly  Occupied  by  White  People 

In  two  instances  a  racial  bombing  was  considered  significant  enough  to 
occupy  more  than  nine  inches  of  one  column.  This  space  was  given  by  the 
Tribune  and  the  Herald-Examiner. 

'  This  statement  is  based  upon  the  available  files.  The  February  file  of  the  Chicago 
Herald-Examiner  for  1919  was  unavailable  at  the  time  this  study  was  made. 


534 


THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 


Jesse  Binga,  a  Negro  banker,  was  bombed  five  times.  The  article  in  the 
Daily  News  was  five  inches  long.  In  the  Herald-Examiner,  April  20, 1919,  there 
appeared  an  article,  "Curious  Boy  Drops  Bomb  as  It  Explodes."  The  article 
covered  eleven  inches,  of  which  eight  inches  were  given  to  the  story  of  a  boy  who 
picked  up  a  bomb  in  the  street  and  dropped  it  as  a  lady  signaled  him  to  drop 
it  because  it  might  be  an  explosive.  At  the  end  of  this  article  were  appended 
three  inches  containing  a  narrative  of  a  racial  bombing  at  4722  Indiana  Avenue 
where  Wimes  &  Lassiter,  Negro  real-estate  dealers,  had  an  office. 

The  fifth  bombing  directed  against  Mr.  Binga  is  treated  humorously  in 
spite  of  the  serious  damage  done  to  his  home. 

The  average  length  of  racial  bombing  articles  was  about  four  and  one-half 
inches.  The  explanations  of  motive  offered  were  stereotyped  in  character  and 
involved  assumptions  which  it  is  not  considered  necessary  here  to  analyze. 
It  was  explained  that  the  person  bombed  was  a  Negro  or  that  he  had  moved 
into  a  "distinctly  white  residential  district,"  against  which  encroachment 
bombing  had  been  instituted  as  an  intimidating  or  expulsive  measure.  It  was 
sometimes  stated  that  the  person  was  a  real  estate  agent  negotiating  with 
Negroes  concerning  property  in  "restricted"  districts.  This  sort  of  explana- 
tion was  either  stated  in  the  headline  or  appended  at  the  end  in  a  brief  sentence. 
The  reports  in  the  papers  apparently  undertook  merely  to  notify  the  public 
that  bombings  had  happened.  The  following  are  examples  of  press  treatment 
of  race  bombings: 

Herald-Examiner,  May  25,  1918: 

This  building  was  occupied  by  Negro  families The   white   residents 

objected  to  the  Negroes. 

Post,  November  19,  1918: 

Bomb  Shatters  Negro  Home  m  "White  District" 

Tribune,  March  19,  1919: 

Binga  Property  Was  Wrecked 
Binga  is  an  agent  for  buildings.    He  is  colored,  and  has  been  leasing  apartments 
formerly  occupied  by  white  tenants  to  colored. 

Post,  March  20,  1919: 

Police  are  investigating  whether  the  bombs  were  thrown  by  members  of  the 
Janitors'  Union  retaUating  against  Jesse  Binga,  colored  real  estate  dealer  who  had 
been  hiring  non-union  janitors,  or  whether  intended  as  another  warning  to  the  colored 
people  to  keep  out  of  residential  districts  that  have  been  hitherto  exclusively  white. 

Post,  April  7,  1919: 

Bomb  Explodes  in  Flat  Where  Negro  Moved  In 

Tribune,  AprU  7,  1919: 

Bomb  Set  Off  in  Negro  Flats 
White  residents  of  the  district  had  held  indignation  meetings  because  he  had 
peopled  his  building  with  colored  folks. 

Herald-Examiner,  April  20,  1919: 

Office  of  Wimes  &  Lassiter,  Negro  Real  Estate  Dealers, 
Was  the  Target 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  535 

Tribune,  May  18,  191 9: 

Negro  Family  on  Grand  Boulevard  Object  of  Bomb 

Post,  June  13,  1919: 

Two  Bomb  Blasts  on  Fringe  of  Negro  District 

Post,  January  6,  1920: 

Bomb  Damages  Home  of  Negro  on  Grand  Boulevard 
Emest  Clark  moved  in  recently.    He  is  a  Negro.    All  his  neighbors  are  white. 

Daily  News,  February  2,  1920: 

While  a  Bomb  Was  Exploded  Another  Battle  in  the  South  Side 

Race  War  over  the  Segregation  of  Blacks  in 

Residential  Districts 

Daily  News,  February  10,  1920: 

Building  Recently  Sold  to  Appomattox  Club,  a  Negro  Organization 

Daily  News,  February  13,  1920: 

Two  Bombs  Tossed 
....  against  encroachment  of  Negroes  in  white  residential  districts. 

Herald-Examiner,  March  11, 1920: 

South  Side  House  Sold  to  Negroes  Bombed 

Journal,  March  24,  1920: 

Bomb  Shakes  Building.    Deal  for  Sale  Off 

The  prospective  buyer  was  talking  with  when  there  came  a  loud  noise. 

[Buyer  was  colored.] 

A  typical  example  of  newspaper  reports  of  the  bombings  of  Negro  homes 
appeared  in  the  Herald-Examiner  of  April  4,  1920: 

Bomb  Blasts  in  Front  of  Negro  Flat  Building 
A  black  powder  bomb  was  exploded  last  night  in  front  of  the  vestibule  of  a  four- 
story  flat  building  423  E.  48th  Place,  occupied  by  Negroes.  The  building  is  owned 
by  Robert  B.  Jackson,  who  lives  on  the  second  floor.  He  recently  purchased  it  from 
Louis  Cohen.  The  apartment  is  in  the  neighborhood  peopled  mainly  by  whites,  and 
the  police  believe  racial  differences  are  responsible  for  the  bomb.  The  explosion  did 
slight  damages.    No  one  was  hurt. 

One  of  the  typical  shorter  reports  also  appeared  in  the  same  paper  May  25, 
1918: 

Bomb  Explodes  before  Home  of  Negro  Families 

A  bomb  exploded  in  the  front  of  4529  Vincennes  Avenue  early  this  morning, 
wrecked  the  front  porch  of  the  structure  and  broke  windows  for  a  block  aroimd. 
The  buUding  is  occupied  by  Negro  families.    White  residents  objected  to  the  Negroes. 

Similar  language  was  used  in  all  the  articles. 

Most  of  the  articles  carried  a  suggestion  of  a  race  war  on  the  South  Side. 
Many  of  the  reports  helped  to  contribute  to  popular  anticipation  of  future 
trouble.  For  example,  in  the  Post  of  January  6,  1920,  page  i,  column  3,  a 
bombing  was  reported  thus:  "A  bomb  early  today  damaged  the  residence  at 
4404  Grand  Boulevard  which  was  said  to  have  been  a  Negro  *sniping-post* 
during  the  race  riot  last  summer," 


536  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

The  home  at  4404  Grand  Boulevard  was  owned  and  occupied  by  Mrs. 
Byron  Clarke,  and  was  not  a  sniping-post  during  the  riot.  It  had  been  bombed 
four  times,  once  while  officers  were  guarding  it.  All  papers  used  the  expression, 
"No  one  was  hurt."  Property  destruction  was  usually  dismissed  with  state- 
ments like  these:  "All  the  glass  was  shattered";  "the  front  porch  was  demol- 
ished";   "about  $ damage  was  done";    or  "the  damages  were  sHght." 

The  Daily  News  was  exceptional  in  using  the  word  "outrage"  three  times. 

Two  reports  gave  accounts  of  arrests,  and  all  others  in  which  police  activity 
was  mentioned  merely  said,  "The  police  are  investigating."  None  of  the 
articles  gave  the  results  of  any  such  investigation,  other  than  that  the  police 
generally  attributed  the  "hurling  of  the  bomb"  to  the  occupants  of  a  black 
touring-car.  The  articles  contained  no  condemnation  of  the  bombings  as 
lawlessness  or  crime  except  in  the  case  of  a  bombing  at  3401  Indiana  Avenue, 
where  a  child  was  kiUed  May  i,  1919.  The  Chicago  Tribune  spoke  of  this 
death  as  an  incident  of  that  bombing. 

One  of  the  two  arrests  above  referred  to  was  that  of  a  janitor  who  was  not 
able  to  explain  sufficiently  his  presence  in  or  about  a  building  which  had  just 
been  bombed.  He  was  taken  into  custody  but  was  soon  dismissed.  The  other 
arrest  was  that  of  the  nephew  of  a  prominent  business  man  living  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  the  bombed  property. 

During  the  time  from  February,  1918,  to  February,  1919,  prior  to  the  Chicago 
riot,  there  were  eleven  bombings  in  the  city.  If  each  paper  had  reported  each 
bombing  there  would  have  been  sixty-six  reports.  Only  seven  reports  actually 
appeared.  During  the  six  weeks  immediately  preceding  the  Chicago  race  riot, 
there  were  seven  racial  bombings.  Of  a  possible  forty-two  reports,  only  four 
appeared,  or  two  bombings  in  two  papers.  Thus  violent  and  criminal  expres- 
sions of  hostility  which  might  have  been  checked  by  arousing  the  public 
conscience  silently  continued.  The  resentment  of  Negroes  increased,  and  the 
ignorance  of  the  larger  white  public  remained  undisturbed.  The  articles  were 
apparently  written  without  much  investigation.  Upon  the  fifth  bombing  of 
Mr.  Binga's  home,  the  American,  Herald-Examiner,  and  Chicago  Daily  News 
quoted  Mr.  Binga  as  saying,  "This  is  the  limit;  I  am  going."  Mr.  Binga 
declares  that  he  did  not  say  this,  that  he  did  not  even  see  a  reporter,  and  that 
he  had  not  moved. 

During  the  nine  months  following  the  riot,  publicity  on  bombings  increased 
to  several  times  the  former  amount.  Beginning  in  March,  1920,  the  articles 
again  showed  slackened  interest.  The  Tribune  and  Herald-Examiner,  usually 
giving  most  frequent  publicity  to  such  matters,  missed  about  every  other  one. 
The  Post  had  no  reports,  the  Journal  two,  the  News  four,  and  the  American 
none.    Seven  bombings  took  place  from  March  i  to  July  i. 

The  apparent  indifference  toward  race  bombings  in  the  minds  of  editors, 
officials,  and  the  public  was  indicated  by  the  relative  prominence  given  to  a 
race  bomb  which  threatened  life  and  damaged  property  as  compared  with 
an  "odor  bomb"  dropped  in  a  moving-picture  theater. 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  537 

On  the  first  page  of  the  Tribune  of  February  11,  192 1,  under  the  caption 
"Crow  Raid  Opens  Inquiry  into  Bombs,"  were  seventeen  inches  of  space 
reporting  cases  of  "odor  bombs"  and  emphasizing  the  determination  of  the 
state's  attorney  to  make  investigation.  At  the  bottom  of  the  adjoining  column 
were  four  inches  devoted  to  a  dynamite  race  bomb  which  damaged  a  three- 
story  apartment  and  involved  menace  to  life.  No  reference  was  made  to  any 
effort  by  the  state's  attorney  or  the  poHce  to  investigate.  Smiilar  prominence 
was  given  to  the  "odor  bomb"  in  the  Herald-Examiner. 

An  editorial  in  the  Tribune,  February  14,  1921,  condemning  bombing  made 
no  reference  to  the  fifty-six  race  bombings  of  recent  record,  but  did  refer  to 
other  bombing  aimed  at  white  citizens.     The  editorial  reads: 

The  Business  of  Bombing 

Anthony  D 'Andrea,  whose  aldermanic  campaign  meeting  Friday  night  was  broken 
up  by  a  bomb  which  injured  seventeen  persons,  speaks  with  some  indignation  on  the 
matter  as  indicating  a  bad  moral  slump  in  political  methods.  If  it  had  been  a  union 
labor  bomb,  apparently,  it  would  have  been  of  no  great  importance. 

"I'm  a  union  man  myself,"  he  explains.  "I  wouldn't  care  if  they  threw  a  bomb 
at  my  house.    That's  all  in  the  game." 

On  the  latter  point  D'Andrea  is  right.  It  is  "all  in  the  game,"  but  the  game  is 
one  which  gets  out  of  control  of  the  players.  It  is  because  bomb  throwing  has  come 
to  be  accepted  as  "aU  in  the  game"  of  union  labor  warfare  that  it  is  now  being  extended 
to  political  warfare.  The  man,  the  gang,  or  the  organization  which  sanctions  or  adopts 
bombing  as  a  method  of  obtaining  results  in  ordinary  activities  cannot  expect  to  be 
able  to  restrict  the  use  of  such  methods  to  one  line  of  business. 

Originally  the  bomb  was  a  political  weapon,  as  in  the  hands  of  the  Russian  nihilists. 
In  late  years  it  has  grown  popular  with  labor  leaders  of  a  certain  class.  Such  bombings 
as  the  recent  one  at  the  Tyson  apartments,  ascribed  by  the  police  to  labor  troubles, 
and  the  repeated  odor  bomb  outrages  at  movie  theaters,  are  sufficient  illustrations 
of  its  use  by  labor.  The  post-office  bombing  in  1918  and  the  numerous  so-called 
race-bombs  exploded  on  the  South  Side  are  illustrative  of  the  widening  use  of  bombs. 
In  such  progress  D'Andrea  should  not  be  surprised  that  the  bomb  is  being  adopted  by 
ward  politicians.  Properly  applied,  a  good  bomb  can  be  expected  to  neutralize  half 
a  dozen  or  so  precinct  captains.     Bomb  throwing  is  becoming  a  business. 

Friday  night's  bombing  is  a  perfectly  logical  development.  As  a  result  several 
men  may  be  cripples  for  life,  if  they  do  not  die.  It  is  time  such  logical  developments 
are  stopped.  Among  the  scores  of  bomb  outrages  of  the  last  few  years,  so  far  as  we 
recall,  there  has  not  been  a  single  case  of  punishment  of  the  perpetrators.  They  are 
justffied  in  believing  that  they  are  safe.  As  long  as  they  retain  that  belief  they  will 
continue  to  extend  the  business  of  bombing.  One  thing  will  stop  it.  That  is  drastic 
punishment.  Any  person  who  throws  a  bomb  is  a  potential  murderer.  Life  in  prison 
is  none  too  severe  a  penalty.  Good  detectives  can  trap  some  of  these  men  and  good 
prosecution  can  send  them  to  prison.    It  shoiild  be  done  and  done  now. 

The  Abyssinian  affair. — The  "Abyssinian  affair"  referred  to  earlier  in  this 
part  of  the  report,  was  treated  with  remarkably  good  judgment  by  the  press. 
It  is  to  be  believed  that  further  clashes  were  avoided  by  the  effective  way  in 


538  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

which  the  newspapers  pointed  out  that  the  demonstration  was  the  work  of  fa- 
natics rather  than  a  race  riot.  Two  days  later,  however,  the  Chicago  Tribune 
published  an  article  ascribing  the  Abyssinian  murders  to  "racial  reds."  The 
article  ran: 

"Abyssinian"  Murders  Bare  Racial  "Reds" 
Leaders  Lay  Unrest  to  Du  Bois  Creed 

Shocked  by  the  fantastic  violence  of  Sunday  night,  when  a  United  States  sailor 
and  a  citizen  were  killed  by  pseudo-Abyssinian  zealots,  thoughtful  colored  leaders 
began  a  determined  effort  yesterday  to  stamp  out  anti-white  exploitation  and  to 
bring  about  better  understanding 

This  type  of  exploitation,  they  say,  is  aimed  at  the  more  ignorant  among  the 
colored  masses.  It  carries  the  same  appeal  as  the  gUttering  promises  of  the  I.W.W. 
and  the  Communists  to  the  illiterate  and  ignorant  among  the  whites. 

According  to  Negro  leaders,  this  exploitation  is  based  upon  the  theory  of  social 
equality.  Its  motive  can  be  seen,  they  say,  in  recent  utterances  and  writings  of  Negro 
intellectuals,  in  which  a  high  pitch  of  "social  equality"  fervor  is  estabUshed  as  a  pana- 
cea for  the  ills  of  the  race.  This  theory,  translated  and  exaggerated  into  ambiguous 
prophecies  by  the  soap-box  orator,  is  slowly  being  percolated  through  the  masses  of 
a  race  as  yet  generally  unprepared  by  education  to  understand  it. 

Chief  among  the  writers  whose  works  have  been  of  this  intellectual  caliber  is 

Dr.  W.  E.  B.  Du  Bois His  latest  volume,  a  "best  seller"  entitled  Darkwater, 

has  been  widely  circulated.  It  is  a  volume  of  almost  super-intellectual  caliber,  and 
is  bitter  in  tone. 

In  Darkwater,  which  is  taken  simply  as  a  typical  volume,  are  found  the  teachings, 
colored  leaders  say,  which  have  been  seized  upon  by  those  who,  under  the  shadow 
of  Dr.  Du  Bois'  reputation  among  colored  folk,  would  seek  to  incite  and  exploit. 

The  "colored  leaders"  quoted  were  F,  L.  Barnett,  R.  S.  Abbott,  and 
A.  H.  Roberts.  They  did  not  impute  any  such  danger  to  Mr.  Du  Bois' 
books.  Mr.  Barnett,  for  example,  mentioned  the  exploitation  of  the  "Back 
to  Africa"  movement  by  Jonas  and  Redding,  while  Mr.  Abbott  and  Mr. 
Roberts  spoke  of  the  lack  of  sympathy  among  Negroes  for  criminal  types  like 
Jonas  and  Redding.    The  article  then  stated  the  "Du  Bois  Creed,"  saying: 

The  agitators  have  used  considerable  skill  in  exploiting  the  Negroes  by  use  of 
doctrines  which  they  have  taken  from  Dr.  Du  Bois,  as  expressed  in  Darkwater.  Here 
are  some  of  them: 

"The  world  market  most  widely  and  desperately  sought  today  is  the  market  where 
labor  is  cheapest  and  most  helpless  and  profit  is  most  abundant.  This  labor  is  kept 
cheap  and  helpless  because  the  white  world  despises  'darkies.'" 

This  is  given  as  the  underlying  premise  for  the  late  war. 

"But  what  of  the  darker  world  that  watches?"  the  author  continues.  "Most 
men  belong  to  this  world.  With  Negro  and  Negroid,  East  Indian,  Chinese,  and  Japa- 
nese they  form  two-thirds  of  the  population  of  the  world.  A  belief  in  humanity  is  a 
belief  in  colored  men.  If  the  uplift  in  mankind  must  be  done  by  men,  then  the  destinies 
of  the  world  will  rest  ultimately  in  the  hands  of  darker  nations." 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  539 

The  article  quoted  from  Darkwater  a  chapter,  which,  by  cutting  the  text,  left  a 
suggestion  of  sex  intimacy  between  a  colored  bank  messenger  and  a  white  girl 
very  different  from  the  intention  of  the  author.  The  entire  article  was  cal- 
culated, through  its  suggestion  and  insinuation,  to  rouse  racial  antagonism. 
It  is  doubtful  whether  the  "Abyssinian"  leaders,  who  were  ignorant  fanatics 
little  known  within  the  Negro  group,  had  read  Du  Bois'  books.  With  all  its 
wildness  and  fatuousness  the  movement  was  directed  away  from  America  and 
from  whites.    A  photograph  of  Du  Bois  was  published  with  the  caption: 

Karl  Marx  of  Negroes 

Noted  Colored  Philosopher  \Vhose  Works  Are  Used  by  Agitators  to 

Stir  Race  Hatred 

Miscegenation. — Similarly  dangerous  treatment  is  apparent  in  an  article 
which  appeared  in  the  Tribune  of  November  6,  1920,  under  the  heading: 
"Miscegenation  is  O.K'd  in  New  Constitution. " 

The  article  called  attention  to  a  proposed  provision  in  the  new  state 
constitution  of  Illinois  against  public  discrimination  on  account  of  color, 
which  was  intended  to  put  into  the  constitution  rights  already  guaranteed  by 
state  laws.  According  to  the  article  this  law  was  tentatively  agreed  upon 
"  during  the  newsy  days  surrounding  the  Republican  National  Convention  and 
escaped  the  notice  of  the  public  generally."    The  article  said: 

Under  the  basic  law,  if  adopted,  a  colored  man  and  woman  will  be  entitled  to  buy 
vacant  seats  of  a  grand  opera  box,  otherwise  occupied  by  whites.  A  Mongolian — if  a 
citizen — and  a  mesochromic  bride  cannot  be  denied  a  vacant  flat  in  the  most  "exclu- 
sive" apartment  building. 

A  law  prohibiting  the  Japanese,  as  in  California,  from  owning  land,  wiU  be  Ulegal. 
Two  colored  people  may  take  two  of  the  four  seats  in  the  Blackstone  restaurant  beside 
the  wives  of  two  packers. 

A  member  of  the  convention  said  yesterday  that  it  is  as  broad  and  comprehensive 
as  it  can  be  made.  He  claimed  that  this  sentence  in  the  constitution  will  prevent  the 
Legislature  from  prohibiting  in  any  way  the  colored  citizen  from  getting  all  the  rights 
and  privileges  accorded  to  other  citizens.  According  to  this  constitutional  delegate 
and  lawyer  the  new  constitution,  as  now  worded,  wUl  prevent  segregation  of  the 
Negroes,  Jim-Crow  cars,  or  special  schools  for  the  colored. 

A  Negro  lawyer  said  that  the  Morris  section  only  recognizes  openly  the  rights  of 
equaUty  which  were  settled  by  the  Civil  War  and  enunciated  in  an  amendment  to  the 
federal  Constitution. 

The  remainder  of  the  article  dealt  in  brief  with  fifteen  other  decisions  of 
the  Convention.  These  decisions  were  merely  stated  and  not  commented 
upon. 

Newspaper  handling  of  the  "back  0}  the  Yards''  fire. — At  the  close  of  the 
Chicago  riot  fire  was  set  to  a  large  number  of  houses  back  of  the  Stock  Yards. 
Since  these  were  the  homes  of  white  persons,  principally  Lithuanians,  it  was 
generally  assumed  that  it  was  an  act  of  retaliation  by  Negroes.     Articles  in 


540  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

the  newspapers  strengthened  the  belief.  The  Chicago  Daily  News  article  gave 
a  full  account  of  statements  made  by  Fire  Marshal  O'Connor  to  the  effect  that 
Negroes  were  responsible.  It  stated  that  the  poUce  and  militia  were  combing 
the  South  Side  for  a  band  of  eight  Negroes,  alleged  automobile  fire  bugs. 
These  men,  it  was  said,  were  stalled  in  an  automobile  at  West  Fifty-fifth  and 
South  Wood  streets  ten  blocks  south  of  the  fire;  when  the  police  reached  Fifty- 
fifth  Street  the  Negroes  had  repaired  their  car  and  fled.  John  R.  McCabe, 
Fire  Department  attorney,  was  reported  as  being  positive  that  the  fire  was 
started  by  Negroes. 

Investigation  was  made  by  the  Commission  to  ascertain  the  facts  concerning 
Negro  responsibihty  for  these  incendiary  fires.  The  state's  attorney  declared 
that  no  records  had  come  to  his  office  imphcating  Negroes,  and  that  he  had  no 
information,  except  riunors  which  he  seriously  questioned.  The  records,  he 
thought,  were  held  at  the  Stock  Yards  police  court.  Inquiry  at  this  poHce 
station  disclosed  the  fact  that  no  Negroes  had  been  apprehended  on  this  charge, 
and  the  belief  was  expressed  that  the  act  was  committed  by  white  men  with 
blackened  faces.  The  fire  marshal's  office  had  no  record  other  than  unsub- 
stantiated rumors  spread  by  persons  living  in  the  district.  The  matter  had 
been  dropped  for  lack  of  evidence. 

Negro  revolt. — On  January  4,  1920,  during  the  general  crusade  against 
"reds"  the  Herald-Examiner  pubHshed  a  two-inch  headline  across  the  top 
of  the  first  page  saying: 

Reds  Plot  Negro  Revolt 
I.W.W.  Bomb  Plant  Found  on  South  Side 

The  article  mentioned  below  alleged  secret  activities  of  Negroes  and  their 
plans  to  revolt  against  the  government.  The  bomb  plant  and  many  of  their 
secret  plans  were  reported  to  have  been  discovered  by  the  state's  attorney's 
office.  The  article  further  stated:  "In  Chicago  it  was  learned  that  the 
headquarters  for  Negro  revolutionary  propaganda  are  centered  in  these  four 
organizations:  The  Free  Thought  Society,  Universal  Negro  Improvement 
Association,  Negro  Protective  League,  and  Soldiers  and  Sailors  Club." 

Each  organization  named  was,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  open  to  the  public, 
though  patronized  almost  entirely  by  Negroes.  The  Negro  Improvement 
Association  was  by  no  means  secret  in  its  plans;  it  published  a  newspaper  in 
which  they  were  set  forth.  The  slogan  of  this  organization  was  then  and  is 
now,  "Back  to  Africa,"  and  not  "Down  with  the  United  States." 

The  Free  Thought  Society  mentioned  is  the  Chicago  Free  Thought  Educa- 
tional Society.    The  following  is  a  declaration  of  its  principles: 

In  order  to  achieve  a  better  understanding  of  the  phenomena  of  nature,  for  our- 
selves and  for  such  of  our  fellow-men  as  shall  care  to  become  affiliated  with  us,  we  do 
hereby  bind  ourselves  by  the  following  declaration  of  principles. 

First:  That  the  attainment  of  truth  shall  be  the  fundamental  purpose  of  the  work 
of  this  society  and  aU  its  members. 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  541 

Second:  That  truth  shall  be  recognized  as  that  body  of  conclusions  which  may  be 
logically  drawn  from  the  facts  of  nature  as  evidence  by  the  five  senses,  or  may  be 
demonstrated  mathematically. 

Third:  That  we  abstain  from  all  dogma,  insisting  upon  a  fair  and  impartial 
investigation  of  all  subjects  and  at  all  times. 

Fourth:  That  we  do  recognize  a  universal  kinship  binding  together  in  one  com- 
mon band  all  members  of  the  human  society  regardless  of  race,  color  or  sex. 

Among  its  members  are  W.  E.  Mollison,  F.  D.  Summers,  and  among  its 
honorary  members  are  F.  Percy  Ward,  lecturer  for  the  Chicago  Rationalist 
Society,  and  Clarence  S.  Darrow.  The  Negro  Protective  League  is  an  employ- 
ment office  and  day  nursery.  The  full  name  of  the  organization  is  the  Negro 
Equal  Rights  and  Protective  Association. 

The  Soldiers  and  Sailors  Club  is  a  community  house  located  on  the  South 
Side  and  a  branch  of  the  local  War  Camp  Community  Service.  It  served 
during  war  time  as  a  recreational  and  social  center  for  returning  soldiers,  and 
in  1920  became  the  South  Side  Branch  of  Community  Service,  Incorporated. 
At  the  time  of  the  article  it  was  under  the  general  supervision  of  the  Chicago 
Community  Service,  of  which  Eugene  T.  Lies,  formerly  of  the  United  Charities, 
was  director. 

Newspaper  handling  of  the  Waukegan  riot. — Considerable  excitement  was 
occasioned  by  reports  in  all  the  Chicago  daily  papers  of  a  race  riot  in  Waukegan, 
about  thirty-six  miles  north  of  Chicago.  The  first  news  reports  gave  the 
following  versions: 

THE  BEGINNING   OF  THE  RIOT 

Chicago  Tribune,  Jime  i,  1920: 

A  group  of  Negro  boys  in  Sheridan  Road  stood  about  stoning  passing  auto- 
mobiles for  several  hours,  finally  shattering  a  windshield  on  the  car  of  Lieut. 
H.  B.  Blazier  and  injuring  Mrs.  Blazier. 

A  throng  of  sailors  and  marines  were  passing  when  Mrs.  Blazier  was  itijured 
and  they  immediately  chased  the  Negro  boys.  The  chase  led  to  the  Sherman  House, 
a  rooming  place  for  Negroes,  and  when  the  persons  living  there  defended  the  boys  and 
sought  to  drive  of  the  sailors,  there  was  a  prospect  of  serious  trouble. 

Chicago  Daily  News,  June  i,  1920: 

According  to  the  pohce  a  thirteen-year-old  colored  boy  and  his  Httle  sister 
had  been  in  ambush  near  Sheridan  Road  throwing  stones  at  passing  automobiles. 
One  of  the  stones  struck  the  windshield  of  a  car  driven  by  a  coal  dealer,  Chas. 
Bairscow,  according  to  Assistant  Chief  of  Pohce  Thomas  Tyrrell,  and  injured  a 
woman  occupant  of  the  car.  Another  shattered  the  windshield  of  the  car  of 
Lieut.  A.  F.  Blasier  a  naval  officer.  Mrs.  Blasier  was  cut  by  flying  glass.  When  he 
drove  into  the  city  Lieut.  Blasier  told  several  sailors  of  the  affair  and  the  news 
quickly  spread.  The  town  was  aUve  with  marines  and  sailors  on  "shore  leave." 
They  concentrated  in  the  town  square  and  upon  a  signal  made  an  attack  on  the 
Sherman  House,  a  hostelry  occupied  by  Negroes. 


542  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

CLASHES 

Chicago  Tribune,  June  i,  1920: 

For  hours  there  were  individual  instances  of  attacks  by  both  whites  and 
Negroes  in  various  parts  of  the  town. 

Chicago  Daily  News,  June  i,  1920: 

A  general  man  hunt  ensued.  One  group  stormed  the  postoffice  and  tried 
to  break  open  the  doors,  as  it  was  thought  a  Negro  was  hiding  there.  Another  made 
an  attack  on  the  house  of  Ike  Franklin,  colored.  Ike  had  fled.  Another  group 
chased  a  Negro  across  the  Genesse  bridge  in  the  center  of  the  town.  It  had  nearly 
captured  him  when  the  blue-jacket  guards  arrived  in  trucks.  Under  conxmand 
of  Provost  Marshall  Lieut.  A.  C.  Fisher  the  town  was  quickly  cleared.  The  police 
arrested  the  following  six  marines:  Thomas  Levinger,  Charles  Thrawle,  John  Smith, 
Burney  Poston,  Herman  Blockhouse  and  Harold  Denning. 

RACE  RIOTS  AND  THE  POLICE 

Chicago  Daily  News,  June  i,  1920: 

Acting  Chief  Tyrrell,  after  a  cursory  investigation,  said  that,  as  far  as  he 
coiild  learn,  Pohceman  Frank  Bence,  on  whose  beat  the  trouble  started,  was  not 
in  the  vicinity  at  the  outbreak.  He  said  that  if  this  proved  true  the  man  would 
be  dismissed.  The  pohceman  said  he  was  making  a  tour  of  alleys  at  the  time  of 
the  stone  throwing  and  knew  nothing  of  it. 

Inquiry  by  the  Commission  brought  out  the  following  facts:  The  first 
newspaper  accounts  of  the  riot  indicated  that  Lieutenant  Blazier  and  his 
wife  were  driving  in  one  automobile,  and  that  Mr.  Bairscow  was  driving  in 
another  automobile.  The  story  was  that  Mrs.  Blazier  was  injured  by  glass 
from  the  windshield  broken  by  stones,  and  that  a  woman  occupant  of  the 
Bairscow  car  was  similarly  injured.  Lieutenant  Blazier  and  Mr.  Bairscow 
were  driving  in  the  same  car,  the  windshield  of  which  was  broken,  instead  of 
separate  cars.  There  was  no  woman  in  the  car  and  Lieutenant  Blazier  has 
no  wife. 

The  story  was  telephoned  into  the  Tribune  by  a  member  of  the  stafiF  of 
the  Waukegan  Sun.  This  was  the  source  of  the  report  of  the  woman  being 
injured. 

The  stoning  occurred  one  block  away  from  the  Sherman  House,  occupied 
by  Negroes. 

Negro  housing  in  Chicago. — The  housing  situation  has  frequently  occasioned 
alarm  on  the  part  of  whites  and  bitterness  of  feeling  toward  Negroes.  Many 
newspaper  articles,  by  their  play  upon  racial  fears,  have  increased  the  tension 
between  the  two  groups.     An  example  of  this  type  of  article  is  given: 

White  Tenants  Fear  Negroes  Will  Buy  Block.    Fire  Chief's 
Residence  One  of  Those  in  Danger 

Twenty-six  houses  on  the  old  Chicago  university  campus  in  East  Thirty-fourth 
Street,  between  Cottage  Grove  Avenue  and  Rhodes  Avenue,  arc  about  to  be  sold  to 
colored  people,  according  to  the  tenants 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  543 

"I'm  going  to  offer  the  houses  to  the  present  occupants  at  prices  ranging  from 
$6,000  to  $7,000  on  easy  terms,"  Mr.  O'Brien  said.  "Of  course  if  they  don't  accept 
I'm  going  to  do  the  best  I  can,  I  can't  predict  how  things  will  turn  out  until  the 
tenants  have  given  me  their  reply.    They'll  be  around  tomorrow. 

"Among  the  residents  of  the  block  are  Fire  Chief  Thomas  O'Connor,  Dr.  William 
E.  Hall,  and  Dr.  M.  J.  Moth. 

"The  tenants  are  aU  worried.  Colored  people  have  learned  of  this  sale  and  for 
days  have  been  walking  up  and  down  and  pointing  out  houses,  discussing,  apparently, 
what  they  intended  doing  and  where  they  planned  to  live.  Unless  every  one  of  the 
twenty-six  buys  his  house  it  will  not  remain  a  white  neighborhood.  And  I  don't 
believe  we  can  get  everyone  to  buy"  [Chicago  Tribune,  February,  1920]. 

Inquiry  by  the  Commission  disclosed  a  situation  similar  to  that  underlying 
many  discussions  of  "exclusive  areas."  The  article  was  written  by  a  member 
of  the  Tribune  staff.  It  was  learned  at  Mr.  O'Brien's  office  that  he  had  come 
to  that  office  inquiring  about  the  matter,  A  member  of  the  O'Brien  firm 
stated  to  him  that  he  did  not  think  the  matter  had  any  racial  significance 
because  the  firm  intended  to  sell  the  houses  to  present  tenants,  all  of  whom 
happened  to  be  white. 

Labeling  fights  as  ^^ riots.'" — Attention  might  be  called  to  the  suggestion  in 
articles  which  treat  trival  disputes  and  street  fights  as  race  riots.  On  August 
4,  1920,  the  Evening  Post  published  an  article  headed:  "  Negroes  Held  to  Grand 
Jury  after  Riot  in  Street  Car." 

The  article  related  a  dispute  over  a  car  seat  ending  in  a  fight  in  which  one 
man  was  stabbed.    The  entire  article  is  given: 

Six  Negroes  were  arraigned  in  the  South  Chicago  court  today,  charged  with 
having  started  a  "near"  race  riot  in  a  Cottage  Grove  Avenue  car  last  night.  They 
were:  Isaac  Nelson,  3256  South  Park  Avenue;  Henry  Broadnax,  3235  Calumet 
Avenue;  Samuel  Bound,  3127  Cottage  Grove  Avenue;  Albert  McMurry,  3027  Cot- 
tage Grove  Avenue;  Abe  Mitchell,  3703  South  La  Salle  Street  and  Walter  McConnor, 
538  West  45th  Street. 

McConnor,  who  was  charged  with  assault  with  a  deadly  weapon,  is  said  to  have 
taken  a  seat  which  Herbert  Douglas,  1637  East  78th  Street,  offered  to  a  woman 
passenger. 

In  the  scuffle  which  ensued,  Douglas  received  a  stab  from  a  knife  in  the  hands,  it 
is  alleged,  of  McConnor,  and  was  taken  to  the  South  Chicago  hospital.  The  Negroes 
were  held  on  bonds  of  $400  to  $3,500,  pending  jury  trials. 

In  May,  1920,  the  Tribune  gave  eight  inches  to  an  article  with  the  headline: 
"Race  Riot  and  Labor  Riot  in  New  England."  The  item  reported  a  fight 
between  a  Negro  waiter  and  a  Harvard  student  in  one  of  the  college  dining- 
halls.    To  show  how  trivial  the  incident  was  the  article  said  in  part: 

The  trouble  began  when  Mayer  (a  colored  waiter)  made  a  slighting  remark  to 
Wilson  (a  white  student)  and,  grabbing  him  by  the  hair  struck  him  in  the  face. 
Wilson,  in  an  attempt  to  defend  himself,  grabbed  a  water  pitcher,  and  as  he  raised  it. 


544  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Mayer  drew  a  revolver  and  pointed  it  at  Wilson.    Immediately  the  student  body  was 

in  an  uproar  and  rallied  to  the  defense  of  Wilson The  poUce  are  searching  for 

Mayer. 

The  Daily  News  referred  to  a  "riot"  precipitated  by  a  colored  chef's 
remarks.  The  incident  referred  to  loud  talking  in  the  kitchen  of  a  Greek 
restaurant  and  the  chef's  swearing  at  a  cook  which  was  overheard  by  a  woman 
in  the  dining-room.  She  objected,  and  the  police  were  called.  Another  such 
article  appeared  in  the  Tribune  under  the  heading:  "Women  in  Riot.  White 
versus  Negro  in  Reformatory."  The  article  told  of  state  troops,  local  police, 
and  a  chaplain  having  been  mobilized  to  stop  a  "race  riot."  The  casualties 
given  were  one  policeman  bitten  by  a  girl  and  several  state  troopers  kicked 
and  scratched. 

An  instance  of  undiscriminating  news  handling  appeared  in  the  Chicago 
Tribune  of  July  24,  191 7.  During  the  race  riot  in  East  St.  Louis,  while  the 
front  pages  of  all  the  papers  were  filled  with  descriptions  of  the  horrors,  an 
article  appeared  in  the  fourth  column  of  the  first  page,  along  with  the  East 
St.  Louis  riot  news.  It  occupied  fourteen  inches  and  bore  the  heading: 
"Whites  Were  Firing  at  Blacks  near  Scene  of  Murder.  Four  Negroes  Jailed 
after  Slaying  of  Aged  Man."  Of  the  fourteen  inches,  sk  were  given  to  an 
account  of  the  murder  in  Chicago  of  a  saloon-keeper  by  a  Negro  in  which 
mobs  of  Negroes  were  said  to  have  flourished  guns;  four  inches  were  given  to  a 
totally  irrelevant  report  that  two  young  white  girls  were  chased  through 
Washington  Park  by  a  Negro;  three  inches  more  to  a  further  account  of  the 
first  murder,  and  one  inch  to  a  report  that  a  Negro  was  shot  by  a  policeman. 

On  the  second  page  was  an  eleven-inch  article  with  the  large  headline: 
"Lawyer  Warns  Negroes  Here  to  Arm  Themselves."  Underneath  was  a  five- 
inch  report  concerning  a  Negro  held  for  trial  on  a  girl's  story  of  an  attack. 
Nine  inches  were  given  in  another  article  to  a  warning  by  Chicago  labor  leaders 
that  "the  influx  of  blacks"  to  replace  the  strikers  in  the  plants  was  bringing 
a  riot  peril  to  Chicago.  Under  this  article  was  an  account  of  the  freeing  of  a 
policeman  for  killing  a  Negro;  and  beneath  this  an  article  from  Orange,  Texas, 
with  the  headline:  "Negro  Shot  Down  Trying  to  Escape  after  Crime."  Also 
on  the  same  page  nine  inches  were  devoted  to  a  condemnation  of  black 
politics  in  East  St.  Louis,  and  three  inches  to  a  minor  clash  in  which  a 
Negro  was  reported  to  have  drawn  a  knife  when  attacked  by  six  white 
youths.  Two  inches  were  given  to  the  account  of  a  clash  between  Negroes 
and  whites  in  New  York  City  and  seventy-two  inches  to  accounts  of  the  East 
St.  Louis  riot. 

The  emphasis  was  on  the  work  of  the  mob  and  the  fact  that  Negroes  were 
replacing  strikers  in  East  St.  Louis,  and  that  this  was  responsible  for  the  riot. 
Some  of  the  reports  of  Chicago  incidents  proved  to  be  inaccurate.  It  developed 
that  Charles  A.  Maronde,  a  saloon-keeper,  who  was  supposed  to  have  been 
killed  by  Negroes,  his  death  precipitating  a  clash  between  Negroes  and  white 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  545 

persons,  actually  died  of  heart  failure.  There  was  no  connection  and  no 
apparent  reason  for  inserting  the  incident  of  the  white  girls  being  chased 
through  the  park  by  a  Negro.  This  report  was  hearsay  and  was  joined  to  the 
article  in  this  manner:  ''About  the  time  the  Negroes  were  being  fired  upon, 
two  young  white  girls  were  being  chased  by  a  Negro  through  Washington  Park." 

The  item  concerning  the  Negro  held  for  trial  on  the  charge  of  a  white  that 
he  had  attacked  her,  turned  out  to  be  the  imaginings  of  a  young  girl,  which 
involved  a  forty-three-year-old  Negro,  whose  character  had  never  before  been 
questioned,  and  who,  as  the  facts  developed,  was  entirely  innocent.  Linked 
up  in  this  article  was  an  account  of  disciplining  in  the  county  jail;  150  prisoners 
had  been  locked  in  their  cells  and  placed  on  bread  and  water  because  they  were 
found  shooting  craps  in  the  "bull  pen." 

Flippant  treatment  and  ridicule  of  Negroes. — The  "human- interest"  news- 
paper story  is  undoubtedly  one  of  the  most  effective  means  of  gaining  public 
attention.  But  it  presents  a  single  incident  from  which  the  reader  is  likely  to 
apply  characteristics  vividly  set  forth  concerning  an  individual  to  the  group 
of  which  the  individual  is  a  member.  It  therefore  leads  to  unfair  judgments 
of  the  group  when  the  characteristics  are  not  representative  of  the  group,  even 
if  they  are  representative  of  the  individuals.  It  may  be  written  with  genuine 
humor  and  with  the  best  of  intentions,  or  perhaps  only  with  thoughtlessness 
of  the  effect.  But  that  does  not  obviate  the  sense  of  injury  when  the  group 
involved  feels  itself  misrepresented  and  held  up  to  ridicule. 

Newspaper  flippancy  concerning  Negroes  has  found  a  sensitive  spot  among 
members  of  the  race.  Often  there  are  suggestions  and  exaggerated  descrip- 
tions that  can  be  characterized  as  nothing  else  than  ridicule.  Negroes  especi- 
ally resent  misrepresentation  of  Negro  weddings,  since  no  accounts  are  given 
by  white  newspapers  of  more  representative  weddings. 

A  Negro  Wedding 

"Yassah,  I'se  tub  git  hitched  up.  I'se  heighty-six  and  Emily's  sixty-nine,  but 
we  done  got  license. 

"  Yassah,  I  am  de  man  you  is  huntin'.  Yes,  suh,  I'se  agwine  to  git  hitched  with 
Emily  Holland.  De  carryings-on  are  agwine  to  come  off  tomorrow  night.  Emily 
done  got  lonely  like  and  I'se  getting  no  'count. 

"I  was  in  the  wah  wid  de  march  to  de  sea,  and  I  got  fo'  minie  bails.  One  ob  em 
took  two  ob  my  toes.  I'se  a-carrying  de  otha  ball  in  my  frame.  Uncle  Sam  done 
provided  fo  me  now  wid  a  pension.  It  am  enuf  fo  me  an'  Emily.  It  ain't  too  much, 
cause  in  de  days  ob  de  wah  I  done  lay  in  trenches  and  fit  all  night  in  cold  water." 

BULLET  IN  HIS  LAIGS 

"I  knowed  how  to  bust  bad  coons  in  de  army  and  I  was  p'moted  to  sahgent  in 
Co.  E,  60th  Reg.,  U.S.A.  Now  comes  the  achings  of  bullets  in  my  laigs  and  chest  and  I 
feel  like  I  cain't  walk  no  mo.  Den  it  am  de  time  when  I  wants  a  wife  to  look  at  me . 
Emily  say  she  ain't  ready  fo  to  take  on  no  mo  'sponsibility.    Den  I  argufies  with  her. 


546  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

"'How  comes  this  heah  'sponsibility  talk'  ?  I  say. 
"'Taint  no  how  come  'bout  it,'  she  says,  'You  is  a  ol'  man.' 
"'So  is  you  a  ol'  woman,'  I  says." 

IS  YOU  OR   IS  YOU  ain't? 

"Den  we  jaw  aroun'  about  it  for  a  long  time.  Yestiddy  I  say,  'Emily  you  all 
hab  done  been  widout  a  husband  fo'  nigh  onto  22  yeah.'  She  don't  say  nothin'.  I 
talks  'bout  it  some  mo',  then  I  says,  'Emily,  is  you  gwine  to  be  my  wife  or  is  you 
ain't  ?'  She  says  'Yes'  and  den  we  get  de  license.  Now  we  hab  done  got  de  ministah 
and  it  am  all  ready.  I'se  feelin'  kinda  sprightly  like  tonight  and  unless  my  misery 
comes  on  me  thar  sho'ly  am  agwine  to  be  some  'spicious  carryings-ons  in  dis  abode 
tomorrow  night"  [Chicago  Tribune,  January  11,  1916]. 

During  the  war  Negroes  were  as  seriously  engaged  in  battle  and  as  freely 
sacrificing  their  lives  as  other  soldiers.  When  deeds  of  heroism  were  cabled 
back  to  the  United  States,  Negroes  at  home  expected  serious  reports  of  the 
activities  of  the  sons,  husbands,  and  brothers  whom  they  had  given  up  to  fight 
for  their  country.  Exception  was  taken  by  them  to  newspaper  treatment  of  a 
serious  feat  as^merely  ludicrous.     For  example: 

Black  Yank  Bags  Hun;  Major  Wears  Captain's  Monocle 

Paris,  Sept.  7  (Delayed).  During  the  recent  American  advance  out  of  Ch§.teau 
Thierry,  a  Red  Cross  captain  was  looking  about  for  suitable  hospital  sites,  when  he 
met  an  American  Negro  soldier  marching  along  toward  Chateau  Thierry,  following 
close  behind  a  German  major.  The  Negro  had  transferred  his  pack  from  his  own  back 
to  the  back  of  the  German  officer,  and  had  also  transferred  the  German  major's 
monocle  to  his  own  eye.  Thus  equipped  the  black  warrior  was  parading  triumphantly 
down  the  road.  As  he  passed  the  Red  Cross  captain  he  called  out,  "I  say,  look  here 
what  dis  Niggah  done  got"  [Chicago  Evening  Post]. 

The  following  is  a  news  report,  with  dialect,  which  was  supposed  to 
have  been  cabled  from  Paris: 

Negro  Stevedore  Coming  Back  "By  Way  of  New  Ohleens" 

August  17  (Delayed).  George  Washington  Henry  Clay  Smith,  Negro  stevedore 
at  one  of  the  American  base  ports,  expressed  the  feeling  of  a  large  part  of  the  expedi- 
tionary force  about  ocean  travel.  "When  dis  heah  wah  is  ovah,"  he  said,  "you-all 
will  ncvah  see  me  goin'  back  across  dat  ole  ocean.  Ahm  not  goin'  back  to  United 
States  that  away.  Ahm  goin'  back  by  way  of  New  Ohleens"  [Chicago  Evening 
Post,  September  9,  1918]. 

"Crap  shooting"  is  ordinarily  regarded  as  the  peculiar  pastime  and  passion 
of  Negroes.  Popular  expectation  is  fed  by  newspaper  stories  of  these  games, 
made  even  more  humorous  by  dialect,  and  the  frequent  imphcations  of  levity 
in  religious  matters.  Such  stories  would  probably  be  enjoyed  by  Negroes  if 
they  did  not  have  the  effect  of  picturing  this  trait  as  an  exclusively  Negro  form 
of  gambling. 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  547 

Or  again,  the  newspaper  plays  up  a  supposed  superstition  of  the  Negro  in 
such  an  article  as  appeared  in  the  Chicago  Tribune  of  January  i,  1920,  under 
the  heading  "Negroes  Driven  to  Jail  in  Big  Black  Hearse."  Pseudo- serious 
newspaper  reference  was  made  to  Negro  street  sweepers  as  the  "official  chamber 
maids"  of  the  city  in  an  article  in  the  Chicago  Herald  of  March  31,  1916, 
headed: 

Black  Birds  as  White  Wings 
Negroes  Supplant  Sons  of  Italy  as  City's  Official  Chambermaids 

Or  again,  a  Negro  saves  a  white  man  from  a  mob  and  is  called  a  "darky" 
in  the  report  of  the  incident: 

Darky  Pastor  Saves  White  Autoist  from  Negro  Mob 

NewTJort  News,  Va.,  Oct.  27. — The  attempt  here  today  of  a  mob  of  Negroes  to 
lynch  Isadore  Cohen  after  his  automobile  had  run  over  a  Negro  child  was  frustrated 
by  R.  H.  Green,  a  Negro  preacher,  who  fought  off  the  white  man's  assailants  long 
enough  to  let  him  escape  in  the  car.  Cohen  is  held  without  bond  {Chicago  Tribune, 
October  28,  1920]. 

A  Chicago  colored  boy  is  pictured  at  the  Salvation  Army  Camp  at  Glen 
Ellyn.  Under  the  picture  is  the  title  "Rastus."  He  has  been  given  a  piece 
of  watermelon  to  complete  the  picture. 

Joy  Supreme 

"Come  here,  you  Rastus,  and  git  yo'  pitcher  took  t'  show  how  glad  you  are." 
Rastus  was  glad  and  Rastus  came  hither,  but  he  was  so  glad  about  going  to  the 
Salvation  Army  Camp  yesterday  with  several  hundred  boys  and  girls  from  the  poorer 
districts  that  he  failed  to  register  the  smUe  his  mammy  demanded. 

The  annual  camp  of  the  Salvation  Army  at  Glen  Ellyn  opened  in  the  afternoon. 
In  the  morning  the  first  group  of  children  left  over  the  Northwestern  Railroad.  Prac- 
tically every  nationality  was  represented  [Chicago  Tribune,  July  3,  1920]. 

Another  picture  is  given  in  another  issue  of  a  little  Negro  boy  at  the  Juvenile 
Detention  Home.  It  is  headed  "Losted,"  and  carries  the  suggestion  of  loose 
family  life: 

Little  Pickaninny  Who  Waits  Father  and  Mother  to  Claim  Him 

Who's  lost  a  little  colored  boy  about  four  years  old  ?  He's  at  the  Juvenile  Deten- 
tion Home.     He  says  his  mother  is  "Mis'  Bro\\Ti"  and  his  father  "JNIistuh  Parsons." 

He's  got  an  inexpensive  lavalliere  for  identification,  a  dime  with  a  hole  in  it. 
He  keeps  the  dime  on  his  neck  by  means  of  a  piece  of  string  that  runs  through  the 
hole  [Chicago  Tribune]. 

3.    newspaper  policy  regarding  negro  news 
The  policy  of  a  newspaper  in  handling  racial  news  can  be  better  determined 
by  studying  its  articles  and  editorials  than  by  asking  the  editors.     In  fact, 
when  the  editor  of  the  Tribune  was  asked  concerning  this  matter  he  referred 


548  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

the  Commission  to  the  columns  of  his  paper.  It  would  be  difficult  to  find  a 
definite  policy  on  the  race  question  stated  and  consistently  followed  out  by 
any  newspaper  in  all  items  affecting  race  issues.  Ordinarily  when  misleading 
emphasis,  misinterpretation,  and  distortions  of  fact  occur,  they  are  due  to 
the  ignorance  concerning  Negroes  which  is  fairly  general  among  white  persons, 
rather  than  to  any  inclination  to  injure  a  disadvantaged  group  of  people. 
Reporters  and  editors  frequently  use,  doubtless  unwittingly,  terms  unneces- 
sarily irritating  to  Negroes.  Individual  notions  of  relations  between  whites 
and  Negroes  determine  the  character,  color,  and  emphasis  of  articles  and 
editorials. 

A  conference  of  editors  of  the  white  press  was  held  to  discuss  these  matters 
with  the  Commission.  The  white  press  was  represented  by  Edgar  T.  Cutter, 
district  superintendent  of  the  Associated  Press,  W.  A.  Curley,  managing  editor 
of  the  Chicago  American,  Victor  F.  Lawson,  editor  of  the  Chicago  Daily  News, 
and  Julian  Mason,  managing  editor  of  the  Chicago  Evening  Post.  A  brief 
questionnaire  was  filled  out  and  returned  by  Joseph  M.  Patterson,  editor  of  the 
Chicago  Tribune. 

A.      EDITORIAL  POLICY 

Chicago  American. — The  Chicago  American  had  recently  adopted  a  policy 
of  eliminating  the  racial  designation,  "Negro"  or  "colored,"  unless  some 
special  circumstance  made  the  mention  of  race  of  particular  news  value.  Said 
Mr.  Curley: 

There  was  a  meeting  at  which  newspaper  men  were  gathered  together  with  some 
representatives  of  the  colored  race  down  in  a  clubhouse  on  Grand  Boulevard,  the 
Appomattox  Club,  and  we  were  informed  then  that  there  was  a  feeling  among  the 
Negroes  that  the  newspapers  emphasized  in  crime  stories  particularly  the  fact  that  a 
man  was  a  Negro.  Our  publisher  and  I  discussed  it,  and  we  decided  that  there  was 
no  more  reason  to  emphasize  that  it  was  a  Negro  bandit  than  that  it  was  an  Irish  or 
Jew  bandit. 

Our  general  pohcy  has  been  that  we  must  treat  the  Negro  with  the  same  considera- 
tion and  tolerance  as  we  give  any  other  nationality.  When  he  had  those  troubles 
here  before  [the  riot  of  July,  1919]  we  had  some  editorials  to  that  eflfect. 

Since  the  date  of  the  meeting  mentioned,  the  American  has  consistently 
maintained  this  policy.  Its  editorials  prior  to  that  time  had  shown  a  spirit  of 
tolerance  and  fairness.  During  the  riot  especially  it  published  editorials 
designed  to  aid  in  the  restoration  of  order.^  It  published  perhaps  the  strongest 
of  local  newspaper  editorials  condemning  the  bombing  of  Negro  homes. 

Chicago  Daily  News. — The  Chicago  Daily  News  in  its  reference  to  Negroes 
used  the  expression  "colored."  Although  it  had  sometimes  published  articles 
which  were  not  representative,  it  had  often  given  space  and  prominence  to 
news  concerning  Negroes  which  presented  them  in  a  more  favorable  light. 
This  was  clearly  manifested  during  the  world-war.     Its  interest  in  a  serious 

*  See  p.  44. 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  549 

treatment  of  Negro  afifairs  was  shown  in  two  special  series  of  articles,  the  first 
by  Junius  B.  Wood,  the  second  by  Carl  Sandburg,  both  published  later  as 
booklets.  These  articles  were  well  received  and  gave  a  necessary  balance  to 
the  more  usual  publication  of  stories  involving  Negroes  only  in  crimes.  In  a 
special  column  of  the  Daily  News,  "The  Human  Side  of  Things,"  many  articles 
have  been  published  relating  to  efforts  for  social  welfare  among  Negroes. 

Concerning  the  use  of  the  racial  designation  in  reporting  crimes,  Mr. 
Lawson  explained  that  he  considered  it  appropriate  to  mention  race,  as,  for 
example,  in  giving  an  account  of  a  lynching  or  the  bombing  of  a  Negro  home. 
The  racial  designation,  he  believed,  gave  significance  to  the  article.  This  con- 
sideration, he  believed,  balanced  references  in  other  cases.    He  said: 

The  newspaper  point  of  view  is  to  use  the  national,  or  professional,  or  racial  dis- 
tinction, the  word  giving  the  distinction,  wherever  it  interprets  the  news  that  is  being 
printed.  There  are  some  places  where  the  character  of  the  thing  that  is  being  told 
naturally  suggests  the  name  Negro,  or  the  word  Presbyterian,  or  Jew  or  Gentile  or 
German  or  English,  or  Irish,  and  the  newspaper  never  stops  to  suppress  that.  On  the 
contrary  it  puts  it  in  as  interpreting  fully  the  character  of  the  news  that  is  being  told. 

Concerning  news  items  uimecessarily  provoking  race  antagonism,  as,  for 
example,  reports  of  speeches  by  a  candidate  for  governor  of  Illinois  on  "  White 
Supremacy,"  he  thought  that  most  of  the  papers  as  weU  as  his  own  "played 
it  down," 

The  statements  of  Mr.  Lawson  on  other  questions  of  policy  are  quoted: 

Mr.  Lawson:  We  regard  items  describing  constructive  work  by  Negroes  or  items 
indicating  their  advancement  as  better  news  than  articles  indicating  degradation  or 
criminality  on  their  part.  The  Daily  News  endeavors  to  appeal  to  all  readers  alike. 
Instructions  in  news  handling  comprehend  the  employment  of  fairness,  conservatism, 
and  candor;  special  instructions  based  on  these  principles  are  issued  to  cover  special 
cases.  The  terms  "darky,"  "nigger,"  "coon,"  "shine,"  "wench,"  and  "negress" 
are  not  employed  by  members  of  the  staff  in  writing  news  articles  and  are  rarely  ad- 
mitted to  any  class  of  matter.  The  style  of  the  Daily  News  for  many  years  has  been 
to  speak  of  the  Negro  as  a  colored  man  and  the  Negroes  as  colored  people.  WTien 
"Negro"  is  used  it  is  rarely  capitalized. 

Commissioner:  Is  it  objectionable  ? 

Mr.  Lawson:  No,  simply  the  style  of  the  paper;  typographic  styles  of  paper  vary. 
Some  papers  capitalize  more  than  others.  Some  papers  always  spell  the  word  "Bible" 
with  a  capital  B.  We  don't.  It  simply  follows  the  style  of  the  paper.  Dialects  are 
very  seldom  employed  in  the  news  stories.  They  are  not  used  to  ridicule  any  race 
or  nationaUty.  The  Daily  News  recognizes  the  importance  and  delicacy  of  the  race 
problems  in  Chicago  in  its  news  colunms  as  elsewhere  in  the  paper.  It  aims  to  assist 
constructive  movements,  eliminate  sensationalism,  and  quiet  prejudice,  while  at  the 
same  time  presentmg  truthfully  such  facts  as  may  be  of  interest  and  proper  to  the  read- 
ing pubhc  as  a  whole.  I  think,  perhaps,  I  ought  to  emphasize  that  last  thought  to  this 
extent:  the  newspaper  impulse  is  to  print  the  news,  that  is  the  controlling,  dominating 
purpose  of  the  newspaper  mind,  to  print  the  news.     But  circumstances  will  at  times 


550  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

suggest  some  particular  expression  of  that  i.npulse.  Many  times,  as  Mr.  Curley 
told  you,  we  don't  print  the  news,  we  suppress  it  in  the  pubKc  interest. 

Chairman:  But  that  is  a  difficult  self-control. 

Mr.  Lawson:  Yes,  I  think  so.  To  err  is  human,  to  print  the  news  is  the  natural 
impulse  of  newspaper  people,  but  we  do  recognize — I  know  aU  newspapers  recognize — • 
a  very  definite  responsibility  that,  in  so  far  as  it  lies  within  a  reasonable  discretion 
and  a  reasonable  ability  to  act,  they  must  consider  always  the  general  public  interest 

in  any  grave  matter.     I  think  Mr, struck  a  very  important  interpretative  status 

when  he  said  he  didn't  like  to  have  the  designation  of  the  race  in  any  respect  used  as 
an  expression  of  ridicule.  Of  course,  that  goes  without  saying.  No  newspaper  that 
is  wise,  let  alone  a  newspaper  that  is  fair,  will  deliberately  inflict  derision  on  any  class 
of  its  readers.  It  is  a  foolish  thing  to  do  aside  from  anything  else,  and  anything  that 
would  seem  to  suggest  a  deliberate  intent  to  bring  the  Negro  race  into  derision,  every 
man  in  the  room  would  resent  and  properly.  But  I  think,  as  I  said  before,  that  at 
times  a  purpose  of  derision  is  imagined  when  there  hasn't  been  any.  I  think  that  is 
true  and  I  don't  think  that  it  is  surprising.  If  I  were  a  member  of  a  race  that  was 
fighting  its  way  all  the  time  toward  a  square  deal  and  a  fair  show,  I  presume  I'd  be 
supersensitive  about  some  things. 

Herald-Examiner. — The  Herald-Examiner^ s  principal  handling  of  the  race 
issue  has  been  through  the  presentation  of  news  items.  The  term  of  designa- 
tion employed  is  "Negro."  On  several  occasions  the  Herald-Examiner  has 
made  commendable  effort  to  show  in  its  columns  that  a  friendly  spirit  exists 
between  the  two  races.  Most  notable  of  these  efforts  was  the  picture  of  whites 
and  Negroes  fraternizing  in  an  effort  to  restore  order  immediately  after  the 
"Abyssinian  affair,"  in  which  two  white  persons  were  killed  and  several 
Negroes,  including  a  Negro  policeman,  were  injured.  Some  of  its  editorials 
on  the  Negro  question  were  headed: 

Negro  Education 

Education  the  Best  Solvent  for  the  Negro  Problem  (Based  on  the  Report  of 

the  Chamber  of  Commerce  of  the  United  States) 

Disloyalty  and  Lynching 

East  St.  Louis  Massacres  Have  Not  Been  Properly  Published.     A  Gulf 

Separates  Go\  emor  Lowden's  Denunciation  of  the  Riot  and 

the  Treatment  Accorded  Slayers 

The  Black  Man  Stood  Pat 
On  the  Loyalty  of  Negroes 

No  "Patriotic"  Mobs 
A  Condemnation  of  Mob  Violence  in  Illinois 

On  the  other  hand,  some  of  the  most  emphasized  misrepresentations  of 
Negroes  have  appeared  in  the  Herald-Examiner ,  as,  for  example,  the  story  of 
the  "Negro  revolt,"^  and  various  riot  articles. 

'  See  p.  540. 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  551 

Chicago  Tribune. — The  Chicago  Tribune  stated  its  policy  of  handling 
Negro  news  to  be  one  of  "fair  dealing  and  recognition  of  the  difficulties."  The 
managing  editor  stated  that  the  Tribune  used  dialect  in  cases  of  kindly  human- 
interest  stories,  refrained  from  the  use  of  terms  like  "darky,"  "coon," 
"Negroes,"  etc.,  and  employed  the  term  Negro,  capitalizing  the  N.  The  last 
practice  was  begun  at  the  instance  of  Negro  leaders.  During  the  threatened 
race  riot  the  Tribune  sought  the  aid  of  leading  Negro  newspapers  in  Chicago. 
There  were  no  definite  instructions  regarding  the  handling  of  Negro  news 
matter.  The  difficulties  in  race  relations  recognized  by  the  editors  of  the 
Tribune  are  to  be  found  in  the  following  editorials: 

White  and  Black  in  Chicago 

It  is  possible  for  whites  and  Negroes  to  live  in  peace  in  Chicago.  They  have  done 
so  for  years,  in  normal  conditions  and  in  normal  times.  They  have  managed  to  live 
without  much  prejudice.  There  has  been  good  feeling.  The  Negro  has  had  political 
equality.  There  has  been  an  attempt  to  give  him  a  fair  representation  in  public 
affairs  and  not  to  resent  his  presence  there. 

We  admit  frankly  that  if  political  equality  had  meant  the  election  of  Negro 
mayors,  judges,  and  a  majority  of  Negroes  in  the  city  council  the  whites  would  not 
have  tolerated  it.  We  do  not  beheve  that  the  whites  of  Chicago  would  be  any  different 
from  the  whites  of  the  South  in  this  respect 

We  have  been  able  to  extend  the  essentials  of  citizenship  to  the  Negroes  freely 
because  the  whites  are  dominant  in  numbers.  AU  the  essentials  are  in  the  possession 
of  the  Negro.  He  is  not  Jim-Crowed  by  law.  A  line  is  drawn  by  usage.  The  law 
in  fact  forbids  what  actually  is  done.     It  is  a  futile  law  because  it  encounters  instinct. 

Legally  a  Negro  has  right  to  service  anywhere  the  public  generally  is  served.  He 
does  not  get  it.  Wisely  he  does  not  ask  for  it.  There  has  been  an  illegal,  non-legal, 
or  extra-legal  adjustment  founded  upon  common  sense  which  has  worked  in  the  past, 
and  it  will  work  in  the  future. 

The  fact  is  that  so  long  as  this  city  is  dominated  by  whites,  whether  because  of 
their  numbers  without  force  or  by  their  force  if  they  were  in  the  minority,  there  will 
be  Umitations  placed  upon  the  black  people.  They  will  be  limitations  which  will 
not  work  an  injustice  to  the  black  people,  who  have  a  right  to  their  own  development. 

There  is  no  objection  to  economic  equality.  There  is  a  decided  objection  to  the 
exploitation  of  black  labor.  During  the  war  many  Negroes  were  brought  from  the 
South.  Thousands  of  them  went  into  the  Stock  Yards.  The  war  shut  off  the  supply 
of  common  labor.    The  South  supplied  the  want. 

Thus  the  population  of  blacks  doubled  in  war  times.  Concerns  which  brought  the 
Negro  here  to  exploit  him  damaged  the  community  by  throwing  a  race  question  upon 
it.  Concerns  which  needed  the  Negro  and  put  him  upon  an  equal  basis  with  the  whites, 
without  importing  cheap  labor  to  take  the  jobs  of  whites,  were  legitimately  supplying 
their  need  for  labor. 

The  race  issue  in  California  grew  out  of  the  fact  that  the  Japanese  were  cutting 
under  the  price  of  white  labor.     That  will  produce  race  troubles  as  quickly  as  anything. 

Concerns  may  have  been  dereUct  in  not  considering  the  housing  problem.  The 
imported  Negroes  could  not  Uve  in  the  streets  or  vacant  lots.    They  had  to  get  under 


552  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

roofs,  and  in  getting  under  roof  they  suddenly  established  new  contact  with  white 
neighborhoods. 

In  this  change  there  was  bound  to  be  trouble  unless  precautions  were  taken.  In 
the  present  case  there  is  no  evidence  of  precaution  and  some  of  provocation.  It  is 
possible  for  that  question  to  adjust  itself.  Such  realty  movements  cannot  take  place 
without  friction,  but  the  friction  need  not  lead  to  riots.  The  city  is  steadily  shifting 
in  residential  character.  Some  of  the  people  affected  by  the  shifts  do  not  like  it,  but 
in  normal  times  the  readjustment  is  not  disturbing  to  the  community.  A  spread  of 
factories  may  change  the  character  of  a  section.  A  spread  of  Negroes  may  do  the 
same  thing. 

A  writer  once  summed  up  the  Negro  question  by  saying,  "The  North  has  the 
principles  and  the  South  has  the  Negroes."  We  are  coming  to  have  the  Negroes,  and 
we  want  to  keep  the  principles  so  far  as  they  are  applicable. 

Industrial  radicalism,  expressed  in  the  I.W.W.  propaganda  among  the  Negroes, 
will  not  help  us  to  keep  them.  Thuggery  will  not  help  us  to  keep  them.  A  rebellion 
by  the  Negroes  against  facts  which  exist  and  will  persist  wiU  not  help  us  to  keep  them, 
but  we  are  confident  that  the  situation  in  Chicago  is  susceptible  of  being  handled  in 
the  fashion  it  always  has  been  handled. 

Unsettling  the  Race  Problem 

....  Regardless  of  what  may  be  considered  the  justice  of  the  claims  of  the  races, 
the  fact  undeniably  is  that  white  and  black  wiE  not  mix  in  quantity.  For  this  reason 
— the  reason  reached  by  the  jury — the  remedy  seems  obvious:  there  must  be  a  plane 
upon  which  the  races  can  live  socially  distinct  but  industrially  co-operative. 

We  are  not  disposed  to  think  that  the  mass  of  the  Negroes  want  social  equality 
in  the  fuU  sense  of  the  term.  The  Tribune  has  had  many  intelligently  composed 
letters  from  Negroes  disclaiming  any  such  desire.  We  believe  the  Negroes  want  an 
opportunity  to  develop  their  own  society.  If  this  is  true  there  ought  not  be  wide- 
spread objection  to  social  segregation,  directed  by  themselves  and  upon  the  theory  of 
wholesome  living  conditions. 

But  against  what  we  think  is  an  inherent  disregard  for  exact  social  equality  there 
is  appearing  a  very  insidious  propaganda  among  the  Negroes.  Whether  it  is  being 
circulated  as  a  radical  irritant  calculated  to  disturb  political  conditions  or  merely  is 
the  parlor  philosophy  of  eager  sociological  transcendentalists,  there  is  no  means  of 
determining. 

The  propaganda  urging  agitation  for  social  equality  may  have  every  support  under 
the  law  and  under  what  ought  to  be  human  justice,  but  while  fortified  by  what  ought 
to  be,  it  flies  in  the  face  of  what  is 

The  blacks  form  less  than  lo  per  cent  of  the  population  of  the  United  States.  They 
have  less  than  one-tenth  of  a  ghost  of  a  show  if  the  relations  between  white  and  black 
become  bitterly  hostile.  The  average  black  man  and  the  average  white  man  get  along 
fairly  well.  Unless  something  happens  to  arouse  their  race  prejudices  and  instincts 
they  live  by  tolerance  which  may  not  be  a  solution  of  race  difficulties,  but  it  is  a  method 
of  life  and  it  is  practical. 

There  is  plenty  of  evidence  just  now  that  something  is  raising  the  race  question. 
There  is  evidence,  it  is  said,  to  support  the  story  that  agents  had  played  on  the  imagi- 
nation and  ignorance  of  Negroes  in  Arkansas  inciting  them  to  arise  against  the  whites 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  553 

and  take  their  lands.  Agitators  have  tried  to  excite  the  blacks.  Some  misguided 
sentimentalists  have  tried  to  organize  whites  and  blacks  for  the  compulsory  recognition 
of  social  equality — a  propaganda  which  is  even  more  vicious  than  the  red  propaganda. 
There  are  numerous  elements  and  factors  of  disorder,  and  the  consequences  already 
have  been  bad 

The  position  of  the  Negro  is  not  a  preferred  one  in  American  society.  The  Negro 
is  at  an  economic  disadvantage.  He  is  needed  in  the  South  and  has  been  brought  into 
the  North  to  meet  labor  emergencies,  but  he  does  not  have  an  open  field  of  work. 
These  disadvantages  cannot  be  removed  by  discussing  them.  They  exist  in  race 
instincts  and,  along  with  the  other  disadvantages  which  the  Negro  meets,  arise  from 
causes  not  at  the  control  of  the  reasoning  faculties. 

No  sensible  person  imagines  that  he  knows  what  to  do  about  the  race  problem 
because  he  does  not  know  a  method  of  eradicating  race  instincts,  and  he  would  not 
want  to  eradicate  them  if  he  knew  how.  A  person  may  know  what  will  surely  happen 
if  the  race  instincts  become  inflamed  and  not  have  the  slightest  idea  how  to  prevent 
contact  from  flaming  into  violent  action. 

We  know  that  if  it  comes  to  violence  the  blacks  will  get  the  worst  of  it.  We  know 
that  the  situation  as  it  exists  now  has  many  possibilities  of  danger.  Both  North  and 
South  have  had  enough  violence.  Both  may  have  more.  Communities  may  not  be 
able  to  stop  agitation  or  effectively  to  counteract  it,  but  they  can  see  that  the  processes 
of  law  are  applied  with  severity. 

Law  strong  enough  to  make  the  races  live  in  peace  will  allow  them  to  find  their 
own  ways  of  living  in  the  same  communities. 

B.      HANDLESTG   OF   NEGRO   NEWS 

Chicago  Evening  Post. — The  Post  is  an  afternoon  paper.  It  does  not  carry 
a  large  amount  of  news  on  racial  matters.  The  policy  of  this  paper  was  thus 
expressed  by  the  managing  editor,  Mr.  Julian  Mason: 

We  have  always  checked  information  very  carefully  because  we  have  had  a  very 
close  Negro  sympathy  for  years  and  because  we  have  had  editorial  writers  who  have 
had  special  contacts.  For  instance,  during  the  race  riots  we  were  constantly  in  com- 
munication with  a  young  Negro,  Mr.  Jackson,  a  Y.M.C.A.  man,  a  fine  man.  We 
checked  up  with  him  every  single  day.  We  used  to  call  up  Mr.  Bamett  and  some  of 
the  others. 

We  use  the  word  "Negro"  and  the  Negro  dialect  in  what  you  call  feature  stories. 
I  don't  know  why  we  should  deprive  American  life  of  that  flavor.  We  also  use  the 
word  "darky"  once  in  a  while  in  a  humorous  sense,  but  not  in  news  items. 

The  Associated  Press. — Mr.  Edgar  T.  Cutter,  district  manager.  Western 
District,  the  Associated  Press,  said  in  his  testimony  before  the  Commission: 

The  Associated  Press  is  a  non-money-making,  non-sectarian,  non-poHtical 
organization.  It  is  made  up  of  over  1,260  daily  papers.  It  is  a  mutual  organiza- 
tion, and  it  gets  its  news  by  an  exchange  among  the  members.  Aside  from  that, 
in  big  cities  like  Chicago  we  have  our  own  bureaus  which  collect  news  in  certain 
events.  In  Chicago  the  Associated  Press  gets  its  news  from  the  five  daily  papers  that 
are  members,  and  from  the  city  news  bureau.    This  city  news  bureau,  by  the  way,  is 


554  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

kept  up  by  the  Chicago  papers  and  therefore  is  supervised  by  them  and  carries  the 
same  class  of  news.  Now  on  a  big  story  such  as  the  race  riots,  the  Associated  Press 
got  its  news  from  all  these  sources,  and  it  also  sent  a  staff  man  who  was  experienced 
in  general  newspaper  work  to  the  South  to  investigate  for  himself  so  we  should  get 
the  absolute  facts.  The  Associated  Press  makes  a  practice  of  covering  only  news  of 
general  interest,  and  it  has  made  its  reputation  on  the  covering  of  facts.  It  never 
handles  editorials,  nor  does  it  ever  make  a  comment  on  any  news.  If  a  piece  of  news 
is  not  of  general  interest,  at  least  throughout  the  state,  it  doesn't  attempt  to  handle  it. 
It  confines  itself  to  news  that  is  of  general  interest  throughout  the  country,  and 
therefore  it  covers  these  matters  very  briefly. 

Question:  Do  you  personally  in  your  representative  capacity  handle  any  of  the 
news  from  the  southern  states  ? 

Mr.  Cutter:  Only  as  it  passes  through  here.  Each  district  passes  on  its  own  news, 
but  we  verify  it  if  it  ever  appears  to  be  incorrect.  But  any  item  that  reflects  upon  any 
person  or  upon  any  organization,  even  if  we  get  it  from  our  owoi  newspapers,  is  first 
checked  up  to  its  source,  if  that  is  at  all  possible,  and  then  if  there  is  a  matter  of  con- 
troversy and  only  one  side  has  been  stated,  we  always  try  to  get  a  statement  from  the 
other  side,  from  some  head  ofiicial.  In  case  of  Negro  news,  we  have  many  times  had 
as  our  representatives  leading  Negroes.  Negro  organizations  have  come  into  our 
oflfice  and  we  have  solicited  news  from  them 

In  cases  of  lynchings  and  such  things  from  the  South,  the  Associated  Press  often 
has  used  twenty-five  or  fifty  words  and  just  let  it  pass  with  the  mere  fact.  Where  we 
have  covered  crime  in  full,  big  cases,  very  often  it  has  been  upon  the  demand  of  the 
members  of  the  organizations. 

News  concerning  Negroes  is  handled  just  the  same  as  any  news  of  any  nationality. 
We  use  the  words,  "Negro"  and  "colored."  And  it  is  always  the  desire  of  the 
Associated  Press  and  the  attempt  of  the  Associated  Press  not  only  not  to  injure  any 
person  but  to  show  the  proper  respect  to  all  religions,  races,  and  all  classes  of  society. 
It  makes  no  difi^erence  whether  we  would  capitalize  the  word  "Negro"  or  not.  Our 
copy  goes  to  the  newspaper  and,  as  Mr.  Lawson  says,  they  follow  their  owti  ideas  in 
that 

In  all  of  our  services  we  attempt  to  suppress  news  that  we  think  might  stir  up 
race  relations  involving  Japanese,  Mexicans,  Negroes,  or  any  others,  and  we  follow 
the  lead  of  newspapers. 

Question:  What  is  the  extent  to  which  news  from  these  members  of  the  Associated 
Press  is  verified  when  it  comes  from  regions  or  localities  where  there  may  be  prejudice  ? 

Mr.  Cutter:  Wherever  there  is  any  question  of  the  news  or  wherever  there  are  two 
sides,  as  in  the  labor  question,  we  send  a  staff  man  out  from  headquarters  who  makes 
his  reputation  and  that  of  the  Associated  Press  upon  covering  both  sides  of  the  story 
equally.  He  knows  very  readily  that  if  he  doesn't  cover  that  with  thorough  fairness, 
he  is  going  to  hear  from  it  later  from  one  side  or  the  other. 

Chicago  American. — Mr.  William  H.  Curley,  managing  editor  of  the 
Chicago  American,  gave  the  following  information: 

Of  course  as  to  accuracy,  we  check  that  up  the  same  as  we  do  any  item.  We 
find  out  where  the  item  came  from;  if  it  is  a  pohce  item  we  find  out  who  is  responsible 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  555 

for  it  and  send  reporters  immediately  to  cover  it  and  rely  upon  them  for  accuracy 
regarding  the  report. 

Question:  Let  me  ask  whether  you  do  that  with  the  same  care  and  precision  that 
you  do  in  the  case  of  a  white  man  that  is  involved. 

Mr.  Curley:  Absolutely. 

Question:  That  is  no  insinuation  against  the  newspapers,  but,  for  instance,  it  is 
said  that  in  the  courts,  if  a  man  is  a  colored  man  he  doesn't  have  the  same  thoughtful 
care  that  a  man  has  if  he  is  a  white  man. 

Mr.  Curley:  A  good  many  items,  of  course,  come  from  the  City  Press  that  supplies 
all  the  newspapers.  If  it  is  a  matter  that  is  trivial,  of  course  a  newspaper  won't  send 
a  special  reporter  but  relies  upon  the  City  Press  for  accuracy.  In  a  crime  story  we 
eliminate  the  word  "Negro"  unless  there  is  some  reason  for  it.  We  don't  use  any  of 
the  terms,  "darky,"  "nigger,"  "coon,"  "shine,"  "wench,"  or  "negress." 

Question:  Do  you  get  news  unsolicited  regarding  Negroes  any  more  than  other 
persons  ? 

Mr.  Curley:  We  don't  take  any  news  that  comes  in  over  the  telephone  without 
checking  it. 

Question:  Regarding  items  coming  from  the  South,  is  there  any  particular  care 
or  checking  used  to  see  whether  they  are  true  stories,  trustworthy  or  not  ? 

Mr.  Curley:  You  have  to  take  that  as  it  comes  because  that  is  your  news  service. 
In  other  words,  they  are  supposed  to  use  their  care  down  there  the  same  as  we  do  here. 
We  have  to  rely  on  that. 

Chicago  Daily  News. — 

Mr.  Lawson:  Sources  of  information  are  the  same  as  in  the  case  of  other  news, 
and  in  addition  matter  originally  in  Negroes'  own  publications,  bulletins  of  welfare 
organizations,  etc.  Generally  speaking,  it  may  be  said  that  more  news  on  this  subject 
comes  from  outside  sources  such  as  telephone  tips  and  correspondence  than  from 
members  of  the  staff.  Perhaps  10  per  cent  comes  from  the  Associated  Press.  This 
is  an  arbitrary  estimate.  The  same  methods  are  used  to  determine  the  accuracy  of 
news  concerning  the  Negroes  that  are  used  under  other  circumstances.  The  Daily 
News  does  not  publish  any  news  except  after  determining  its  accuracy  to  the  best  of 
its  ability.  No  special  reporter  may  be  said  to  be  assigned  to  news  of  Negroes,  but 
owing  to  his  special  study  of  the  conditions  in  Chicago,  however,  Carl  Sandburg  is  on 
occasion  called  into  consultation  or  assigned  a  topic  for  investigation.  I  may  say 
that  years  ago  the  Negro  poet  Dunbar  was  a  reporter  on  the  News. 

Negro  news  is  received  from  the  Associated  Press  in  the  same  manner  as  other 
news.  It  is  not  often  re-written,  and  then  only  when  the  subject-matter  is  local  to 
Chicago.  Headlines  are  written  to  conform  to  the  text  of  the  article.  The  Daily 
News  is  in  touch  with  very  reliable  and  well-informed  Negroes  in  whom,  because  of 
long  experience,  it  has  confidence.  It  obtains  information  from  them  and  seeks  their 
viewpoint  on  serious  matters.  We  regard  items  describing  constructive  work  by  the 
Negroes  or  items  indicating  their  advancement  as  better  news  than  articles  indicating 
degradation  or  criminality  on  their  part.  The  Daily  News  endeavors  to  appeal  to 
all  readers  alike. 


556  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Chicago  Tribune. — The  following  is  taken  from  the  replies  in  the  question- 
naire returned  by  Mr.  Joseph  M.  Patterson,  editor  of  the  Chicago  Tribune: 

The  sources  of  Negro  news  are  the  same  as  sources  of  other  news.  Some  comes 
from  the  staff;  some  from  the  City  News  Bureau.  Some  of  the  local  news  concerning 
Negroes  comes  from  reporters.  No  news  of  any  consequence  is  received  by  telephone 
or  correspondence.  The  Associated  Press  treats  it  on  the  same  basis  as  other  news. 
To  insure  accuracy  the  usual  methods  of  inquiry  are  employed.  However,  most  of 
this  news  comes  from  responsible  news  bureaus.  Articles  are  re-written  but  only  for 
condensation.  During  the  threatened  race  riot  the  aid  of  leading  Negro  newspapers 
was  sought  to  check  information  on  serious  matters.  Each  item  is  judged  on  its 
merits. 

4.      THE  NEGRO  PRESS 

Among  the  considerations  which  have  been  urged  by  Negroes  as  making 
necessary  the  establishment  of  the  Negro  press  are: 

1.  The  indifference  of  white  newspapers  to  the  Negro  group,  their  emphasis 
on  the  unfortunately  spectacular,  and  the  consequent  loss  of  items  of  interest 
among  Negroes  throughout  the  country. 

2.  The  importance  of  developing  the  morale  of  the  Negro  group,  creating 
a  solidarity  of  interest  and  purpose  for  measures  of  defense,  correcting  the 
impressions  created  by  general  opinion,  and  centering  the  attention  of  Negroes 
upon  themselves  and  their  destiny.  There  has  never  been  sufficient  capital 
for  the  adequate  development  of  the  Negro  press.  The  purpose,  however, 
has  been  served  of  collecting  items  of  interest  from  all  sections  of  the  country, 
although  they  lack  the  facilities  of  so  efficient  an  agency  as  the  Associated 
Press. 

For  a  time  practically  all  of  the  northern  Negro  newspapers  fell  under  the 
condemnation  of  the  United  States  Attorney-General's  office.'  They  were 
accused  of  radicalism  and  incitation  to  violence.  Frequent  criticisms  of  the 
Negro  press  declare  it  dangerous  to  the  interests  of  cordial  race  relations. 
Ex-President  Taft  in  the  Philadelphia  Ledger  said:  "The  editors  of  the  colored 
press  should  be  reasoned  with  to  cease  publishing  articles,  however  true,  having 
inciting  effect." 

Commenting  on  criticisms  of  this  kind,  Isaac  Fisher,  editor  of  the  Fisk 
t   University  News,  said: 

Since  the  Washington  and  Chicago  riots,  the  colored  newspapers  have  been 
f  bitterly  arraigned  in  some  quarters  for  being  responsible  for  race  hatred.  But  the 
singular  part  of  the  indictment  is  that  these  papers  are  not  accused  of  "falsifying" 
the  record,  but  of  stating  the  grounds  of  the  Negro's  resentment;  and  there  is  growing 
I  up  a  school  of  thought  which  argues  that  the  colored  papers  should  refrain  from 
publishing  as  news  any  facts,  even  though  true,  which  serve  to  increase  the  bitterness 
of  the  colored  people  against  the  white  people.    The  comments  made  by  those  who 

*  See  p.  476. 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  557 

charge  the  Negro  press  with  being  the  cause  of  race  antagonism  are  unanimous  in 
interpreting  as  "incendiary  "  all  statements  of  facts  whose  bare  recital  makes  the  Negro 
discontented  with  present  conditions. 

It  should  also  be  noted  that  the  charge  of  inciting  to  race  hatred  is  laid  against 
the  Negro  press  specifically  for  the  period  which  has  followed  the  end  of  the  late  war; 
whereas  the  charge  of  inciting  white  people  to  wrath  against  the  Negro  is  an  old  one 
which  has  been  repeated  again  and  again  during  the  past  thirty  years. 

But,  while  the  Negro  press  is  not  as  old  as  the  white  press  and  cannot  possibly 
be  charged  with  having  "been  on  the  job"  quite  so  long,  it  is  true,  nevertheless,  that 
some  of  its  members  have  cast  all  prudence  to  the  winds  since  the  signing  of  the 
armistice,  and  have  entered  a  mad  race  with  the  most  "yellow"  of  yellow  white 
journals  in  vitriolic  race  attacks,  in  this  case  upon  all  white  people,  in  the  attempt  to 
meet  the  "yellow"  white  press  more  than  half  way. 

Whatever  the  relative  degree  of  culpability,  "yellow"  journalism  is  as  repre- 
hensible when  supported  by  a  part  of  the  Negro  press  as  it  is  when  upheld  by  a  part 
of  the  white  press.  The  Negro  might  just  as  well  learn  now  the  lesson  which  the 
white  man  must  learn  if  he  would  save  the  civilization  which  he  has  been  laboring  so 
long  to  perfect,  i.e.,  that  one's  color  and  race  do  not  excuse  wrongdoing.  If  it  is  wrong 
for  a  white  newspaper  to  make  white  people  hate  colored  people,  how  can  it  be  right 
for  a  Negro  newspaper  to  make  colored  people  hate  white  people  ? 

A.      CLASSIFICATION   OF   ARTICLES 

The  news  items  in  Negro  papers  show  a  bias  in  reporting  the  opposite  of 
that  of  many  white  papers.  They  emphasize  the  Negro's  view,  frequently  to 
the  point  of  distorting  fact.  If  anything,  they  might  be  said  to  provide  a 
compensatory  interpretation  of  the  news.  The  three  Negro  newspapers 
selected  for  study  mentioned  and  briefly  characterized  in  the  foregoing  pages 
will  show  a  classification  of  news  items  appearing  during  a  forty-week  period. 

In  addition  to  general  news  items  concerning  Negroes,  the  Defender  gave 
one  page  to  sporting  news,  one  page  to  theatrical  news,  two  pages  to  personal 
news  items  sent  in  by  correspondents  in  other  cities,  and  one  page  to  local 
personal  items.  On  its  editorial  page  two  and  one-half  columns  each  week 
were  devoted  to  health  articles  by  Dr.  Wilberforce  Williams. 

The  Whip  gave  one  page  to  sports,  one  to  theatrical  news  and  organ- 
ization articles,  one  to  out-of-town  personal  news  items  and  one  to  local  personal 
items.  Its  editorial  page  devoted  one  column  to  "Legal  Hints  to  Women," 
one-half  column  to  "Health  Hints,"  one  column  to  "Legal  Catechism,"  and 
two  columns  to  editorials  from  other  papers. 

The  Searchlight  gave  one  page  to  theatrical,  local  personal  news,  and  church 
notes.  The  editorial  page  contained  two  half-columns  each  week  by  "The 
Man  about  Town." 


558 


THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 
TABLE  XXXIII 


Subjects 


'  Defender ' 


"  Whip  " 


'  Searchught  ' 


Local  Articles 


Crime 

Racial  clashes 

Education 

Business 

General  news  not  involving  race  issues . 

Vice 

Bombing 

Politics 

Social  work 

Public  meetings 

Religion 

Science 

Negro  progress 

Negro  soldiers 

Courts 

Discrimination 

Race  contacts 

Lynchings 

Industrial  relations 

Philanthropy 

Personal 

Jim  Crow 

General  local  welfare 

Art 

General  race  relations 


Crime 

Racial  clashes 

Education 

Discrimination 

Business 

General  news  not  involving  race  issues . 
Vice 


Bombing 

Politics 

Social  work 

PubUc  meetings 

Religion 

Science 

Negro  soldiers 

Courts 

Race  contacts 

Lynchings 

Industrial  relations .  . . 

Philanthropy 

Personal 

Jim  Crow 

Art 

General  local  welfare. . 
General  race  relations . 

South 

Africa 

Migration 


53 
6 


4 
S 

14 
S 

26 
6 
2 
7 


586 
42 
21 

23 

58 

23 

112 

50 
512 
24 
84 
59 
59 

19 


72 


"3 
6 


35 

7 
4 


46 


9 
26 
66 


60 

9 
16 


6 

24 

9 


3 
22 


Local  Space 


497 

156 

52 

62 

199 

555 

89 

121 

741 

41 

130 

238 

30 

57 

130 

116 

400 
45 


78 
273 
105 


42 


14 
65 
10 
10 
61 
17 
13 
34 
4 
17 


34 
3 
3 
I 


669 
16 
46 

lOI 

187 

441 

201 

98 

893 

no 

66 

257 

46 

48 

9 


13 
176 


13 

156 
152 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS 
TABLE  XXXUl—Continued 


SS9 


Subjects 


'Defender" 


"Whip" 


"Searchlight'' 


Out-of-Town  Articles 


Crime 

Racial  clashes 

Education 

Business 

General  news  not  involving  race  issues . 
Vice 


Bombing 

Politics 

Social  work 

Public  meetings 

Religion 

Science 

Negro  progress 

Negro  soldiers 

Courts 

Discrimination 

Race  contacts 

Lynchings 

Industrial  relations .  . . 

Philanthropy 

Personal 

Jim  Crow 

Art 

General  race  relations. 

South 

Africa 

Migration 


Crime 

Racial  clashes 

Education 

Business 

General  news  not  involving  race  issues . 
Vice 


Bombing 

Politics 

Social  work 

Public  meetings 

Negro  progress 

Soldiers 

Courts 

Discrimination 

Race  contacts 

Lynchings 

Industrial  relations .  . . 

Philanthropy 

Personal 

Jim  Crow 

Art 

General  race  relations. 

South 

Africa 

Migration 


282 
19 
54 
31 
81 

31 


27 
12 
14 
36 


28 
II 
IS 
30 

9 
32 

8 

II 

105 

6 

I 

IS 
38 

I 
2 


1,082 
136 

174 
112 
216 
154 


132 

40 

103 
82 

50 
120 

145 
44 

239 
29 

32 

213 

36 

2 

124 
202 


152 
18 
42 
10 

104 
3 


46 

6 

12 

23 

4 


II 

24 
21 

3 
54 
16 
4 
9 
6 

7 
60 
SO 


Out-of-Town  Space 


833 
148 
223 
40 
434 
7 


233 
41 
76 

244 
46 

108 
13 
32 

407 
67 
21 
48 
21 
22 

382 
42 
55 


32 

4 

74 

14 

138 


2 

85 
42 


40 
33 
15 
10 

3 
32 
22 

2 

S 

2 

5 
44 
5 
4 
5 


191 

43 
421 

73 
538 


S 
365 
164 

35 
198 

153 
66 

49 

13 

215 

119 
II 
20 
13 
19 

308 

69 
18 
26 


Note. — A  much  smaller  period  for  study  for  Negro  papers  is  necessary  since  practically 
all  items  appearing  contain  some  reference  to  race. 


56o 


THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 
TABLE  XXXIV 


Subjects 


'Defender" 


Article  Space 


"Whip" 


Article  Space 


"  Searchught  " 


Article  Sf)ace 


General  race  relations 

Propaganda 

Constructive  suggestions 

Criticism  of  leaders 

Criticisms    of    white    persons    or 

organizations 

Political  propaganda 

Discrimination 

Industry 

Education 

South 

Negro  progress 

General  news,  etc 

Housing 

Miscellaneous 

Provoked  by  incidents  inimicable 

to  Negroes 


12 

3 


6 
30 

7 
5 


137 
60 

168 
30 

lOI 

398 
65 
39 


39 
3 

15 
10 

6 
10 


525 

65 

306 

i8s 

83 
154 


68 
57 
42 


4 
3 
S 
9 
12 


65 

35 

96 

265 

174 


53 
I 

5 
5 

4 

17 

5 

6 

5 
6 

14 
9 


868 

6 

92 

31 

59 
251 
36 
39 
53 
52 
III 

83 
6 


39 
9 


15 


Crime  publicity. — Sensational  news  was  featured  in  each  of  the  papers, 
especially  cases  in  which  whites  and  Negroes  were  involved.  The  intention 
appeared  to  be  to  present  the  Negro's  side  of  the  story,  A  measurement  of 
news  interest  on  different  types  of  crime  articles  is  possible  in  Table  XXXV 
with  space  in  inches. 

TABLE  XXXV 
Local  and  Out-of-Town  Crimes  Combined 


Negro 

Crimes  Involving 
Only  Negroes 

Crimes  Involving 
Negro  v.  White 

Crimes  Involving 
Whites  v.  Negroes 

Crimes  Involving 
Only  Whites 

Newspapers 

No.  of 
Articles 

Space 

No.  of 
Articles 

Space 

No.  of 
Articles 

Space 

No.  of 
Articles 

Space 

Defender 

Whip 

233 
75 
26 

1,032 

495 
121 

90 
70 
37 

467 
440 
440 

55 
44 
II 

260 

350 

67 

4 
8 

I 

31 

44 

2 

Searchlight .  .  .  . 

The  method  of  presentation  of  articles  revealed  the  strongest  characteristic 
of  Negro  journalism.  In  this  connection  a  random  selection  of  headlines  is 
interesting: 

CRIMES  INVOLVING  WHITE  ASSAILANTS  AND  NEGRO   VICTIMS 

"  Free  White  Woman  Who  Killed  Attorney  " 

"Threatens  Mother  and  Babes  with  Axe" 

"Bowman  Milk  Driver  Brutally  Assaults  Woman" 

"Crime  of  Postmaster  Starts  Serious  Trouble" 

"Commits  Suicide  to  Escape  Mob" 
"Baby  Giri  Assaulted  by  \Vhite  Farm  Hand" 

"Maid  Is  Robbed  by  White  Tceman'" 
"Stepped  on  Man's  Foot  in  Street  Car;    Shot" 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  561 

"Wouldn't  Say  'Mister';  Is  Beaten  to  Death" 

"KUls  \Vhite  Man  for  Girl's  Honor" 

"Convict  White  Man  on  Rape  Charge" 

"Protects  Wife's  Honor;  Slain  by  Land-Owner" 

"White  Tenants  Kick  on  Living  in  Same  Building  with  Owner" 

"White  Woman  Confesses  Lies  on  Colored  Men" 

"Kills  Negro  Minister  for  Stepping  on  His  Foot" 

"White  Confectioner  Arrested  for  Refusing  to  Serve  Trotter" 

"To  Pay  $750  for  Attack  on  Negro  Woman" 

"White  Girl  Robs  Father's  Bank;  Elopes  with  Negro  Taken  in  Rooming 

House;  Half  of  Stolen  Wealth  Recovered" 

"Two  Boys  Shot;  Crowd  Blames  White  Man " 

CRIMES  INVOLVING  NEGRO  ASSAILANTS  AND  WHITE  VICTIMS 

"Laundryman  Stabbed  in  Controversy  over  Price" 
"Boy  Pupil  Rebels  at  Scolding;  Shoots  Teacher" 
"Slayer  Captured,  Tried,  Hanged,  in  24  Hours" 
"Quarrel  over  Price  of  Cotton;  Farmer  Is  Shot" 
"Hold  Three  for  Murder  of  White  Infantryman" 
"Haunted  by  Man's  Face  He  Killed;  Surrenders" 

CRIMES  INVOLVING  ONLY  NEGROES 

"Woman  Who  Took  a  Life  to  Die  Herself" 

"Mother  Kills  Self  and  Babe  with  Gas" 

"Wife  Slayer  Must  Serve  20-Year  Term" 

"Raids  on  Homes  Net  Pullman  Goods" 

"Woman  Dynamites  Jail  to  Free  Her  Lover" 

"Bullet  Strikes  Brass  Chain,  Man's  Life  Saved" 

"Girl  to  Die  on  Gallows;  Slew  Rival" 

"Cost  Girl  Her  Life  to  Stop  Love  Affair" 

Definite  differences  of  news  value  were  noted,  between  articles  appearing 
in  Negro  papers  and  those  in  white  papers  on  the  same  topics.  The  items, 
for  the  most  part,  carried  a  specific  appeal.  Where  the  item  was  of  general 
interest  and  appeared  in  both  white  and  Negro  papers,  the  facts  usually 
corresponded. 

The  difference  again  lies  in  emphasis  and  prominence.  Headlines  for  the 
same  news,  as  shown  in  white  and  Negro  papers,  follow: 

WHITE  NEWSPAPERS  NEGRO  NEWSPAPERS 

"Jim  Crow  Law  Is  Upheld  by  "Highest  Court  Upholds  Jim  Crow  Law. 

U.S.  High  Court "  Separate  Cars  for  White  and  Colored 

[Chicago  Tribune,  April  20,  1920]  People  Declared  Legal  in  Kentucky  " 

[Chicago  Searchlight,  April  24,  1920] 

"Miscegnation  is  O.K'd.  in  New  "Morris  Gets  Civil  Rights  into  Consti- 

Constitution.    Negroes  Given  tution.     Victory  for  Race  Won 

All  the  Rights  of  Whites"  at  Springfield" 

[Chicago  Tribune,  Nov.  6,  1920]  [Chicago  Whip,  July  10,  1920] 


562  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

WHITE  NEWSPAPERS — Cent.  NEGRO  NEWSPAPERS — Cont. 

" Phillips  High  School  for  Colored  "Jim-Crow     School     Scheme     Exposes 

Pupils,  Principal  Suggests"  Attempt    to    Inaugurate    Separate 

[Chicago  Tribune.  March  8,  1920]  Schools     in     Chicago— Discovered 

and  Opposed" 
[Chicago  Searchlight,  July  31,  1920] 

"Accuse  Perrine  of  Color  Line  Ruhng. 
Principal  of  Wendell  PhiUips  Openly 
Attacked  by  PubUc.  Who  Saw 
Children  Jim  Crowed  at  Com- 
mencement;    Ask    His    Removal; 

''_       Ministers  Feared  as  Betrayers" 

[Chicago  Defender,  July  3,  1920] 

Group  control. — Although  the  Negro  population  does  not  rely  upon  the 
Negro  press  for  authentic  general  news  it  does  rely  upon  it  for  news  concerning 
Negroes.  The  Chicago  Whip  devotes  two  coliunns  of  the  paper  to  a  section 
called  "Under  the  Lash  of  the  Whip,"  the  "You  Ejiow  'Em,  Editor,"  and 
"Nosey  Knows."  Persons  who  become  ofifensive  to  the  principles  supported 
by  the  Whip  are  put  "Under  the  Lash."  "Nosey  Knows"  and  the  "You 
Know  'Em,  Editor"  attempt  to  hold  individual  conduct  of  Negroes  to  conven- 
tional standards  by  the  threat  of  semi-publicity,  for  example: 

You  know  those  new  "loop  hounds."  I  know  them  because  they  go  to  the  loop 
for  the  purpose  of  visiting — no  object  of  buying  anything.  Well,  tell  them  it's  alright 
to  go  to  the  loop,  but  they  don't  have  to  attract  everybody's  attention  for  blocks 
around  with  their  loud  talk,  using  their  ignorant,  non-sensical  expressions.  And 
should  they  get  hungry  while  down  there  and  feel  like  having  lunch,  don't  stand  out- 
side the  door  of  a  restaurant  with  a  surprised  look  on  their  faces — just  tell  them  to 
walk  right  in,  in  an  orderly  and  sensible  manner  and  order  what  they  want.  They 
don't  have  to  slip  in  like  thieves. 

You  know  the  restaurants  where  those  household  insects  known  as  flies  are  very 
prevalent.  I  know  you  know  them,  because  they  are  all  along  State  Street,  Thirty- 
first  and  Thirty-fifth.  Well,  if  you  don't  mind,  kindly  tell  some  of  those  proprietors 
that  there  is  a  way  of  ridding  their  places  of  such  nuisances. 

You  probably  don't  know  that  lady  who  resides  in  a  prominent  building  in  the 
vicinity  of  Thirty-first  Street  and  Indiana  Avenue,  and  who  tried  to  enveigle  a  young 
girl  on  the  street  car  to  her  flat  by  telling  her  that  she  could  meet  some  high  class 
doctors  and  lawyers  there.  Well,  you  may  not  know  her  now,  but  if  you  watch  the 
columns  of  the  Whip  you  will  know  her  because  she  is  gradually  working  her  way  to 
the  penitentiary  by  the  route  of  the  seduction  law.    Everybody  will  know  her  then. 

The  Searchlight  carries  a  column  by  "The  Man  about  Town"  which  is 
similar  in  character.    Two  examples  of  its  criticism  of  Negro  conduct  were: 

The  gang  that  hangs  around  the  "pillars  of  knowledge"  in  the  county  building 
every  day  at  noon  is  becoming  so  obnoxious  that  they  are  attracting  the  attention  of 
everybody  who  enters  the  building. 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  563 

Politicians  from  every  section  of  the  city  crowd, there  and  shoot  off  their  "hou 
air"  in  a  loud  tone  of  voice.  They  seem  to  think  that \';'» -future  of  the  country 
depends  on  what  they  say  or  do.  \-     . .  ^  .       - ' 

They  have  become  so  bold  in  their  actions  they  have  begun  to  stop  some  of  our 
race  women  and  engage  them  in  conversation  around  that  historic  spot. 

Now  boys,  cut  out  that  "rough  stuff"  and  take  a  walk  around  the  block  at  noon 
and  let  the  fresh  air  blow  on  your  beautiful  carcas;  if  you  don't  the  sheriff  will  ask 
you  to  do  so,  or  he  may  take  some  of  you  fellows  to  the  North  Side.  Don't  make 
yourself  a  nuisance  around  the  city  hall  and  county  building.    Hear  me,  boys. 

Another  thing  that  is  very  disgusting  is  the  arrogance  of  the  girl  waitresses  in 
some  of  these  race  restaurants.  Instead  of  striving  to  please  the  patrons  they  act  as 
though  they  were  doing  you  a  personal  favor  to  serve  you,  and  when  you  are  through 
with  your  meal  you  must  thank  them  for  so  doing  and  leave  a  piece  of  money  at  the 
cash  stand  for  them.  If  you  don't  do  that  the  very  next  time  you  go  into  that  restau- 
rant the  waiter  wUl  not  want  to  wait  on  you.  The  poor  proprietor  of  the  place,  if  he 
or  she  is  one  of  the  "brothers"  or  "sisters,"  is  almost  helpless  in  the  matter  because 
if  he  opens  his  mouth  to  one  of  these  so-called  waitresses  about  the  mistreatment  of 
their  guests  he  is  minus  a  waiter.  Go  down  in  the  loop  and  see  how  the  other  folks 
attend  to  business  and  treat  patrons.  Awake,  folks,  from  your  slumber;  you  are  fast 
asleep.    Do  you  hear  me  ? 

A  fight  on  vice  in  the  Second  Ward  was  begun  by  the  Searchlight  and 
finally  given  strong  emphasis  by  the  local  daily  papers. 

B.      NEGRO  NEWSPAPER  POLICY 

Although  Negroes  for  their  general  news  depend  upon  the  white  press,  with 
its  superior  facilities,  they  look  to  the  Negro  press  for  full  and  specific  news 
covering  the  activities  of  Negroes.  The  editorial  columns,  as  well  as  the 
arrangement  of  news  items  and  writing  of  headlines,  are  aimed  at  building  up 
the  morale  of  the  Negro  group.  Frequently  an  attempt  is  made  to  get  these 
papers  into  the  hands  of  whites  to  acquaint  them  with  the  Negro's  point  of  view. 

A  conference  was  held  by  the  Commission  with  several  Negro  newspaper 
men.  The  Negro  press  was  represented  by  R.  S.  Abbott,  editor  and  publisher 
of  the  Chicago  Defender;  Nahum  D.  Brascher,  editor-in-chief,  and  Claude 
Barnett,  director  of  the  Associated  Negro  Press;  Willis  N.  Huggins,  editor  of 
the  Upreach  Magazine;  and  R.  E,  Parker,  editor  of  the  Chicago  Advocate. 

Mr.  Brascher,  of  the  Associated  Negro  Press,  said: 

The  colored  newspapers  have  recently  gotten  up  to  the  point  where  most  of  us 
are  proud  to  have  them  seen  in  the  hands  of  our  white  friends  and  it  is  only  through 
them  that  they  can  really  get  our  viewpoint.  We  cannot  hope  to  have  the  daily 
newspapers  give  our  viewpoint  and  the  aspirations  and  struggles  that  we  are  making, 
and  some  of  the  things  that  we  are  suffering.  I  am  very  much  interested  in  having 
the  editorial  feeling  of  the  newspaper  get  to  the  white  people.  Sometimes  they  may 
be  termed  as  radical.  I  found  in  recent  months  that  some  of  the  weekly  papers  pub- 
lished in  the  South  are  saying  things  editorially  that  I  would  question  about  saying 


S64  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

even  here  in  Chicago,  and.  p.'-^we  say  in  common  parlance,  getting  away  with  it 
I  hdve  in  mind  now  Ci-Vparticular  instance.  In  Houston,  Texas,  week  before  last, 
the  entire  cirr>''ition  list  of  the  Houston  Informer  was  stolen  out  of  its  ofl&ce.  The 
theft  was  attributed  to  the  new  organization  of  the  Ku  Klux  Klan.  The  daily  papers 
of  Houston  came  out  condemning  that  move,  and  also  condemning  the  idea  of  the 
Ku  Klux  Klan,  and  this  young  man  has  an  editorial  in  last  week's  issue  that  is  one  of 
the  strongest  I  have  ever  seen  on  the  matter,  backed  probably  by  some  of  the  strong 
things  that  have  been  said  in  the  daily  papers. 

Now  if  we  could  have  people  of  Chicago  know  just  how  the  sentiment  is  changing 
in  the  South  in  favor  of  a  square  deal  and  mutual  toleration,  w-e  could  soon  get  to  a 
point  where  there'd  be  no  fear  on  either  side  of  working  out  our  salvation,  you 
might  say,  along  co-operative  lines. 

Another  instance  concerned  the  Plain  Dealer  in  Birmingham,  Ala,  The  Ku  Klux 
Klan  paraded  the  streets  of  that  city  about  three  weeks  ago  and  in  an  editorial  this 
paper  came  out  and  stated  that  if  that  was  done  to  frighten  the  colored  people,  they 
had  to  do  something  different,  because  whenever  they  began  to  terrorize  and  came 
dowTi  into  the  neighborhood  where  colored  people  lived  somebody  there  would  be 
ready  to  meet  them.  That  is  a  pretty  strong  statement  for  Birmingham,  and  they 
got  away  with  it. 

The  Chicago  Defender  gives  the  greatest  amount  of  space  to  criminal  news 
of  a  sensational  type  in  the  field  of  racial  happenings.  It  is  a  great  favorite 
in  the  South  with  Negroes  because  it  pubHshes  news  condemning  the  practices  of 
the  South  in  terms  forbidden  to  southern  Negro  journals.  Of  a  circulation  of 
185,000,  two- thirds  of  which  is  outside  of  Chicago,  it  was  largely  responsible 
for  stimulating  the  migration  to  the  North. 

The  term  "Negro"  is  used  occasionally  in  the  Defender.  Its  policy  is  to 
use  the  term  "race"  man,  where  it  is  necessary  to  distinguish  Negro  from  other 
groups.  Adopting  the  opposite  policy  from  the  white  papers,  it  places  "  white  " 
after  persons  not  Negroes  to  mark  the  distinction.  Concerning  this,  Mr. 
R.  S.  Abbott,  editor  of  the  Defender,  said: 

We  use  that  as  a  bridge,  as  you  might  say,  which  we  intend  to  blow  up  pretty 
soon.  We  are  leading  the  people  away  from  the  word  "Negro,"  especially  in  our 
papers.  And  in  cases  where  white  men  are  well  known  in  the  country  we  never  even 
put  "white"  after  their  names.  We  never  put  "colored"  after  a  colored  man's 
name  in  this  city. 

The  Defender's  editorials  are  as  a  rule  carefully  written,  balanced,  and 
critical,  at  times  in  contrast  with  the  popular  appeal  of  the  news  articles.  The 
Whip's  editorials  usually  are  on  some  aspect  of  the  general  race  problem  in 
the  United  States.  They  are  characterized  by  strong  pronouncements  of  the 
views  of  Negroes  and  violent  criticism  of  practices  alleged  to  be  inimicable  to 
Negroes.  An  editorial  from  each  of  the  papers  will  indicate  the  trends  of 
interests.    The  first  is  from  the  Defender: 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  565 

Just  between  Ourselves 

Character  is  what  we  are;  reputation  is  what  other  people  think  we  are.  We 
get  only  the  respect  we  demand;  no  more,  no  less.  One  of  the  greatest  barriers  to 
our  progress  is  the  individual  who  attempts  to  curry  the  favor  of  the  whites  by  whom 
he  is  employed  by  openly  humiliatmg  and  insulting  others  of  his  same  flesh  and 
blood.  Because  sections  of  this  country  reek  with  color  prejudice,  must  we  lend  a 
helping  hand  to  those  who  foster  segregation,  discrimination  and  "Jim  Crowism" 
in  general  ?    And  yet  that  is  just  what  many  are  doing. 

In  the  railroad  service  as  waiters  and  porters  we  have  a  monopoly,  and  those  whose 
runs  require  them  to  cross  the  Mason  and  Dixon  line  are  often  confronted  with 
situations  that  require  good  common  sense  in  handling.  In  many  states  the  law 
requires  the  blacks  and  the  whites  to  be  separated  on  transportation  lines,  dining- 
rooms,  places  of  amusement,  etc.  There  is  no  question  as  to  whether  these  laws  are 
just  or  unjust.  They  are  at  least  temporary  laws  and  must  be  obeyed.  But  there 
is  something  mentally  wrong  with  the  porter  or  the  waiter  who  lends  himself  to  such 
measures,  whether  under  orders  from  his  superiors  or  not. 

Admitting  that  to  disobey  such  orders  means  the  loss  of  a  job,  there  are  other 
jobs  that  pay  a  better  wage  where  a  man  does  not  have  to  sacrifice  his  principles  to 
hold.  What  other  group  of  people  in  the  world  have  those  that  could  be  induced  at 
any  price  to  place  their  heel  on  the  neck  of  even  the  humblest  member  of  their  race  ? 
Are  we  less  human,  less  interested  in  the  welfare  of  our  race  than  they  ?  Are  we  still 
puppets,  still  chattels,  still  ignorant  of  the  fact  that  as  we  respect  ourselves,  so  others 
will  respect  us?  This  matter  is  put  squarely  up  to  you,  Mr.  Porter;  to  you,  Mr. 
Waiter.  Will  you  play  the  part  of  a  man  and  refuse  to  humiliate  your  people  ?  Will 
you  cease  playing  the  part  of  a  spy  ?  Will  you  singly  and  collectively  tender  your 
resignation  to  employers  who  require  you  to  "Jim  Crow"  one  of  your  own  ?  If  you 
will  do  these  things  there  is  only  one  thing  that  can  happen — a  speedy  repeal  of  the 
offensive  legislation. 

Recently  a  young  woman  who  was  able  to  "pass"  entered  the  Washington  (D.C.) 
railroad  station  cafe  and  was  given  a  seat  at  a  table  with  several  other  ladies.  Soon 
there  entered  two  refined,  well-dressed,  unmistakably  colored,  young  women  who  took 
seats  at  an  unoccupied  table.  Immediately  a  colored  waiter  rushed  over  to  them 
and  after  a  few  minutes  of  whispered  conversation  the  embarrassed  patrons  followed 
the  waiter  to  a  far  comer  of  the  cafe,  where  semi-screened  ofiE  they  were  permitted  to 
dine.  So  enraged  was  the  first  young  woman  that  she  boldly  went  to  the  desk  where 
stood  the  white  higher-ups  and  several  waiters,  and  gave  them  a  curtain  lecture  they 
doubtless  will  not  soon  forget,  not  failing  to  tell  them  her  own  nationahty.  This 
incident  happened  in  Washington,  the  seat  of  our  government,  where  the  doctrine 
of  democracy  is  preached  but  not  practiced. 

Things  worth  having  are  worth  fighting  for.  We  must  make  sacrifices-  If  it  is 
the  policy  of  certain  business  places  to  discriminate  let  us  not  be  a  party  to  the  dis- 
crimination. Let  it  be  firmly  fijced  in  the  mind  that  we  are  a  vital  part  of  this  nation's 
life,  that  we  are  a  necessary  "evil,"  that  our  places  cannot  and  will  not  be  filled  with 
whites,  no  matter  how  drastic  is  our  stand,  providing  we  have  right  on  our  side ,  which 
we  undoubtedly  have  in  this  instance.  This  heart  to  heart  talk  applies  to  those 
engaged  in  other  lines  of  endeavor  as  well  as  it  does  to  those  who  follow  railroading. 


566  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Many  who  run  barber  shops,  for  instance,  display  the  sign,  "For  whites  only." 
If  we  did  not  realize  that  these  evils  are  the  direct  result  of  ignorance  and  lack  of  racial 
pride,  it  would  indeed  be  discouraging.  But,  truly,  we  are  still  a  child  race.  We 
must  not  be  flattered  by  the  tales  of  our  marvelous  advance  during  the  last  fifty  years 
into  dropping  our  oars  and  resting  on  our  laurels,  for  we  have  barely  started  up  the 
hill  called  success.  When  we  have  reached  the  first  milestone  on  our  journey — racial 
solidarity — the  rest  of  the  way  will  be  comparatively  easy.  Success  has  come  to  the 
Jew  and  to  the  Japanese  because  they  are  clannish.  Black  isn't  a  bad  shade;  let's 
make  it  popular  in  complexions  as  well  as  in  clothes. 

This  is  from  the  Whip: 

Who's  Afraid? 

If  the  white  races  of  the  world  are  so  sure  of  their  inborn  and  inherent  supremacy, 
if  they  are  so  sure  that  they  are  the  salt  of  the  earth  and  the  bom  rulers  of  human 
kind,  it  appears  to  us  as  strange  indeed  that  they  should  fear  that  their  glory  will  be 
usurped,  their  power  depreciated,  and  their  world-wide  domination  seriously  chal- 
lenged. 

As  a  general  rule,  the  giant  does  not  fear  the  pigmy,  neither  does  man,  the  acme  of 
civilization,  fear  that  his  civilization  will  be  eclipsed  by  a  new  order  of  apes.  Should 
the  tribes  and  clans  of  the  highest  developed  gorillas  seek  to  overrun  the  accompUsh- 
ments  of  humanity,  no  one  would  say,  "Beware  of  monkey  domination."  Man, 
according  to  his  own  concepts,  is  only  a  Uttle  lower  than  the  angels  and  the  monkey 
just  a  httle  lower  than  himself.  The  white  races  claim  that  their  darker  brothers  are 
lower  in  the  graduated  scale  of  their  own  making  than  themselves,  yet  they  cry  out, 
"Beware  of  the  Yellow  Peril  and  behold  the  Black  Plague." 

If  the  white  races  possess  the  keys  to  knowledge  and  the  passwords  to  progress  as 
well  as  the  elixirs  of  strength,  why  should  they  fear  danger  of  "Black  domination" 
and  "Yellow  dictation"  ?  The  white  man,  even  through  the  maze  of  his  owna  conceit 
and  out  of  the  trance  of  his  self -hypnotism,  sees  that  "he  and  his  heirs"  shall  not 
forever  inherit  the  face  of  the  earth. 

The  black  and  yellow  races  are  breaking  the  white  man's  monopoly  of  organized 
brain  and  wealth.  The  white  man  sees  this  and  in  his  own  bigotry  knows  that  these 
people  are  not  his  inferiors  in  latent  abihties.  He  knows  that  the  same  fire  of  genius 
bums  in  the  breasts  of  the  black  and  yellow  races  as  did  in  the  dark  and  mediaeval 
ages.  He  knows  that  black  and  yeUow  men  can  unravel  the  mysteries  of  nature  and 
the  intricacies  of  science.  He  knows  that  creative  and  constmctive  abihty  has  been 
beaten  down  by  his  might  but  yet  it  lives.  The  white  races  know  that  their  present 
achievements  are  small  in  comparison  with  those  which  will  be  accomplished.  It  is 
feared  that  in  the  future,  not  in  the  mediate  or  immediate,  but  not  far  distant  neverthe- 
less, that  the  sleeping  giant  will  awaken,  shake  off  the  listlessness  of  a  thousand  years 
and  put  into  action  again  the  powerful  dynamo  of  his  great  reign  and  shake  the 
world  again. 

We  do  not  object  to  the  cry  of  "Beware  of  the  Yellow  Peril  and  behold  the 
Black  Plague."  It  is  the  involuntary  shriek  of  danger  which  is  a  part  of  man's  reac- 
tion. White  people  know  that  they  are  not  superior  to  the  dark  races.  They  know 
that  the  raillery  about  dark  people  being  innately  and  inherently  inferior  is  nothing 
more  than  the  outcropping  of  race  prejudice,  color  hatred  and  ignoble  fear.    They 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  567 

fear  that  should  they  lose  the  power  of  might  and  brute  force,  and  equal  opportunities 
are  gained  by  the  dark  people,  that  they  will  be  dethroned  and  surpassed.  For  this 
reason  they  warn  of  the  unfitness  and  undesirability  of  their  darker  brothers.  They 
ruthlessly  declare  that  Japanese,  East  Indians  and  Negroes  are  not  their  equals  and 
justify  all  of  their  tyranny  upon  this  foolish  subterfuge. 

We  are  tired  of  subterfuge  and  evasiveness.  If  the  white  man  wishes  to  maintain 
his  power  at  the  expense  of  the  dark  people  of  the  world,  let  him  cease  his  prattlings 
about  charity,  human  kindness  and  benevolence.  Let  him  admit  that  he  is  afraid 
of  the  rising  tide  of  color  and  fear  shakes  his  entire  system.  Let  the  world  know  that 
the  cry  of  inferiority  and  unfitness  is  not  conscientious  and  that  apprehension  clouds 
the  brow  of  white  humanity. 

An  editorial  in  the  Searchlight  read: 

Cleaning  Up  the  "Black  Belt" 

"Death  Comer"  has  a  local  reputation  which  bespeaks  an  abominable  state  of 
affairs.  Nice  respectable  persons  dare  not  visit  it  unless  heavily  escorted.  The 
"East  Side"  in  New  York  provokes  a  shiver  by  the  very  sound  of  the  name.  The 
"Black  Belt"  carries  the  same  dark  background  of  hovering  evil.  One  is  expected 
to  regard  black  belts  as  isolated  plague-spots  full  of  lurking  pitfalls  for  unsuspecting 
innocents.  It  is  spoken  of  as  "that  Black  Belt  down  there."  Little  girls  go  there  and 
go  wrong  and  you  never  hear  of  them  again.  When  trouble  is  threatened  in  the  city 
the  police  force  is  dumped  into  it  with  clubs  and  pistols  and  rifles,  patrol  wagons, 
flivvers  and  ambulances.  For  you  can  never  tell  what  is  likely  to  break  out  in  a  place 
with  so  many  mysterious  comers  and  vicious  characters.  When  the  morals  of  the 
city  come  under  scrutiny  the  cmsaders  send  up  a  howl  of  helplessness  for  the  rampant 
vices  in  that  "Black  Belt  down  there."  The  entire  city  believes  it  to  be  a  bad  place. 
The  neglect  of  it  is  a  standing  disgrace  to  the  city,  and  yet  the  only  means  of  cleaning 
it  up  and  bringing  it  up  to  the  standard  of  the  community  as  a  whole  discovered  so 
far  is  by  keeping  the  handful  of  white  persons  out  of  it.  The  protests  against  the 
mixed  cafes,  by  far  the  loudest  and  most  severe,  seem  to  represent  the  sole  spirit  and 
motive  of  the  effort.  No  attention  is  paid  to  the  iron  circle  tightening  around  this 
section  and  making  it  practically  impossible  for  Negroes  to  move  out.  No  attention 
is  paid  to  the  rundown  schools  in  the  district.  No  one  is  interested  in  providing  recrea- 
tion facilities  for  the  thousands  of  colored  children  growing  up  in  the  streets.  No  one 
of  these  reformers  and  critics  has  suggested  that  a  branch  of  the  public  library  be  made 
convenient.  The  Juvenile  Protective  Association,  an  association  whose  purpose  is 
to  prevent  criminality,  walks  around  the  district  and  speaks  about  it  as  disparagingly 
as  the  rest.  The  old  Committee  of  Fifteen  had  no  representative  there  to  detect  the 
out-cropping  of  vicious  places.  It  had  been  thus  for  the  eight  years  of  its  existence. 
And  yet  epithets  are  hurled  at  the  district,  and  it  is  called  bad  names  and  the  city 
turns  up  its  nose  and  goes  on. 

C.      NEGRO  NEWS  SOURCES 

Negro  newspapers  are  published  weekly  because  they  cannot  compete 
with  the  daily  papers  in  providing  any  part  of  the  public  with  news  from  day 
to  day. 


568  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

For  out-of-town  news,  the  news  letters  of  correspondents  and  accounts  of 
incidents  by  specially  designated  representatives  make  up  a  large  portion  of 
the  reports.  All  the  papers  have  the  service  of  a  clipping  bureau.  Items  in 
local  papers  are  noted  and,  when  practicable,  the  newspapers  telegraph  to 
some  responsible  person  in  town  to  send  a  full  accoimt  of  the  incident.  Travel- 
ing men  from  Chicago  and  friends  of  the  paper  scattered  throughout  the 
country  also  contribute  to  the  news  supply.  News  letters  containing  personal 
items  are  still  continued  in  the  Defender  and  are  said  to  be  responsible  for 
the  first  extension  of  its  circulation.  The  Defender  and  the  Whip  have 
small  staffs  of  reporters  to  cover  local  news.  The  objects  of  the  Associated 
Negro  Press  were  thus  outlined  by  Mr.  Barnett,  a  representative  of  that 
organization: 

It  is  an  organization  of  affiliated  newspapers.  We  serve  eighty-nine  newspapers 
throughout  the  country,  the  total  circulation  of  these  papers  as  given  to  us  for  adver- 
tising purposes  running  a  little  in  excess  of  400,000 

We  handle  items  only  that  are  of  national  importance  because  we  are  a  national 
news  service.  We  gather  all  out  of  town  items  that  we  are  able  to  gather  for  the  same 
reason,  if  they  are  of  national  importance.  As  a  news  service  we  would  not  take  any 
purely  local  item  in  Chicago  unless  it  would  interest  readers  in  every  section  of  the 
country.    We  also  get  service  from  a  clipping  bureau. 

It  all  relates  to  the  interests  of  the  colored  people.  If  there  is  anything  which 
affects  the  country  at  large,  which  also  has  either  an  indirect  or  a  direct  influence 
upon  our  group,  we  feature  it,  but  as  a  rule  most  of  the  news  which  we  gather  is  about 
things  which  particularly  affect  colored  people. 

II.     RUMOR 

Rumors  which  significantly  affect  race  relations  consist  largely  of  unfounded 
tales,  incorrectly  deduced  conclusions,  or  partial  statements  of  fact  with  signifi- 
cant content  added  by  the  narrator,  all  of  which  are  given  easy  and  irrespon- 
sible circulation  by  a  credulous  public  during  the  excitement  of  a  clash. 
Examples  of  this  type  of  irritating  untruth  were  found  in  the  Chicago  riot. 

The  number  of  Negroes  killed  during  the  riot  (twenty-three  Negroes  and 
fifteen  whites)  has  been  magnified  in  popular  accounts  beyond  all  reasonable 
limits  of  credibility.  It  is  popularly  believed  that  more  persons  were  killed 
than  official  records  indicate.  The  exaggeration  has  not  been  confined  to 
reports  involving  Negroes.  For  example,  there  was  a  report  in  circulation  that 
more  than  seventy-five  white  policemen  were  killed  during  the  riot.  The  nunor 
was  traced  to  the  half-jesting  remark  of  a  policeman  that,  as  a  member  of  a 
benefit  organization,  he  had  paid  death  dues  on  a  number  of  policemen  greater 
than  the  total  deaths  of  the  riot  as  popularly  estimated  at  the  time.  This 
number  was  placed  at  seventy-five.  The  director  of  the  Civic  Bureau  of  the 
Seattle  Chamber  of  Commerce,  writing  to  a  friend  in  Chicago,  asked  for  authen- 
tic information  concerning  the  number  of  Negroes  killed  during  the  riot.  He 
sought  the  information  because,  he  said,  the  industrial  editor  of  the  Outlook 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  569 

had  told  him  that  police  officers  said  that  "more  than  2,000  Negroes  were 
killed  in  the  race  riot,"  and  that  a  certain  labor  report  placed  the  number  at 
1,700.  Suspecting  that  even  the  latter  number  was  too  large,  although  the 
police  mentioned  10,000  wounded  and  killed,  he  wrote  for  information. 

I.      AN  IMPRESSION  STUDY 

A  special  impression  study  was  made  with  a  class  of  forty-nine  students  in 
the  University  of  Chicago,  to  measure  the  effect  upon  them  of  word-of-mouth 
rumor,  gossip,  and  newspaper  stories  concerning  the  1919  riot.  Specific  ques- 
tions were  asked  concerning  their  understanding  as  to  the  number  of  whites 
and  Negroes  killed  and  their  source  of  information.  The  students  ranged  in 
age  from  twenty  to  twenty-five  years.  Each  was  asked  to  indicate  in  the  order 
of  their  influence  upon  him  the  sources  of  information  which  gave  him  his 
understanding  of  the  magnitude  of  the  riot.  The  following  is  a  compilation 
from  their  statements. 

Ten  were  out  of  the  city  at  the  time  and  got  their  information  chiefly 
through  newspapers  published  elsewhere.  Their  average  opinion  of  the 
number  killed  was  fifty-five.  Thirteen  were  informed  chiefly  by  second-hand 
stories  quoting  relatives  who  were  in  Chicago,  policemen  interviewed,  and 
others,  and  their  general  impression  of  the  number  killed  averaged  209. 
Thirty-three  got  their  information  from  newspapers  both  in  and  out  of  the 
city,  and  their  average  impression  of  the  number  killed  was  115.  Twenty-four 
of  those  who  were  residing  in  Chicago  got  their  information  chiefly  from  news- 
papers published  in  the  city,  and  their  average  impression  was  that  131  were 
kiUed. 

A  point  of  interest  in  comparison  is  that  those  who  were  out  of  town  and 
read  out-of-town  newspapers  believed  seventy-three  were  killed,  while  those 
who  got  their  information  through  local  publications  thought  131  were  killed. 
One  young  woman  made  this  interesting  comment: 

I  think  a  very  conservative  estimate  of  the  number  killed  would  be  about  450  or 
500.  My  first  source  of  information,  newspapers.  My  father  also  told  me  of  the 
affair  and  he  is  a  medical  director  of  an  insurance  company  and  therefore  was  in  a  more 
or  less  good  position  to  know. 

A  young  man  said: 

There  were  at  least  200  people  kiUed  in  the  race  riot.  Sources  of  information: 
a  policeman  who  was  stationed  at  Forty-seventh  Street  and  Wentworth,  my  own  direct 
observations,  and  conversations  with  people  who  live  in  the  Black  Belt. 

Another  young  man  said: 

About  200  were  killed.  Chief  source  of  information  a  review  of  Carl  Sandburg's 
pamphlet,  and  newspaper  stories. 

Another  young  woman  thought  that  about  150  were  killed.  She  said  that  her 
father  maintained  an  office  at  Forty-third  Street  and  St.  Lawrence  Avenue, 
which  is  in  the  Negro  district.    Another  said : 


S70  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

If  I  remember  correctly,  about  forty  black  and  white  people  were  killed  and  several 
hundred  wounded,  and  there  was  a  loss  of  several  thousand  dollars  worth  of  property 
by  fire.  The  chief  information  that  impressed  me  was  personal  experiences.  I  wit- 
nessed one  mob  of  2,000  whites  take  a  Negro  on  the  West  Side  and  bum  him  to  death. 
The  newspaper  gave  me  my  information  of  atrocities  on  both  sides. 

Another  stated  that  he  believed  the  number  killed  in  the  race  riot  in  Chicago 
was  about  275,  and  continued: 

I  base  my  guess  on  reports  of  the  newspapers,  i.e.,  the  daihes  of  the  city  and  par- 
ticularly one  weekly  paper  which  in  my  opinion  is  entirely  unbiased  in  such  matters, 
the  Weekly  Socialist.     I  personally  saw  four  Negroes  lynched  and  shot  to  death. 

It  might  be  expected  that  a  fairly  balanced  type  of  impression  would  come 
from  university  students.  The  effect  of  rumor  stands  out  from  the  examination 
of  this  highly  selected  group.  In  exaggeration  the  word-of-mouth  rumors 
led,  followed  by  rumors  circulated  by  newspapers  and  alleged  first-hand 
accounts  of  eyewitnesses. 

Rumors  from  poHcemen  and  relatives  placed  the  average  number  of  persons 
killed  at  209,  the  largest  average  of  the  lot.  This  is  significant  when  taken 
with  the  reports  given  in  the  foregoing  pages  which  emananted  from  police- 
men. Undoubtedly  their  experiences  were  of  such  a  nature  as  to  make  exag- 
geration easy  and  plausible.  They  were  living  in  conditions  far  from  normal, 
and  their  impressions  were  greatly  magnified  by  the  stress  and  the  excitement 
of  events.  The  out-of-town  students  were  less  affected  by  word-of-mouth 
rimior,  and  consequently  their  impressions  showed  the  smallest  average  of 
persons  killed. 

Personal  experiences  show  more  vividly  than  anything  else  the  unreUabiUty 
of  much  of  the  testimony  from  observation  that  gives  such  frequent  rise  to 
rumor.  One  student  said  he  saw  a  mob  of  2,000  whites  take  a  Negro  on  the 
West  Side  and  burn  him  to  death.  Records  show  that  only  one  Negro  was 
killed  on  the  West  Side  (Joseph  Lovings).  He  was  shot  and  stabbed  many 
times,  but  not  burned.^  Another  student  "personally  saw  four  Negroes 
lynched  and  shot  to  death."    No  Negroes  were  lynched  in  the  riot. 

2.      THE  BUBBLY  CREEK  RUMOR 

A  persistent  rimaor  during  the  riot  served  to  provide  an  explanation  of  the 
unaccounted  deaths  of  the  riot.  It  had  plausibility  and  soon  was  accepted  and 
even  repeated  on  the  floor  of  Congress  in  Washington  as  a  fact.  Bubbly  Creek 
is  a  small  branch  of  the  Chicago  River  extending  to  the  Stock  Yards.  Into 
it  flows  a  great  deal  of  waste  from  the  slaughter  houses.  The  surface  of  the 
water  is  thick  with  the  scum  of  decomposed  substances,  hair,  and  trash. 
Bodies  could  be  thrown  into  it  and  remain  undetected  for  a  long  time.  A 
rumor  became  current  that  bodies  of  riot  victims  were  thrown  into  this  stream. 
It  became  so  persistent  that  efforts  were  actually  made  to  discover  them. 

'  See  coroner's  statement,  p.  32. 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  571 

Even  when  no  bodies  were  found,  the  rumor  did  not  weaken.  Examples  of 
how  it  cropped  up  in  various  ways  are  given: 

A  man  told  a  friend  of  mine,  I  can  furnish  the  name  of  that  man;  a  man  told 
him  that  he  saw  fifty-six  bodies  taken  out  of  Bubbly  Creek.  [A  juror  in  the 
coroner's  inquest.] 

I  heard  the  story  that  100  men  had  been  taken  out  of  Bubbly  Creek.  They  used 
a  net  and  a  seine  to  drag  them  out.  [A.  L.  Williams,  attorney,  before  the  coroner's 
jury.] 

There  is  a  story  that  was  repeated  on  the  floor  of  Congress  that  numerous  colored 
people  were  caught  down  there  [at  the  Stock  Yards]  and  thrown  in  Bubbly  Creek, 
and  their  bodies  never  recovered.  A  congressman  from  our  district  down  there, 
representing  our  Stock  Yards  district,  told  me  that  on  the  floor  of  Congress  it  was 
recently  stated  that  a  man  with  a  dumb-bell  in  his  hand  stood  there  at  the  big  rock 
entrance  of  Exchange  Avenue  and  knocked  a  half-dozen  of  these  colored  men  on  the 
heads  as  they  passed  through  that  rock  door  there.     [A  juror  in  the  coroner's  inquest.] 

I  hear  they  dragged  two  or  three  bodies  out  of  Bubbly  Creek.  [A  witness  before 
the  coroner's  jury.] 

A  meat  curer  in  the  superintendent's  ofl&ce  of  Swift  &  Company  said:  "Well, 
I  hear  they  did  drag  two  or  three  out  of  Bubbly  Creek — dead  bodies,  that  is  the 
report  that  come  in  the  yards,  but  personally  I  never  got  any  positive  evidence 
that  there  was  any  people  who  was  found  there." 

The  Chicago  Daily  News  of  July  29,  1919,  printed  the  subheading:  "Four 
Bodies  in  Bubbly  Creek."  The  article  did  not  give  details,  but  said:  "Bodies 
of  four  colored  men  were  taken  today  from  Bubbly  Creek  in  the  Stock  Yards 
district,  it  is  reported." 

In  its  final  report  the  coroner's  jury  made  a  conclusive  statement  regarding 
the  Bubbly  Creek  rumor  which  stamped  it  as  pure  rvmior.^ 

3.      RIOT  RUMORS 

The  state  of  mind  produced  by  rumors  is  manifest  in  other  experiences  of 
riot.    The  following  is  an  example: 

At  Forty-fourth  Street  and  Grand  Boulevard,  a  corner  on  which  the  only 
Negro  family  in  the  block  lived  at  the  time  of  the  riot,  an  elderly  white  man 
clad  in  a  worn  dressing-gown,  carpet  slippers,  and  a  skull  cap,  excitedly  rushed 
from  his  house  to  the  curb  and  shouted  to  a  crowd:  "They're  giving  ammuni- 
tion away  to  the  niggers  at  the  Eighth  Regiment  Armory!"  The  crowd 
became  excited  and  finally  threatened  the  house  of  the  Negro  family.  A  cry 
went  up,  "  Hang  the  niggers !  The  niggers  in  the  house  are  firing  at  every  white 
man  that  passes!"  The  police  searched  the  house  and  found  an  1894  model 
rifle,  ammunition,  that  would  not  fit,  and  a  decorated  sword.  The  six  Negroes 
in  the  house  were  taken  to  the  police  station. 

During  the  riot  a  white  man  was  caught  crawling  beneath  a  house  in 
which  Negroes  lived.     In  his  pocket  was  found  a  bottle  of  kerosene.    He 

» See  p.  33. 


572  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

confessed  that  his  mission  was  arson  and  justified  his  intended  act  by  repeat- 
ing a  rumor  then  current  that  Negroes  had  set  fire  to  the  houses  of  whites  back 
of  the  Yards. 

One  Negro  said  that  a  mob  of  white  men  knocked  a  colored  woman  down, 
cut  her  up  frightfully,  and  then  took  her  baby  and  dashed  its  brains  out  on  the 
street-car  tracks.  He  was  of  fair  complexion  and  could  easily  be  taken  for 
white.    He  said: 

I  came  upon  the  mob  as  they  were  laughing  and  shouting.  Why  I  could  have  torn 
every  one  of  the  white  cusses  in  a  thousand  pieces.  Just  think,  they  stood  there 
laughing  and  shouting  over  what  they  had  done.  Why  every  drop  of  blood  in 
my  body  boiled  and  at  that  momemt  I  swore  to  God  in  heaven  that  I'd  kill  some 
white  man  if  I  swung  for  it. 

This  report  was  not  substantiated  by  wide  and  thorough  inquiry  by  the 
Commission. 

Rumor  in  the  East  St.  Louis  riot. — Under  "Myths,"  hereinafter  discussed, 
are  given  stereotyped  sex  stories  circidated  to  produce  antagonistic  sentiment 
toward  Negroes.  Many  rumors,  however,  which  had  no  relation  to  sex  crimes 
were  circulated  at  the  time  of  the  East  St.  Louis  riot.  The  following  example 
taken  from  the  testimony  before  one  of  the  boards  of  inquiry  pictures  the  eflfect- 
ive  use  at  East  St.  Louis  of  a  rumor  concerning  an  imaginary  smallpox  epidemic : 

Mr.  Tower:  Other  statements  I  heard  were  that  people  feared  an  epidemic  of 
smallpox;  that  the  County  Hospital  had  been  burdened  for  months  with  an  average 

of  thirty  cases  of  smallpox The  whole  County  became  fearful.    You  could 

hear  the  same  discussions  away  from  East  St.  Louis.  People  were  inflamed,  and 
their  feelings  were  directed  against  the  big  employers  of  East  St.  Louis  feeUng  that 
they  were  responsible  for  the  great  influx  of  Negroes. 

4.      RUMOBS  PREDICTING  RIOTS 

Rumors  that  persist  usually  have  some  plausibility.  The  series  which 
follows  contains  elements  of  possible  truth.  Rumors  predicting  race  riots  in 
Chicago  centered  about  fixed  dates  on  which  excitement  often  existed  each 
year.  Thus  July  4,  a  holiday  celebrated  with  fireworks  and  noise  in  which 
shots  would  not  be  noticed,  was  the  date  set  in  popular  expectation  for  the 
Chicago  riot  that  broke  out  almost  three  weeks  later.  Signs  had  been  posted 
in  Washington  Park  to  the  effect  that  Negroes  would  be  driven  out  of  the  park 
on  that  date. 

All  this  expectation  undoubtedly  caused  preparation  for  trouble.  It  is 
conceivable  that  this  preparation  at  least  accentuated  the  violence  of  the  riot 
which  began  on  July  27. 

Hallowe'en  night,  when  ruffians  could  mask  and  take  reprisals  with  less 
fear  of  identification  or  detection  than  ordinarily,  was  the  next  date  in  popular 
expectation.  An  official  report  to  Washington  by  a  governmental  agency  on 
"Radicalism  among  Negroes,"  carried  the  rumor  thus: 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  573 

....  A  report  was  received  at  this  office  to  the  effect  that  an  uprising  of  Negroes 
in  Chicago  has  been  planned  for  the  night  of  October  31,  191 9.  This  report  came  in  a 
somewhat  vague  form,  through  children  attending  schools  located  in  the  colored 
districts.  The  Negroes  were  aroused  over  a  report  to  the  effect  that  the  white 
residents  of  a  certain  South  Side  district  were  planning  to  drive  out  all  colored  inhabit- 
ants.   The  police  were  informed  of  the  situation. 

No  riot  occurred  at  or  near  that  date. 

May  I,  1920,  was  next  rumored  as  the  date  when  a  riot  would  start 
surpassing  in  violence  any  that  had  yet  occurred.  Labor  parades  were  planned 
in  Chicago  for  May  i,  1920.  It  is  also  moving  day,  many  residence  leases  then 
expiring.  Thousands  of  Negroes,  it  was  widely  said,  would  be  told  to  leave 
Hyde  Park.  Negroes,  it  was  further  said,  had  no  intention  of  leaving  and  would 
oppose  ejection  even  with  force.  This  rumor  was  taken  up  and  circulated  by 
responsible  authorities.  As  early  as  April  20,  1920,  this  article  appeared  in 
the  Herald-Examiner: 

U.S.  Sees  Race  Riots  Here  May  i 

Warning  that  race  riots  may  occur  in  the  South  Side  Negro  districts  May  i  was 
sent  yesterday  to  John  H.  Alcock,  first  deputy  superintendent  of  police,  by  the 
army  intelligence  department.  The  exact  nature  of  the  warning  could  not  be  learned 
and  no  information  could  be  obtained  as  to  the  supposed  source  of  the  predicted 
trouble,  but  it  is  expected  to  arise  when  Negro  families  move  into  new  homes  in  white 
sections  of  the  South  Side. 

Numerous  bombings  have  given  strength  to  the  belief  that  more  trouble  may 
develop  this  summer.  Official  notice  to  the  police  department  is  said  to  have  been 
made  by  E.  J.  Rowens  of  the  army  intelligence  staff. 

No  comment  on  the  warning  could  be  obtained  from  Chief  of  Police  John  J. 
Garrity  or  Superintendent  Alcock.  Capt.  Michael  Gallery  of  the  Deering  St.  Station 
said  that  he  believed  such  reports  were  absurd. 

"I  have  been  all  through  the  Negro  section  of  my  district  today,"  said  Capt. 
Gallery.  "All  is  serene  and  the  Negroes  are  happy.  I  do  not  believe  that  there  will 
be  any  trouble  this  summer." 

Capt.  Thomas  Caughlin  of  the  Cottage  Grove  Ave.  Station  in  whose  district 
the  riots  started  last  summer,  said  he  was  always  prepared  and  on  the  lookout  for 
trouble  in  his  territory. 

An  inquiry  based  upon  this  "  May  1 "  rumor  came  to  the  Commission.  The 
manager  of  a  West  Side  restaurant  told  the  Commission  that  a  Negro  girl  in 
his  employ  had  asked  him  whether  it  would  be  safe  for  her  to  come  to  work  on 
that  day.  Her  sister  had  been  warned  in  a  friendly  way  by  white  fellow- 
waitresses  in  a  downtown  restaurant  that  she  should  not  risk  coming  to  work 
that  day,  "because  there  is  going  to  be  a  race  riot." 

On  May  i,  as  was  to  have  been  expected,  thousands  of  persons  were  armed 
and  ready  for  the  anticipated  clash. 

No  riots  occurred.  The  report  was  later  denied  by  the  Army  Intelligence 
Department. 


574 


THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 


Labor  Day,  1920,  was  next  set.  Rumors  flying  fast  were  picked  up  by 
agents  from  the  state's  attorney's  office.  Reports  by  these  agents  from  day 
to  day  show  the  persistence  of  the  rumor.     For  example: 

The  U.S.  Club  which  had  planned  to  hold  a  meeting  August  28,  did  not  hold  the 
meeting  because  they  expected  another  race  riot  on  Labor  Day. 

On  August  28,  Negroes  in  the  barber  shop  on State  Street  were  carrying 

guns.     Many  went  to  Gary  and  Hammond  to  stock  up  against  Labor  Day  but  found 
that  hardware  dealers  would  not  sell. 

On  August  29  httle  else  was  talked  about  in  the  Black  Belt  outside  the  coming 
riot  on  Labor  Day.  The  statement  of  Garrity  [chief  of  poUce]  that  an  extra  cordon 
of  pohce  would  patrol  the  Black  Belt  was  taken  as  confirmation  of  the  rumor  August  20. 

An  averted  clash. — Seeley  Street  on  the  West  Side  is  a  district  where  Negroes 
infrequently  go.  On  the  night  of  May  i,  one  of  the  dates  scheduled  in  rumors 
and  reports  for  a  race  riot  in  Chicago,  the  daughter  of  a  pressroom  foreman  was 
returning  home  at  night.  As  she  passed  an  alley  a  man  grabbed  her  by  the 
arm  and  attempted  to  drag  her  into  the  alley.  She  managed  to  struggle  away 
and  ran  home,  reporting  the  incident  incoherently  to  her  father.  Immediately 
he  armed  himself  and  went  out  looking  for  the  assailant. 

Near  the  alley  where  the  incident  occurred,  a  lone  Negro  was  standing 
dressed  in  overalls.  Across  the  street  was  a  clubroom  in  which  were  a  number 
of  white  men.  When  he  saw  the  Negro  his  first  impulse  was  to  shoot.  The 
Negro,  however,  gave  no  indication  of  being  hunted,  but  reached  into  his 
pocket,  looked  at  his  watch,  and  continued  to  stand  there. 

It  occurred  to  the  father  that  he  had  not  learned  from  the  girl  whether  it 
was  a  white  man  or  a  Negro  who  had  attempted  to  attack  her.  He  went  back 
home  and  asked,  and  she  said  it  was  a  white  man. 

5.      RUMORS  CONCERNING  NEGRO  RADICALS 

During  the  country-wide  excitement  over  radicals  caused  by  the  activities 
of  the  Department  of  Justice  in  the  fall  of  1 919,  the  Chicago  office  of  the  United 
States  Army  Intelligence  Bureau  sent  to  Washington  reports  concerning  Negro 
organizations.  These  reports  were  founded  upon  scarcely  anything  more  than 
suspicion  due  to  lack  of  information  and  acquaintance  with  the  Negro  group. 
One  section  of  a  report  made  in  October,  1919,  read: 

A  convention  of  the  colored  organization  known  as  the  National  Urban  League 
was  held  in  Detroit  on  October  15,  1919,  at  which  Eugene  Kinkle  Jones,  Negro 
agitator,  presided.  Mr.  Jones  has  his  headquarters  at  127  East  23rd  Street,  New 
York  City.    Wm.  D.  Haywood  was  invited  to  speak  at  this  convention. 

The  National  Urban  League  is  an  organization  of  responsible  Negroes  and 
whites,  with  branches  in  thirty-one  cities.  It  numbers  among  its  executive 
officers  L.  HoUingsworth  Wood,  A.  S.  Frizzell,  Robert  R.  Moton,  Mrs.  Julius 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  575 

Rosenwald,   George  W.   Seligman,  and  Mrs.   Booker  T.   Washington.     Its 
avowed  purposes  are: 

1.  Try  to  show  social  welfare  agencies  the  advantage  of  co-operation. 

2.  Secure  and  train  social  workers. 

3.  Protect  women  and  children  from  unscrupulous  persons. 

4.  Fit  workers  for  work 

5.  Help  to  secure  playgrounds  and  other  clean  places  of  amusement. 

6.  Organize  boys'  and  girls'  clubs  and  neighborhood  unions. 

7.  Help  with  probation  oversight  of  deHnquents. 

8.  Maintain  a  country  home  for  convalescent  women. 

9.  Investigate  conditions  of  city  life  as  a  basis  for  practical  work. 
Concerning  the  reference  to  William  D.  Haywood  and  E.  K.  Jones,  this 

statement  was  received  by  the  Commission  from  E.  K.  Jones: 

The  National  Urban  League  did  hold  its  annual  convention  in  Detroit,  October  15, 
1919.  William  D.  Haywood  was  not  invited  to  speak  at  this  convention.  Judging 
from  the  reference  to  Haywood  the  term  "Negro  agitator"  as  applied  to  myself 
connotes  a  most  violently  radical  strain  in  whatever  methods  I  might  be  using  to  bring 
about  better  conditions  for  the  Negro. 

Throughout  my  ten  years'  connection  with  the  League,  I  have  sought  by  coura- 
geous but  practical  methods  to  bring  to  the  Negro  an  opportunity  in  American  life 
and  have  urged  Negroes  to  measure  up  in  every  way  along  lines  of  efl&ciency  and  be 
satisfied  with  nothing  but  a  square  deal  and  equal  opportunity  in  our  national  life. 
I  have  never  suggested  violence  of  any  kind  as  a  means  toward  this  end,  nor,  in 
fact,  has  the  idea  ever  arisen  in  my  mind  that  this  would  be  an  effective  means  of 
attaining  this  end. 

From  the  same  Intelligence  Bureau  report  this  statement  is  taken: 
"Another  recent  report  states  that  the  National  Association  for  the  Advance- 
ment of  Colored  People  with  offices  at  70  Fifth  Avenue,  New  York  City,  is 
planning  to  flood  the  colored  districts  with  I.W.W.  literature." 

The  National  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Colored  People  is  a 
reputable  organization  of  whites  and  Negroes  numbering  among  its  executive 
officers  Hon.  Mooriield  Storey,  Rev.  John  Haynes  Holmes,  Arthur  E.  Spingarn, 
Oswald  Garrison  Villard,  Mary  White  Ovington,  and  Dr.  Charles  E.  Bentley. 
It  has  no  relation  with  the  I.W.W.  and  has  never  planned  any  distribution  of 
I.W.W.  literature. 

6.      RUMOR  WITHIN  THE  NEGRO  GROUP 

The  Chicago  Advocate,  a  Negro  paper  of  an  irresponsible,  sensational  type, 
published  under  large  headlines  a  report  of  a  run  on  the  Lincoln  State  Bank. 
The  reason  alleged  was  indignation  over  the  refusal  of  the  white  officials  of  the 
bank  to  lend  money  on  Negro  property  in  Hyde  Park.  The  bank  officials 
were  accused  of  discrimination  in  favor  of  an  organization  of  men  in  Hyde 
Park  who  were  making  every  effort  to  keep  Negroes  segregated  within  the 


576  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

"Black  Belt."  The  Pyramid  Building  and  Loan  Association  was  said  to  have 
requested  the  loan.  Since  nearly  90  per  cent  of  the  depositors  of  the  bank  were 
supposed  to  be  Negroes,  the  act  was  considered  an  insulting  disloyalty  to 
Negroes  who  supported  the  institution. 

A  number  of  Negroes,  beheving  that  their  savings  were  in  danger,  rushed 
to  the  bank.  Soon  there  was  an  actual  run,  and  for  several  days  long  lines  of 
depositors  passed  through  the  bank  and  carried  away  their  savings.  More 
than  $243,000  was  withdrawn.  The  report  proved  to  be  without  foundation, 
and  the  three  largest  and  most  influential  Negro  newspapers  aided  in  restoring 
normal  business  relations.  The  president  of  the  bank  charged  the  head  of 
the  Building  and  Loan  Association  and  the  editor  of  the  newspaper  that 
published  the  story  with  responsibiUty  for  this  rumor. 

7.      RUMORS  OF  ATROCITIES 

Of  the  type  of  rumor  which  has  had  effect  upon  the  sentiments  of  Negroes 
concerning  the  Chicago  riot,  the  following  quotations  from  a  pamphlet  entitled 
The  Chicago  Race  Riots,  by  Austin  D.  N.  Sutton,  a  Negro,  provide  a  good 
example: 

In  an  investigation  made  personally  by  me,  beginning  about  five  o'clock  Wednes- 
day afternoon,  July  30,  until  far  into  the  evening,  visiting  the  districts  from  Forty- 
seventh  Street,  East  to  Indiana  Avenue,  West  to  Wentworth  Avenue,  South  to 
Fifty-fifth  Street,  I  found  a  little  short  street  between  Forty-eighth  and  Fifth  Avenue 
called  Swan  Street,  that  is  not  easily  located,  and  very  little  known  by  the  general 
public.  Eye-witnesses  said  that  men,  women  and  children  were  being  attacked  and 
kUled  and  thrown  into  the  sewer,  and  no  account  of  their  whereabouts  has  ever  been 
given. 

I  found  about  twenty  refugees  who  had  been  run  away  from  their  homes  on 
Forty-eighth,  Forty-ninth  and  Fifth  Avenue,  also  Wentworth  and  Princeton  avenues. 
Their  homes  had  been  burned,  and  they  were  made  to  flee  for  their  lives.  I  have  the 
names  and  addresses  of  more  than  one  hundred  cases  investigated,  one  more  horrible 
case,  where  a  young  colored  boy  was  gasolined  and  burned  after  having  been  killed 
and  where  colored  women  in  the  Stock  Yards  district  were  attacked  and  their  breasts 
cut  off.  These  things  were  perpetrated  by  the  whites  upon  peaceful  law-abiding 
blacks,  some  of  whom  had  been  residents  for  twenty-seven  years  in  that  neighborhood. 

Thorough  inquiries  were  made  by  the  Commission  into  these  alleged  atroci- 
ties, and  no  evidence  was  found  to  show  that  anyone  was  "gasolined  and 
burned"  during  the  riot  or  that  any  colored  women's  breasts  were  cut  off. 

8.      RUMORS  AND  THE  MIGRATION 

The  rumors  in  circulation  in  the  South  at  the  beginning  of  the  migration 
of  Negroes  to  the  North  were  responsible  for  the  presence  in  Chicago  of  many 
who  heard  them.  It  is  hard  to  conceive  how  the  tale  that  the  Germans  were 
on  their  way  through  Texas  to  take  the  southern  states  could  have  been 
believed,  yet  it  is  reported  that  this  extravagant  rumor  was  taken  seriously 
in  some  quarters. 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  577 

On  the  outskirts  of  Meridian,  Mississippi,  a  band  of  gypsies  was  encamped. 
The  rumor  gained  circulation  that  the  Indians  were  coming  back  to  retake  their 
land,  lost  many  years  ago.  Further  it  was  declared  that  the  United  States 
government  was  beginning  a  scheme  to  transport  all  the  Negroes  from  the 
South  to  break  up  the  Black  Belt.  Passed  from  mouth  to  mouth  unrestrainedly, 
the  tale  became  an  established  verity  for  many  Negroes. 

It  was  declared  on  the  word  of  honor  of  "one  in  a  position  to  know"  that 
the  packing-houses  in  Chicago  needed  and  would  get  50,000  Negro  workers 
before  the  end  of  191 7.  One  explanation  of  the  belief  that  the  South  was  over- 
run with  labor  agents  is  the  fact  that  Negroes  at  the  South  saw  in  every 
stranger  a  man  from  the  North  looking  for  laborers  and  their  families.  If  he 
denied  it,  they  thought  that  he  was  concealing  his  identity  from  the  police, 
and  if  he  said  nothing,  his  silence  was  regarded  as  affirmation. 

Hundreds  of  disappointments  of  prospective  migrants  were  traced  to  the 
rumor  that  a  train  would  leave  on  a  certain  date,  sometimes  after  the  presence 
of  a  stranger  in  town;  they  would  come  to  the  station  prepared  to  leave,  and 
when  no  agent  appeared,  would  purchase  their  own  tickets  to  the  North. 
Wages  and  privileges  in  the  North  were  greatly  exaggerated.  Some  men,  on 
being  questioned,  supposed  that  it  was  possible  for  any  common  laborer  to 
earn  $10  a  day  and  that  $50  a  week  was  not  unusual.  The  strength  of  this 
belief  was  remarked  by  several  social  agencies  in  Chicago  which  attempted  to 
supply  migrants  with  work.  The  actual  wages  paid,  though  much  in  excess 
of  what  they  had  been  receiving,  were  disappointing.  Similarly  in  the  matter 
of  privilege  and  "rights,"  it  was  later  discovered  by  the  migrants  that 
unbounded  liberty  was  not  to  be  found  in  the  North.  Many  cases  of  grotesque 
misconduct  of  newly  arrived  migrants  in  Chicago,  against  which  more  sober- 
minded  Negroes  preached,  possibly  had  root  in  exaggerated  reports  of  "free- 
dom and  privilege"  in  the  North  which  had  reached  the  South.^ 

in.      MYTHS 

There  arise  among  groups  of  people  various  stories  with  little  or  no  basis 
in  fact,  which,  through  repetition  and  unvaried  association  with  the  same 
persons  or  incidents,  come  to  be  regarded  as  true.  These  stories,  when  they 
persist  through  years  and  even  through  generations,  are  myths.  They  are 
usually  the  response  to  a  prejudice  or  a  desire. 

In  general  they  have  some  plausible  and  apparent  justification.  In  turn 
they  lend  stability  not  only  to  the  beUefs  out  of  which  they  were  born,  but  to 
themselves.  Frequently  they  are  the  result  of  the  assimiption  that  because 
two  things  happen  at  the  same  time  they  are  connected  by  the  relationship 
of  cause  and  efltect.  So  long  as  these  stories  are  uncorrected  they  hold  and 
exercise  a  marked  degree  of  control  over  personal  conduct. 

Myths  are  important  in  any  consideration  of  the  instruments  of  opinion- 
making.     Fernand  von  Langenhove,  a  Belgian  scientist  associated  with  the 

*  Charles  S.  Johnson,  The  Migration  of  Negroes  to  Chicago. 


578  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Solvay  Institute  for  Sociological  Study  at  Brussels,  has  made  probably  the 
first  researches  in  this  field.  He  took  as  his  material  the  reports  spread  in 
Germany  by  German  soldiers  concerning  the  Belgian  priests.  These  myths, 
for  the  most  part  unfounded,  began  to  spread  and  eventually  were  taken  up 
by  German  authorities  and  given  the  stamp  of  official  sanction.  The  reports 
were  investigated  and  found  to  be  false  and  libelous  by  German  authorities 
themselves.  The  method  by  which  these  myths  arose  is  thus  described  in  his 
book  The  Growth  of  a  Legend: 

Hardly  had  the  German  armies  entered  Belgium  when  strange  rumors  began  to 
circulate.    They  spread  from  place  to  place.    They  were  reproduced  by  the  press  and 

they  soon  permeated  the  whole  of  Germany PubHc  credulity  accepted  these 

stories.  The  highest  powers  in  the  state  welcomed  them  without  hesitation  and 
indorsed  them  with  their  authority.  Even  the  Emperor  echoed  them  and,  taking  them 
for  a  text,  advanced  in  the  famous  telegram  of  September  8,  1914,  addressed  to  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  the  most  terrible  accusations  against  the  Belgian 
people  and  clergy. 

....  It  was  the  German  army  which,  as  we  have  seen,  constituted  the  chief 
breeding  ground  for  legendary  stories.  These  were  disseminated  with  great  rapidity 
among  the  troops;  the  liason  ofl&cers,  the  dispatch  riders,  the  food  convoys,  the 
victualling  posts  assured  the  diffusion  of  them 

Submitted  to  the  test  of  the  German  military  inquiry  these  stories  are  shown  to 
be  without  foundation.  Received  from  the  front  and  narrated  by  a  soldier  who  pro- 
fesses to  have  been  an  eye  witness,  they  are  nevertheless  clothed  in  the  public  view 
with  special  authority.  Welcomed  without  control  by  the  press,  the  stories  recounted 
in  letters  from  the  front  appear,  however,  in  the  eyes  of  the  readers  of  a  paper  clothed 
with  a  new  authority — that  which  attaches  to  printed  matter.    They  lose  in  the 

columns  of  a  paper  their  individual  and  particular  character The  statements 

thus  obtain  a  substance  and  an  objectivity  of  which  they  would  otherwise  be  devoid. 
Mixed  with  authentic  news,  they  are  accepted  by  the  public  without  mistrust.  Is  not 
their  appearance  in  the  paper  a  guaranty  of  accuracy  ?  .  .  .  . 

All  these  pseudo-historical  publications  are,  however,  only  one  aspect  of  the 
abundant  literary  production  of  the  Great  War 

So  one  finds  in  this  literature  of  the  lower  classes  the  principal  legendary  episodes 
of  which  we  have  studied  the  origin  and  followed  the  development;  accommodated  to 
a  fiction,  woven  into  a  web  of  intrigue,  they  have  undergone  new  transformations; 
they  have  lost  every  indication  of  their  source;  they  are  transposed  in  the  new  cir- 
cumstances imagined  for  them;  they  have  usually  been  dissociated  from  the  circum- 
stances which  individualize  them  and  fix  their  time  and  place. 

The  evolution  of  myths  concerning  Negroes  shows  a  striking  resemblance 
to  these  mentioned  by  von  Langenhove.  In  this  category  would  fall  the  myths 
concerning  Negro  mentality,  or  the  closing  of  the  frontal  sutures  at  the  age  of 
fourteen;  the  "rape  myth,"  or  the  belief  that  some  character  weakness  and 
inordinate  sexual  virility  in  Negroes  make  them  rapists  by  nature;  and  the 
"insurrection  myth,"  or  the  recurrent  assertion  and  belief  that  Negroes  are 
plotting  the  downfall  of  the  government.    These  are  general  in  their  accept- 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  579 

ance.  They  illustrate  the  tendency  of  authors  observed  by  Langenhove  in 
his  study  ''  to  incorporate  new  ideas  with  the  complex  old  ones  and  show  that 
they  are  not  surprising  and  that  all  earher  facts  tend  to  prove  it."  The  efforts 
of  some  recent  writers  on  the  Negro  question  may  be  noted. 

In  1895  R.  M.  Bache'  made  one  of  the  first  experimental  studies  of  the 
relative  mentality  of  the  white,  Negro,  and  Indian  races.  His  study  was 
based  on  only  ten  Negroes.  He  began  with  an  assumption  of  the  inferiority 
of  Negroes  and  was  satisfied  that  he  had  proved  it.  In  his  tests  the  whites 
were  slowest  in  reacting  to  the  visual,  auditory,  and  electrical  stimulation,  the 
Indians  were  quickest,  and  the  Negroes  about  midway  between.  He  deduced 
from  this  that  the  whites  were  superior,  the  Indians  next,  and  the  Negroes  the 
lowest  of  the  group.  The  Negroes  he  explained  were  slower  than  the  Indians 
because  they  were  of  mixed  white  and  Negro  blood  and  had  inherited  the  effects 
of  slavery,  while  the  Indians'  mode  of  life  compelled  them  to  rely  upon  quick 
movement.  Therefore  he  said  the  Indian  was  of  a  higher  race  than  the  Negro. 
Dr.  Vogt,  a  German  anthropologist,  is  responsible  for  the  statement:  "On 
examining  the  brain  of  a  Negro  I  find  a  remarkable  resemblance  between  the 
ape  and  the  Negro,  especially  with  reference  to  the  development  of  the  temperal 
lobe."  He  made  this  deduction  from  the  examination  of  the  skull  of  one 
Hottentot  Negro  woman. 

A.  T.  Smith  made  association  and  memory  tests  and  concluded^  that  the 
Negro  child  was  psychologically  different  from  the  white  child  in  power  of 
abstraction,  judgment,  and  analysis.     He  took  a  single  Negro  boy  as  typical. 

For  the  purpose  of  studying  myths  pertinent  to  this  inquiry  instances  were 
taken  from  the  testimony  in  race  riots,  both  in  East  St.  Louis  and  Chicago. 
The  excerpts  which  follow  illustrate  the  tendency  of  myths  to  create  and 
give  currency  to  rumors: 

NEGROES  SECRETING  ARMS 

I  returned  in  about  an  hour  and  learned  from  Col.  Tripp  that  it  had  been  reported 
that  Negroes  were  forming  and  had  large  quantities  of  arms  and  ammunition  at  a 
saloon  on  the  northeasterly  corner  of  Nineteenth  and  Market  Avenue;  at  the  time 
the  small  detachment  of  troops  remaining  at  the  City  Hall  was  loaded  into  an  auto 
truck  and  Col.  Tripp,  Lieut.  Col.  Clayton,  Chief  of  PoUce  Ransom  Payne  and  myself, 
in  my  automobile  proceeded  to  the  saloon  and  pool-room  located  at  the  northeasterly 
corner  of  Nineteenth  Street  and  Market  Avenue,  where  it  was  reported  there  were 
large  stores  of  ammunition  and  arms. 

We  accompanied  Col.  Tripp  into  the  building  and  found  perhaps  fifteen  or  eighteen 
Negro  men;  Col.  Tripp  ordered  them  to  surrender  arms  and  there  being  no  ready 
compliance  with  the  order,  he  thereupon  ordered  them  searched  and  found  one  man 
who  had  a  niunber  of  loaded  shot-gun  shells.  [Testimony  by  Thomas  L.  Fekete,  Jr., 
city  attorney  of  East  St.  Louis,  at  East  St.  Louis  Inquiry  into  Conduct  of  Militia.] 

» "Reaction  Time  with  Reference  to  Race,"  Psychological  Review,  II,  475-86. 
» "A  Study  in  Race  Psychology,"  Popular  Science  Monthly,  L,  354-60. 


S8o  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

NEGROES  PLANNING  ATTACK 

Question:  Now  what  happened  Tuesday  ? 

Answer:  Well,  Tuesday  I  spent  most  of  my  time  in  the  City  Hall  except  when  we 
would  be  sent  out  on  false  alarms,  calls  from  the  different  parts  of  the  city.  That  was 
practically  aU  of  our  work  there  then.  There  was  no  rioting  on  Tuesday,  but  they 
continued  calling  from  different  parts  of  the  city  that  Negroes  were  forming  and  ready 
to  attack,  and  we  would  send  men,  whenever  they  were  available,  out  with  squads, 
two  squads  of  men  to  investigate,  but  invariably  it  was  a  false  alarm.  [Testimony 
by  Major  Wm.  Klauser  at  East  St.  Louis  Inquiry  into  Conduct  of  Militia.] 

CONCEALING  ARMS  FOR  INSURRECTION 

We  then  searched  the  building,  particularly  the  dwelling  quarters  above  these 
rooms,  for  arms  which  it  had  been  alleged  Dr.  L.  N.  Bundy  had  stored  at  this  place. 
We  found  that  Dr.  Bundy  had  sent  two  cartons  of  his  property  to  this  place  for  safe- 
keeping and  on  opening  the  cartons,  we  discovered  that  they  contained  no  firearms 
or  ammunition,  but  contained  automobile  supplies  and  some  stationery.  [Testimony 
by  Col.  S.  O.  Tripp  at  East  St.  Louis  Inquiry  into  Conduct  of  Militia.] 

NEGROES  ARMING  AND  PLANNING  AN  ATTACK 

Then  we  commenced  to  get  reports  from  different  parts  of  the  city  that  Negroes 
were  arming,  getting  ready  to  attack.  One  of  the  persistent  rumors  was  there  were 
two  hundred  Negroes  armed  around  Sixty  and  Bond  streets  some  place  there.  That 
rumor  was  so  persistent  that  Col.  Tripp  ordered  me  to  take  Company  B  down  and 
investigate  it  and  the  police  sent  one  policeman  along  to  show  us  the  way  and  show  us 
the  place  where  it  was  supposed  to  be.  We  got  down  there  within  probably  three 
blocks  of  the  place  and  the  policeman  told  us  we  better  not  get  too  close  without  form- 
ing a  line  of  skirmishers,  which  I  did.  I  divided  the  company  into  two  platoons.  One 
platoon  under  the  Company  commander  and  the  other  under  the  first  lieutenant,  and 
we  combed  that  district  all  through.  The  policeman  deserted  us  as  soon  as  we  started 
out  and  we  were  all  left  alone.     We  combed  all  over  for  an  hour  or  probably  more. 

Question:  Who  was  the  commander  of  Company  B  ? 

Answer:  Captain  Eaton.  We  did  not  find  a  single  thing  except  two  Negroes 
who  just  came  out  of  a  house.  We  searched  them  and  they  were  armed  and  we 
arrested  them.  We  brought  these  back  with  us  when  we  came  perhaps  an  hour  or 
an  hour  and  a  half  later. 

Question:  Is  there  anything  else  that  night  ? 

Answer:  Yes,  it  was  not  very  long  until  we  got  rumors  that  at  about  27th  and 
28th  and  Tudor  that  the  Negroes  and  whites  were  in  a  pitched  battle.  That  is 
about  two  miles  I  think  southeast,  and  they  asked  me  to  go  out  and  look  into  the 
situation  and  take  a  squad  of  men  with  me  ....  we  got  to  Eighteenth  and  Bond 
and  we  were  perhaps  a  quarter  of  a  mile  ahead  of  the  truck  and  we  were  fired  upon. 
We  stopped  the  car  and  Brown  returned  the  fire.  We  could  see  smoke  coming  from 
a  vacant  lot  and  by  that  time  the  truck  came  up  and  we  formed  a  line  of  skirmishers 
and  went  through  and  could  not  find  a  single  thing. 

The  Chief  of  Police  was  advised,  on  rumor,  that  Negroes  were  forming  in  the 
Black  Belt  for  the  purpose  of  marching  on  the  whites.  In  response  to  this  rumor, 
the  witness  [Col.  S.  0.  Tripp],  the  Acting  Mayor  [Fekete],  and  the  military  oflScials 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  581 

left  for  the  seat  of  the  purported  mobilization  of  Negroes,  but  found  that  the  report 
was  untrue.  The  record  shows  that  during  this  temporary  departure  of  authorities, 
military  and  civil,  acts  of  lawlessness  were  being  exerted  against  Negroes  in  other 
sections  of  the  city.  [Testimony  by  Major  Wm.  Klauser  at  East  St.  Louis  Inquiry 
into  Conduct  of  Militia.] 

ARMED  AND  MASSED  ATTACKS  BY  NEGROES 

....  As  we  got  to  27  th  and  Tudor  I  found  a  first  lieutenant  of  the  Missouri 
National  Guard  there.  I  afterwards  found  out  his  name  was  Crawley.  He  had  one 
soldier  with  him.  He  called  him  his  orderly.  I  think  his  name  was  Murphy.  There 
they  were  perhaps  a  dozen  young  men,  about  eighteen  or  twenty,  armed  with  rifles  and 
were  lined  up  at  28th  Street  there  under  trees,  that  is  behind  trees,  at  least  it  looked 
that  way  in  the  night,  and  perhaps  a  half  a  block  more  north  it  looked  to  me  two 
houses  were  burning;  it  was  a  big  fire;  they  were  burning,  and  they  claimed  that 
the  Negroes  had  been  firing  at  them  and  they  were  returning  the  fire,  and  I  guess 
that  is  where  the  report  came  from.  He  advised  me  that  it  was  a  little  dangerous 
work  up  there  and  that  we  had  better  form  a  few  men,  form  a  line  of  skirmishers,  and 
I  sent  one  bunch  to  the  east  side  of  the  fire  to  see  what  we  could  find  in  there.  So  I 
did  that.  I  gave  Capt.  Easterday  a  bunch  of  men,  one  detachment,  and  Lieut.  BrowTi 
another,  one  on  each  side,  and  then  Lieut.  Crawley  and  one  private  went  right  through 
the  center  of  it,  right  next  to  the  place  seemed  deserted  and  we  could  not  find  any- 
body and  we  waited  for  the  other  detachments  to  come  out  and  they  did  not  find 
anything  and  I  walked  around,  it  seemed  on  the  west  side  of  the  block,  between  27th 
and  28th  Streets,  and  I  saw  a  couple  of  fellows  sticking  their  heads  up  over  the 
fence,  the  fence  of  an  old  two  story  brick  building,  and  I  hollered.  I  thought  per- 
haps it  was  Lieut.  Crawley  and  waited  for  him  and  we  found  a  bunch  of  Negroes  in 
there,  perhaps  twenty-five  of  them.  Lieut.  Crawley  and  myself  lined  them  up  and 
searched  them  and  there  was  not  a  Negro  who  had  any  arms  or  ammunition,  and 
we  asked  if  there  were  any  more  ih  the  house,  and  they  said  this  private  came  in  and 
already  had  three  of  us.  So  Lieut.  Crawley  said  if  I  guard  the  ones  outside  he 
would  go  inside  and  run  the  rest  out,  so  in  the  neighborhood  of  one  hundred  fifty 
or  two  hundred  came  out,  men,  women  and  children  and  we  searched  all  of  them  but 
did  not  find  anything  on  them.  [Testimony  by  Thomas  L.  Fekete,  city  attorney  at 
East  St.  Louis  Inquiry  mto  Conduct  of  Militia.] 

V      I.      THE  RAPE  MYTH 

It  is  the  common  belief  among  whites  that  Negroes  are  rapists  by  nature. 
In  this  belief  are  involved  the  "fear  obsession"  of  Negro  men,  held  by  many 
white  women,  fear  of  the  "social  equality"  bugaboo,  condonings  of  lynchings, 
and  repressive  social  restriction  as  well  as  attempts  at  legislative  restraints. 
The  persistency  of  these  assertions  and  this  belief  point  to  an  interesting 
peculiarity  of  popular  opinion.'    There  have  been  cases  of  rape  involving 

'See  "I.  Primary  Beliefs — Criminality,"  p.  440.  In  questiomiaire,  return  to  question : 
"What  subjects  of  discussion  most  frequently  lead  to  the  Negro?"  The  reply  is  given: 
"Lynching,  lying,  stealing,  and  attacking  of  little  girls." 

In  commenting  on  the  proposition:  "Prejudice  has  its  principal  basis  in  fear,"  the  state- 
ment is  made:  "I  believe  this  is  true  among  women;  not  particularly  among  men.  This  is 
partly  due  to  the  publicity  given  to  all  acts  against  women  by  Negroes,  in  my  judgment." 


582  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Negroes,  but  they  have  contributed  no  such  preponderance  as  would  justify 
the  wholesale  charge  against  the  Negro  race.  The  tendency  is  to  stress  Negro 
sex  offenses  as  though  they  alone  constituted  almost  the  whole  of  revolting 
crime.  The  usual  proportion  of  white  sex  offenses  is  lost  in  the  general  statistics 
of  crime.  In  the  South,  where  it  was  first  persistently  asserted  that  Negro 
men  have  an  abnormal  tendency  to  sexual  crimes,  each  crime,  or  attempted 
crime,  and  in  many  cases  even  suspected  crime,  of  this  sort  has  registered  itself 
in  a  lynching. 

In  the  twenty-year  period  between  1883  and  1903  there  were  lynched  in  the 
South  1,985  Negroes.  Rape  was  assigned  as  the  cause  in  675  cases.  In  1,310 
cases  other  causes  were  given.  James  Welden  Johnson,  field  secretary  of 
the  National  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Colored  People,  has  pre- 
pared figures  on  lynchings  and  sex  offenses  charged  to  Negroes  which  point 
out  the  misrepresentation  in  easy  but  persistent  charges  and  the  unquestion- 
ing acceptance  of  them  by  the  public.     He  says: 

Whenever  the  Negro  protests  against  lynching,  nearly  all  southern  newspapers 
and  a  great  many  northern  newspapers  call  upon  him  to  deprecate  the  crime  which 
leads  to  lynching.  The  authentic  statistics  on  lynching  prove  the  falsehood  on  which 
this  propaganda  is  based.  In  the  past  thirty-five  years  fifty  Negro  women  have  been 
lynched.  In  the  twelve-month  period,  August,  1918 — ^August,  1919  [when  the  state- 
ment was  prepared]  five  Negro  women  were  lynched. 

LYNCHINGS 


Years 

Lynchings 

Number 

Charged  with 

Rape 

1014.-18* 

264 
1,98s 

28 

IBS'?— iQo^ 

67s 

*  Does  not  include  the  Negroes  killed  in  East  St.  Louis. 

When  the  Congressional  Committee  on  Immigration  in  191 1  made  its  study  of 
crime  in  the  United  States,  an  investigation  was  made  of  2,262  cases  in  the  New 
York  Court  of  General  Sessions,  and  in  that  investigation  it  was  found  that  the  per- 
centage for  the  crime  of  rape  was  lower  for  Negroes  than  for  either  the  foreign-bom 
whites  or  native  whites. 

NEW  YORK  COURT  OF  GENERAL  SESSIONS* 

191 1  Rape 

Native-born  whites 8  per  cent 

Foreign-bom  whites 1.8  per  cent 

Negroes 5  per  cent 

♦  Congressional  Committee  on  Immigration. 

Contrast  these  records,  bad  as  they  may  appear,  with  the  records  for  New  York 
County,  which  is  only  a  part  of  New  York  City,  and  we  find  that  in  this  one  county 
in  the  single  year  of  191 7,  230  persons  were  indicted  for  rape.  Of  this  number,  37 
were  indicted  for  rape  in  the  first  degree. 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS 

INDICTMENTS  AND  LYNCHINGS  FOR  RAPE 


583 


Place 

Number  indicted  by  Grand  Jury,  New  York 
County 

Number  of  whites  indicted  by  Grand  Jury,  New 
York  County 

Number  of  Negroes  indicted  by  Grand  Jury,  New 
York  County 

Number  of  Negroes  lynched  in  entire  United  States 


Year 


Crime 


Number 


1917 

1917 

1917 
1914  \ 
1918  / 


Rape 

Rape  in  first  degree 

Rape  in  first  degree 
Charged  with  rape 


230 

37 

o 

28 


That  is,  in  just  a  part  of  New  York  City  the  number  of  persons  indicted  for  rape 
in  the  first  degree  was  nine  more  than  the  total  number  of  Negroes  lynched  on  the 
charge  of  rape  in  the  entire  United  States  during  the  period  1914-1918.  Among 
these  thirty-seven  persons  indicted  by  the  New  York  County  Grand  Jury,  there  was 
not  a  single  Negro.  The  evidence  required  by  the  Grand  Jury  of  New  York  County 
to  indict  a  person  charged  with  rape  must  be  more  conclusive  than  the  evidence 
required  by  a  mob  to  lynch  a  Negro  accused  of  rape. 

In  Chicago  the  statistics  of  sex  offenses  tell  a  significant  story.  Chicago 
judges  in  the  criminal  courts  were  questioned  by  the  Commission  on  their 
experience  to  test  the  foundation  of  this  belief.  Their  replies  were  practi- 
cally unanimous.     Some  of  them  are  given: 

Judge  Pam:  You  talk  about  sex  cases.  Whether  you  call  them  rape  cases  or 
crimes  against  children,  I  have  more  serious  rape  cases  against  white  than  I  have 
against  colored  people.  The  most  serious  case  I  had  was  about  ten  days  ago,  and  I 
sentenced  the  man  to  life  imprisonment.    I  never  had  such  a  case  involving  a  Negro. 

Commissioner:  We  read  a  great  deal  in  the  papers  about  rape  in  the  South.  How 
does  the  colored  man  stand  on  that  matter  in  comparison  to  the  white  man  ? 

Judge  Thompsoji:  Practically  the  same. 

Commissioner:  You  spoke  about  crimes  involving  sex.  What  is  your  experience 
with  regard  to  whether  they  are  committed  more  often  by  colored  persons  than  whites  ? 

Judge  Trude:  I  don't  think  in  Chicago  they  are  committed  more  by  Negroes  than 
whites. 

Judge  Thompson:  In  my  work  with  the  criminal  court  I  was  astounded  at  the  large 
number  of  crimes  involving  the  sexual  abuse  of  children,  but  I  remember  no  case  in 
which  a  colored  defendant  was  charged  with  that  crime.  Almost  all  other  races  were 
represented,  but  I  don't  remember  one  colored  man  charged  with  the  abuse  of  a 

child I  tried  many  of  those  cases,  but  never  tried  a  colored  man  for  that 

offense.  I  would  say  the  majority  of  them  were  slavic  or  German;  practically  no 
Scandinavian. 

Dr.  Adler,  State  Criminologist:  We  had  the  same  thing  here  in  Chicago  of  a  colored 
man  sent  to  the  penitentiary  on  a  charge  of  attempted  rape  or  something  of  that 
sort,  where  the  identification  was  made  by  a  child  of  six  or  eight  years  who  picked 
him  out  in  a  crowd  under  suspicion.  No  such  evidence  ought  to  be  accepted.  We 
are  perfectly  sure,  and  everybody  else  agrees  that  such  evidence  is  not  sufficient  to 
warrant  the  action. 


584  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 


THE   SEX   MYTH 


East  St.  Louis  riot. — The  records  of  the  Congressional  Investigating  Com- 
mittee contain  much  evidence  of  the  use  of  this  myth  in  fomenting  riots. 
Edward  F.  Mason,  representing  the  interests  of  labor,  gave  a  vivid  account  of 
the  report  that  Negro  men  had  committed  vicious  acts  of  assault  against  white 
girls  in  the  East  St.  Louis  streets.  He  stated  further  that  200  white  women 
were  among  the  1,200  persons  present  at  the  meeting  on  the  night  of  May 
28,  just  prior  to  the  riot,  and  that  "we  brought  these  girls  along  to  see  if  we 
couldn't  teach — we  wanted  to  wake  him  [the  mayor]  up.  He  was  in  a  trance. 
He  couldn't  see  the  thing  like  we  did." 

Alois  Towers  emphasized  in  his  testimony  the  sentiment  among  the  whites 
of  East  St.  Louis  just  prior  to  the  outbreak: 

Mr.  Chairman,  yesterday  I  made  the  statement  that  the  great  influx  of  Negroes 
was  responsible  for  the  riot.  I  want  to  try  and  show  some  of  the  feelings  that  devel- 
oped after  this  great  influx  of  Negroes.  It  was  a  terrible  feeling  in  the  air.  Everyone 
felt  that  something  terrible  was  going  to  happen.  On  the  street  comers,  wherever 
you  went,  you  heard  expressions  against  the  Negro.  You  heard  that  the  Negro  was 
(Jriving  the  white  man  out  of  the  locality — by  moving  into  the  white  neighborhood — 
that  the  whites  were  being  forced  out  of  their  locaHties.  Stories  were  afloat  on  the 
streets  and  on  the  street  cars  of  the  worst  kind  that  would  inflame  the  feelings.  For 
instance,  I  heard  one  story  so  persistently  that  I  commenced  to  think  later  on  there 
might  be  some  truth  in  it.  First  I  thought  it  was  just  originated  by  some  who  might 
want  to  inflame  the  feelings  of  the  people.  I  heard  stories  of  this  kind  and  I  heard  it 
no  less  than  a  dozen  times  on  the  streets  of  East  St.  Louis,  that  Negroes  had  made 
the  boast  that  they  were  invited  to  East  St.  Louis;  that  great  numbers  of  white 
people  were  taken  away  for  war  purposes;  and  that  there  would  he  lots  of  white  women 

for  the  Negroes  in  East  St.  Louis The  whole  country  became  fearful.    You 

could  hear  the  same  discussions  away  from  East  St.  Louis.  People  were  inflamed 
and  their  feelings  were  directed  against  big  employers  of  East  St.  Louis,  feeling  that 
they  were  responsible  for  the  great  influx  of  Negroes. 

Of  actual  assaults  against  white  women  there  was  found  no  evidence. 
Testimony  by  the  mayor  before  the  Military  Committee  investigating  the 
conduct  of  soldiers  adds  substantiation  to  this  fact: 

Q.:  Now  did  you  hear  of  any  other  complaints  of  these  colored  men  from  any 
source  as  to  their  conduct  and  behavior  when  they  first  came  here  other  than  being 
imported  here  to  work  in  large  numbers  ? 

A .:  Yes  sir. 

Q.:  What  do  you  know  about  it  ? 

A.:  Some  complaints  that  they  were  sticking  up  people,  holding  up  people  at 
night  time,  and  various  other  police  violations. 

Q.:  Now  were  these  complaints  verified  by  the  records,  or  otherwise  ? 

A .:  I  think  they  were,  they  were  arrested  and  locked  up,  got  trial  and  punishment, 
the  usual  procedure  of  the  Police  Department  and  Courts. 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  585 

Q.:  You  keep  in  pretty  close  touch  with  these  Police  Court  Proceedings  ? 

A.:  Yes  sir. 

Q.:  So  you  would  say  that  there  were  more  colored  people  arrested  and  convicted 
for  such  offenses  as  you  mentioned  than  there  were  four  or  two  years  ago  ? 

A.:  I  have  not  made  that  comparison,  but  I  would  think  so. 

Q.:  Any  other  offenses  except  larceny  and  robbery  ? 

A.:  No. 

Q.:  Any  sex  outrages  ? 

A.:  No. 

Q.:  No  complaints  or  prosecutions  that  white  women  were  outraged  by  colored 
men? 

A.:  No  sir. 

[Board  of  Inquiry,  East  St.  Louis,  111.] 

Washington  riot. — The  Washington  race  riot  was  precipitated  by  reports  of 
alleged  attacks  upon  white  women  by  Negroes.  These  reports  were  featured 
in  the  daily  newspapers  with  large  front-page  headlines,  and  suggestions  were 
made  that  probable  lynchings  would  follow  the  capture  of  the  Negroes.  The 
series  of  reported  assaults  totaled  seven.  In  each  it  was  claimed  that  a  Negro 
had  assaulted  a  white  woman.  When  the  fury  and  excitement  of  the  riot  had 
subsided  and  the  facts  were  sifted,  it  was  found  that  of  the  seven  assaults 
reported,  four  were  assaults  upon  colored  women.  Three  of  the  alleged  criminals 
arrested  and  held  for  assault  were  white  men,  and  at  least  two  of  the  white  men 
were  prosecuted  for  assaults  upon  colored  women.  It  further  developed  that 
three  of  the  assaults  were  supposed  to  have  been  committed  by  a  suspect  who 
at  the  time  of  the  riots  was  under  arrest. 

Waukegan  riot. — A  story  with  the  implication  that  a  sex  issue  was  involved 
was  the  significant  feature  of  the  riot  between  marines  from  the  Great  Lakes 
Naval  Training  Station,  aided  by  citizens  of  Waukegan,  and  the  Negro  resi- 
dents of  Waukegan.  It  is  entirely  likely  that  the  outburst  was  wholly  precipi- 
tated by  the  entirely  false  report  that  "Mrs.  Blazier,  the  wife  of  Lieutenant 
Blazier,"  was  "attacked"  by  Negro  boys.^  Lieutenant  Blazier,  it  developed, 
was  unmarried  and  had  no  woman  occupant  in  the  car. 

Chicago  riot. — The  most  atrocious  murder  of  the  Chicago  riot  of  191 9  was 
precipitated  by  a  report  involving  an  Italian  girl.  The  story  circulated  that 
she  had  been  killed  by  a  Negro.  Joseph  Lovings,  an  innocent  Negro,  chanced 
into  the  neighborhood  on  a  bicycle.  He  was  set  upon  and  murdered.  The 
coroner  found  fourteen  bullet  wounds,  many  stab  wounds,  contusion  of  the  head, 
and  fractures  of  the  skuU  bones  and  of  the  limbs.  The  report  proved  a  myth, 
for  no  girl  was  killed  by  anyone  during  the  riot.  The  Negro  killed  was  innocent 
of  any  injury,  and  if  a  girl  was  injured  it  had  not  been  learned  by  whom  the 
injury  was  inflicted.  There  had  been  no  previous  rioting  on  the  West  Side, 
where  the  murder  was  committed,  and  no  further  clashes  followed  it.  The 
usual  report  of  the  burning  of  the  Negro  which  followed  an  assault  was  also 
circulated,  and  this  was  false  and  unfounded. 

I  See  p.  541. 


S86  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

In  the  frenzy  of  the  rioting  in  Chicago  a  report  gained  circulation  that  white 
women  were  being  attacked  by  Negroes.  Some  reports  picked  up  by  news- 
papers asserted  that  women  were  being  shot  as  the  riot  grew.  The  Chicago 
American  during  the  riot  pertinently  made  a  plea  for  cool-headedness  and 
intelligence  in  receiving  reports.  In  an  editorial  it  thus  importuned  the 
citizenry: 

Don't  circulate  wild  stories  that  tend  to  infuriate  respectable  citizens,  both  white 
and  black.  They  are  trying  to  suppress  the  hoodlums  who  have  been  responsible  for 
all  the  rioting. 

Don't  believe  every  infuriating  report  you  hear,  and  don't  repeat  them  to  others 
more  credulous  than  yourself. 

Depend  on  the  American  to  tell  you  what  happened  just  as  accurately  as  careful, 
intelligent  reporting  will  permit. 

The  most  notable  instance  of  inflammatory  faking  was  observed  in  one  newspaper 
(not  the  American)  yesterday  afternoon.  It  ran  across  its  front  page  in  big  type  the 
heading:  "Women  Shot  as  Riots  Grow."  It  was  based  on  an  incoherent,  unsub- 
stantiated rumor  which  later  investigation  proved  has  no  foundation. 

The  same  information  was  received  by  the  Evening  American  from  the  detective 
bureau,  where  the  report  was  received.  The  American  published  a  few  lines  announ- 
cing that  the  police  had  received  such  reports.  Men  were  rushed  out,  but  the 
report  could  not  be  verified,  and  this  newspaper  withdrew  further  pubhcation  of  the 
unverified  report. 

At  Chicago  Heights  a  race  riot  was  reported  on  August  7,  1920.  It  was 
said  in  the  press  that  a  Negro  motor-cyclist  had  run  down  a  Hungarian  boy. 
The  actual  report  circulated  was  that  a  Negro  had  struck  an  ItaHan  girl.  The 
latter  report  was  not  true;  the  first  one,  contrary  to  press  reports,  did  not  start 
a  riot.    In  fact,  there  was  no  riot. 

In  the  racial  clash  of  September  20,  1920,  the  sex  myth  again  arose.^ 
Immediately  after  one  of  the  Negroes  had  struck  Barrett  down,  the  trio  ran. 
Few  persons  actually  knew  what  had  occurred.  Excitement  waxed  high  when 
the  wild  report  flew  about  that  a  Negro  had  attacked  a  white  woman.  A  mob 
of  several  thousand  men,  women,  and  children  formed  to  storm  the  church  in 
which  they  had  sought  refuge. 

An  investigator  from  the  Commission,  sent  out  immediately  after  the 
clash,  picked  up  traces  of  this  myth  in  the  sentiments  of  white  residents  of 
the  neighborhood. 

There  was  a  story  which  everyone  in  the  neighborhood  seemed  to  know 
concerning  trouble  on  the  street-car  lines  between  Negroes  and  whites.  A 
middle-aged  Irish  woman  on  Union  Avenue,  who  had  been  with  the  crowd 
at  the  church,  gave  the  following  account  of  it:  "Not  long  ago,  a  Negro 
knocked  a  white  woman  oflf  the  cars.  It  never  appeared  in  the  papers.  I 
never  go  on  the  cars  where  they  [Negroes]  are.  You  couldn't  get  me  to  go  on 
a  State  Street  car  line." 

» See  Barrett  case,  p.  64. 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  587 

A  barber  at  Forty-fifth  Street  and  Emerald  Avenue  said: 
There  was  some  trouble  the  Saturday  before  Labor  Day.  A  Negro  gave  the  con- 
ductor a  dollar  bill,  and  the  conductor  said  he  hadn't  change  and  told  him  to  get  off 
the  car.  As  he  was  getting  off,  he  knocked  against  a  white  woman,  and  seven  men 
in  an  automobile  who  were  right  behind  the  car  saw  him  and  chased  him.  They 
brought  him  up  to  the  alley  right  across  the  street,  beat  him  up,  and  cut  up  his  head 
something  awful. 

IV.      PROPAGANDA 

Both  whites  and  Negroes  have  recognized  the  value  of  propaganda  as  an 
instrument  of  opinion-making.  Both  employ  it,  sometimes  openly,  sometimes 
insidiously.  Its  effects  may  be  unmistakably  observed  in  much  of  the  litera- 
ture about  the  Negro.  It  is  the  purpose  here  to  give  attention  to  certain  forms 
of  propaganda  now  in  circulation,  with  a  view  to  defining  roughly  their  place 
in  the  manufacture  of  sentiment  on  the  race  question  in  Chicago.  In  spite  of 
similarity  it  would  be  obviously  unfair  to  lump  all  sorts  of  propaganda,  good 
and  bad,  under  one  general  classification.  It  is  possible,  however,  to  classify 
different  types  from  the  examples  which  came  to  the  attention  of  the  Com- 
mission, as  follows:  (i)  educational,  (2)  radical  and  revolutionary,  (3)  ma- 
licious, (4)  defensive. 

I.      EDUCATIONAL  PROPAGANDA 

Propaganda  on  the  race  situation  with  a  true  educational  purpose  seems 
to  be  confined  largely  to  organizations  composd  of  both  whites  and  Negroes, 
who  make  joint  appeals  to  both  groups.  An  example  is  the  publicity  cam- 
paign of  the  National  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Colored  People. 
This  Association  definitely  asserts  that  it  can  best  accomplish  its  ends  by 
reaching  *'  the  conscience  and  heart  of  the  American  people, "  and  publicity  is 
the  weapon.  The  Crisis  magazine  is  the  principal  organ  of  the  Association, 
although  the  public  is  reached  through  various  other  channels. 

From  the  report  of  the  Association  for  1919,  the  following  figures  covering 
the  circulation  of  information  is  obtained:  During  that  year  1,138,900  copies 
of  the  Crisis  were  sold;  ofl&cers  of  the  Association  traveled  101,009  miles, 
delivered  286  addresses,  including  eleven  in  Chicago,  and  contributed  nineteen 
special  articles,  not  including  special  releases,  of  press  material  to  magazines 
of  wide  circulation. 

2.      RADICAL  AND  REVOLUTIONARY  PROPAGANDA 

A  broad  basis  of  appeal  to  Negroes  as  a  group  is  provided  in  their  economic 
status.  Placed  by  circumstances  near  the  bottom  of  the  industrial  ladder, 
victims  of  exploitation,  restlessly  resentful  of  practices  employed  against  them 
because  of  class  as  well  as  race,  it  might  be  reasoned  that  they  would  be  vitally 
interested  in  a  revolution,  industrial  if  not  social.  The  Industrial  Workers  of 
the  World  has  reasoned  after  this  fashion  and,  probably  because  class  meant 
more  to  it  than  race,  extended  open  arms  to  Negro  workers.    This  appeal  was 


588  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

even  stronger  in  view  of  the  attitude  of  partial  exclusion  adopted  by  many- 
trades  unions.  To  strengthen  its  organization,  ally  with  it  a  restless  group, 
90  per  cent  of  whom  are  laborers,  while  at  the  same  time  providing  an  unmistak- 
able demonstration  of  its  own  disregard  for  race  lines  in  its  so-called  struggle 
for  "industrial  freedom,"  the  I.W.W.  directed  a  definite  propaganda  toward 
the  Negro  group,  and  founded  it  upon  a  very  human  desire.  Thousands  of 
letters  and  pamphlets  were  addressed,  "To  the  colored  workingmen  and 
women,"  calling  them  fellow- workers.     Excerpts  from  one  of  them  follow: 

There  is  one  question  which,  more  than  any  other,  presses  upon  the  mind  of  the 
worker  today,  regardless  of  whether  he  be  of  one  race  or  another,  of  one  color  or 
another,  the  question  of  how  he  can  improve  his  conditions,  raise  his  wages,  shorten 
his  hours  of  labor,  and  gain  something  more  of  freedom  from  his  master,  the  owners 
of  the  industry  wherein  he  labors. 

To  the  black  race,  who,  but  recently,  with  the  assistance  of  the  white  men  of  the 
northern  states,  broke  their  chains  of  bondage  and  ended  chattel  slavery,  a  prospect 
of  further  freedom  or  real  freedom  should  be  most  appealing. 

For  it  is  a  fact  that  the  Negro  worker  is  no  better  off  under  the  freedom  he  has 
gained  than  under  the  slavery  from  which  he  has  escaped.  As  chattel  slaves  we  were 
the  property  of  our  masters  and,  as  a  piece  of  valuable  property,  our  masters  were 
considerate  of  us  and  careful  of  our  health  and  welfare.  Today,  as  wage  workers,  the 
boss  may  work  us  to  death,  at  the  hardest  and  most  hazardous  labor,  at  the  longest 
hours,  at  the  lowest  pay,  we  may  quietly  starve  when  out  of  work  and  the  boss  loses 
nothing  by  it  and  has  no  interest  in  us.  To  him  the  worker  is  but  a  machine  for  pro- 
ducing profits  and  when  you,  as  a  slave  who  sells  himself  to  the  master  on  the  install- 
ment plan,  become  old,  or  broken  in  health  or  strength,  or  should  you  be  killed  while 
at  work,  the  master  merely  gets  another  wage  slave  on  the  same  terms. 

We  who  have  worked  in  the  South  know  that  conditions  in  lumber  and  turpentine 
camps,  in  the  fields  of  cane,  cotton  and  tobacco,  in  the  mills  and  mines  of  Dixie,  are 
such  that  the  workers  suffer  a  more  miserable  existence  than  ever  prevailed  among  the 
chattel  slaves  before  the  great  Civil  War.  Thousands  of  us  have  come  and  are  com- 
ing northward,  crossing  the  Mason  and  Dixon  line,  seeking  better  conditions.  As 
wage  slaves  we  have  run  away  from  the  masters  in  the  South,  but  to  become  the  wage 
slaves  of  the  masters  in  the  North.  In  the  North  we  find  that  the  hardest  work  and 
the  poorest  pay  are  our  portion.  We  are  driven  while  on  the  job,  and  the  high  cost  of 
living  offsets  any  higher  pay  we  might  receive. 

The  only  problem  then,  which  the  colored  worker  should  consider,  as  a  worker,  is 
the  problem  of  organization  with  other  working  men  in  the  labor  organization  that 
best  expresses  the  interest  of  the  whole  working  class  against  the  slavery  and  oppression 
of  the  whole  capitalist  class.  Such  an  organization  is  the  I.W.W. ,  the  Industrial 
Workers  of  the  World,  the  only  labor  union  that  has  never,  in  theory  or  practice,  since  its 
beginning,  twelve  years  ago,  barred  the  workers  of  any  race  or  nation  from  membership. 
The  following  has  stood  as  a  principle  of  the  I.W.W.,  embodied  in  its  official  con- 
stitution since  its  formation  in  1905: 

"By-Laws.     Article  i — Section  i 
"No  working  man  or  woman  shall  be  excluded  from  membershio  in  Unions  because 
of  creed  or  color." 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  589 

If  you  are  a  wage  worker  you  are  welcome  in  the  I.W.W.  halls,  no  matter  what 
your  color.  By  this  you  may  see  that  the  I.W.W.  is  not  a  white  man's  union,  not  a 
black  man's  union,  not  a  red  or  yellow  man's  union,  but  a  working  man's  union.  All 
of  the  working  class  in  one  big  union. 

In  the  I.W.W.  all  wage  workers  meet  on  common  ground.  No  matter  what  lan- 
guage you  may  speak,  whether  you  were  born  in  Europe,  in  Asia  or  in  any  other  part 
of  the  world,  you  will  find  a  welcome  as  a  fellow  worker.  In  the  harvest  fields  where 
the  I.W.W.  controls,  last  summer  saw  white  men,  black  men  and  Japanese  working 
together  as  union  men  and  raising  the  pay  of  all  who  gathered  the  grain.  In  the  great 
strikes  the  I.W.W.  has  conducted  at  Lawrence,  Massachusetts,  in  the  woolen  mills,  in 
the  iron  mills  of  Minnesota  and  elsewhere,  the  I.W.W.  has  brought  the  workers  of 
many  races,  colors  and  tongues  together  in  victorious  battles  for  a  better  life. 

The  foundation  of  the  I.W.W.  is  industrial  unionism.  All  workers  in  any  division 
of  any  industry  are  organized  into  an  industrial  union  of  all  the  workers  in  the  entire 
industry;  these  industrial  unions  in  turn  are  organized  into  industrial  departments  of 
connecting  or  kindred  industries,  while  all  are  brought  together  in  the  central  organiza- 
tion of  the  Industrial  Workers  of  the  World — one  big  union  of  all  the  working  class  of  the 
world.  No  one  but  actual  wage  workers  may  join.  The  working  class  cannot  depend 
upon  anyone  but  itself  to  free  it  from  wage  slavery.  "He  who  would  be  free,  himself 
must  strike  the  blow." 

WTien  the  I.W.W.  through  this  form  of  industrial  unionism  has  become  powerful 
enough,  it  will  institute  an  industrial  commonwealth;  it  will  end  slavery  and  oppression 
forever  and  in  its  place  will  be  a  world  of  the  workers,  by  the  workers,  and  for  the 
workers,  a  world  where  there  wiU  be  no  poverty  and  want  among  those  who  feed  and 
clothe  and  house  the  world;  a  world  where  the  word  "master"  and  "slave"  shall  be 
forgotten;  a  world  where  peace  and  happiness  shall  reign  and  where  the  children  of 
men  shall  live  as  brothers  in  a  world-wide  industrial  democracy. 

Another  pamphlet  published  a  hideous  picture  of  a  lynching  in  the  South. 
In  both  of  these  pamphlets  the  appeal  is  about  the  same  and  may  be  sum- 
marized as  follows: 

The  Negro  is  oppressed.  He  is  subjected  to  the  worst  possible  cruelties  and  indig- 
nities. The  working  men  are  oppressed.  Negroes  have  left  one  slavery  for  another 
which  is  shared  by  white  workers.  Race  hatred  is  played  upon  by  capitalists  to  keep 
the  two  races  apart  and  thus  thwart  their  efforts  at  improving  their  condition.  The 
I.W.W.  union  will  unite  all  of  the  oppressed  of  all  colors  and  all  languages.  One  big 
union  of  defensive  brotherhood,  not  only  in  America  but  throughout  the  world. 

3.      HIALICIOUS  PROPAGANTJA 

Anti-Negro  propaganda  is  not  wholly  new  in  the  North,  but  it  has  usually 
been  carefully  concealed.  Recently  there  have  been  several  conspicuous 
instances  of  open  and  organized  effort  to  influence  the  minds  of  white  persons 
against  Negroes.  The  slogans,  charges,  and  incriminations  have  included, 
with  gross  exaggeration,  not  only  all  of  the  actual  but  all  of  the  fancied  and 
rumored  defects  of  Negro  character.  Ignorance  and  suspicion,  fear  and 
prejudice,  have  been  played  upon  violently.  A  group  of  South  Side  real 
estate  dealers  and  owners,  anxious  to  preserve  exclusively  for  whites  sections  of 


590  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

the  city  known  as  Hyde  Park  and  Kenwood,  formed  themselves  into  an  organ- 
ization to  protect  property  values  on  the  assumption  that  the  presence  of 
Negroes  depreciated  real  estate  values.  Since  they  did  not  own  or  control 
enough  property  to  be  in  themselves  effective,  they  sought  to  awaken  the 
white  residents  to  the  "danger  that  menaced  them."  Funds  were  raised, 
meetings  held,  a  journal  started,  bills  and  posters  distributed,  and  many  letters 
circulated.    A  bulletin  was  widely  distributed  with  this  heading: 

Your  Rights  and  Mike 

A  Short  Symposium  on  Current  Events  as  Applied  to  and  Effecting  Realty 

Values  in  Kenwood  and  Hyde  Park 

It  began  by  disclaiming  any  desire  to  foment  or  foster  race  antagonism, 
but  stated  its  determination  to  work  insistently  and  persistently  along  legal 
lines  for  the  elimination  of  undesirables  of  whatever  brand  or  color  whose  resi- 
dence in  this  section  lowered  the  value  of  real  estate.  The  remainder  of  the 
bulletin,  however,  was  devoted  to  a  discussion  of  the  Negro.  A  letter  to  jMayor 
Thompson  from  the  president  of  the  Association  mentioned  the  vicious  element 
of  Negroes  "haranguing  about  constitutional  rights,"  aided  by  the  Negro 
press,  claiming  social  equality,  and  then  attributed  the  riot  to  the  scattering 
of  Negroes  in  white  residential  sections.  It  spoke  of  a  feeling  that  was 
rampant  because  the  "  legal  rights  of  Negroes  have  been  placed  above  his  moral 
obligation  to  the  white  people."  The  Chicago  Tribune  was  quoted  twice  and 
the  Chicago  Real  Estate  Board  once  on  the  desirability  of  segregation.  The 
Daily  News  afforded  a  fourth  quotation  from  an  article  in  which  three  solu- 
tions were  advanced — amalgamation,  deportation,  and  segregation.  As  to 
amalgamation  the  article  said:  "Every  white  man  would  rather  see  the  nation 
destroyed  than  adopt  that  method." 

The  Property  Owners'  Journal  hecanne  so  bitter  in  its  utterances  that  the 
protests  of  whites  forced  its  discontinuance.  A  few  selections  from  the  Journal 
picture  the  character  of  the  campaign: 

What  a  reputation  for  beauty  Chicago  would  secure  if  visitors  touring  the  city 
would  see  crowds  of  idle,  insolent  Negroes  lounging  on  the  South  Side  boulevards  and 
adding  beauty  to  the  floricultural  display  in  the  parks,  filling  the  streets  with  old 
newspapers  and  tomato  containers  and  advertising  the  Poro-system  for  removing 
the  marcelled  kinks  from  Negro  hair  in  the  windows  of  the  derelict  remains  of  what 
had  once  been  a  clean,  respectable  residence. 

The  New  Negro 
Negroes  are  boasting,  individually  and  through  the  colored  press,  that  the  old 
order  of  things  for  the  Negro  is  changing  and  that  a  new  condition  is  about  to  begin. 
As  a  result  of  the  boastful  attitude,  the  Negro  is  filled  with  bold  ideas,  the  realization 
of  which  means  the  overturning  of  their  older  views  and  conditions  of  life.  The 
Negro  is  unwilling  to  resume  his  status  of  other  years;  he  is  exalting  himself  with 
idiotic  ideas  on  social  equality.  Only  a  few  days  ago  Attorney  General  Palmer 
informed  the  Senate  of  the  nation  of  the  Negroes'  boldest  and  most  impudent  ambi- 
tion, sex  equality. 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  591 

From  the  Negro  viewpoint  sex  equality,  according  to  !Mr.  Palmer,  is  not  seen  as 
the  equality  of  men  and  women;  it  is  the  assertion  by  the  Negro  of  a  right  to  marry 
any  person  whom  he  chooses,  regardless  of  color.  The  dangerous  portion  of  their 
outrageous  idea  does  not  consist  in  the  accident  that  some  black  or  white  occasionally 
may  forget  the  dignity  of  their  race  and  intermarry.  That  has  happened  before; 
doubtless  it  will  recur  many  times.  Where  the  trouble  lies  is  in  the  fact  that  the 
Department  of  Justice  has  observed  an  organized  tendency  on  the  part  of  Negroes 
to  regard  themselves  in  such  a  light  as  to  permit  their  idea  to  become  a  universal 
ambition  of  the  Negro  race. 

As  a  corollary  to  their  ambition  on  sex  equality,  it  is  not  strange  that  they  are 
attempting  to  force  their  presence  as  neighbors  on  the  whites.  The  effrontery  and 
impudence  that  nurses  a  desire  on  the  part  of  the  Negro  to  choose  a  white  as  a  marriage 
mate  certainly  will  not  result  in  making  the  Negro  a  desirable  neighbor.  That  fact 
alone  is  enough  to  determine  the  property  owners  of  this  district  to  declare  to  the 
Negroes  that  they  must  stay  out.  As  neighbors  they  have  nothing  to  offer.  "They 
lived  for  uncounted  centuries  in  Africa  on  their  own  resources,  and  never  so  much  as 
improved  the  make-up  of  an  arrow,  coined  a  new  word,  or  crept  an  inch  nearer  to  a 
spiritual  religion,"  and  it  is  a  certainty  that  their  tenure  of  those  unfortunate  build- 
ings now  occupied  by  them  will  not  be  improved  by  a  single  nail  if  it  is  left  to  the 
Negro  to  provide  and  drive  the  nail. 

Keep  the  Negro  in  his  place,  amongst  his  people,  and  he  is  healthy  and  loyal. 
Remove  him,  or  allow  "his  newly  discovered  importance  to  remove  him  from  his 
proper  environment  and  the  Negro  becomes  a  nuisance."  He  develops  into  an 
overbearing,  inflated,  irascible  individual,  overburdening  his  brain  to  such  an  extent 
about  social  equality  that  he  becomes  dangerous  to  all  with  whom  he  comes  in  con- 
tact; he  constitutes  a  nuisance  of  which  the  neighborhood  is  anxious  to  rid  itself.  If 
the  new  Negro  desires  to  display  his  newly  acquired  veneer  of  impudence  where  it 
will  be  appreciated  we  advise  that  they  parade  it  in  their  own  district.  Their  presence 
here  is  intolerable. 

As  stated  before,  every  colored  man  who  moves  into  Hyde  Park  knows  that  he 
is  damaging  his  white  neighbor's  property. 

Therefore,  he  is  making  war  on  the  white  man. 

Consequently,  he  is  not  entitled  to  any  consideration  and  forfeits  his  right  to  be 
employed  by  the  white  man. 

If  employers  should  adopt  a  rule  of  refusing  to  employ  Negroes  who  reside  in 
Hyde  Park  to  the  damage  of  the  white  man's  property  it  would  soon  show  good  results. 

Food  for  Thought  for  Hyde-Parkers 

Their  soKd  vote  is  the  Negroes'  great  weapon.  They  have  a  total  vote  in  Chicago 
of  about  40,000.  This  total  vote  is  cast  solid  for  the  candidate  who  makes  the  best 
bargain  with  them.  When  both  our  principal  political  parties  are  spUt,  and  when 
each  of  them  has  two  or  more  candidates  in  the  field,  this  soHd  block  of  40,000  becomes 
a  possible  power  and  might  be  able  to  defeat  or  elect  a  candidate. 

This  vote  situation  is  the  foundation  of  the  Chicago  Negro's  effrontery  and  his 
evil  design  against  the  white  man's  property.  He  feels  that  he  holds  the  balance  of 
power  and  that  he  can  dictate  the  policy  of  any  administration  that  happens  to  be 
elected  by  his  controlling  black  vote. 


592  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

He  therefore  becomes  arrogant,  insulting,  threatening.  He  abvises  his  rights 
and  liberties  and  feels  that  he  is  perfectly  safe  in  doing  so  for  the  reason  that  as  he 
controls  this  block  of  votes  he  believes  that  he  can  practically  dictate  to  the  police 
department,  the  city  administration  and  the  courts.     Consequently  he  is  bold. 

Now  then,  white  property  owners  and  voters,  this  vote  situation  must  be  cor- 
rected. It  is  time  for  you  to  think  and  ponder.  Remember  this,  that  this  Negro 
vote  power  could  not  exist  except  for  the  fact  that  the  candidate  who  caters  to  it  is 
traveling  on  his  belief  that  the  white  man  will  vote  the  ticket  any  way.  The  white 
voter  is  not  supposed  to  think,  nor  to  indulge  in  any  investigations  of  a  candidate  to 
ascertain  whether  or  not  the  candidate  is  favorable  or  inimical  to  his  interests.  No, 
the  white  voter  is  supposed  to  be  a  blind  ass  who  has  no  care  for  his  own  interests,  who 
does  not  know  or  care  to  know  of  the  foul  plots  against  him,  who  has  no  knowledge  of 
what  is  going  on  arovmd  him,  but  who  simply  does  as  he  is  told  and  walks  to  the  polls 
as  in  a  dream,  having  eyes  and  seeing  not,  ears  and  hearing  not,  and  reHgiously  casts 
his  vote  for  the  ticket  and  against  his  own  interests. 

Wake  up,  white  voters!  Come  out  of  your  dream.  Open  your  eyes  and  ears. 
It  is  high  time  that  you  reaUze  what  is  going  on.  Hereafter  in  local  affairs  affecting 
your  property  and  home  interests,  there  should  be  only  one  test  of  a  candidate  and  that 
one  should  be,  "  WiU  his  election  work  for  the  betterment  of  Hyde  Park  or  for  its  deteri- 
oration?" 

The  Negro  should  be  consistent.  As  he  segregates  his  vote  and  casts  it  all  together 
in  one  block,  so  he  should  Uve  together  all  in  one  block. 

Some  of  the  slogans  of  the  organization  were:  "Our  neighborhood  must 
continue  white";  "They  shall  not  pass";  "Stay  out  of  Hyde  Park";  "We 
base  our  rights  on  priority,  majority  and  anthropological  superiority." 

The  sentiment  was  contagious.^  Other  literature  of  even  more  pronounced 
anti-Negro  character  followed.  An  unsigned  card  was  distributed  in  large 
numbers  throughout  the  district  during  the  presidential  campaign,  showing 
a  vicious  looking  Negro  and  words  of  warning  for  family  protection. 

The  attempt  still  further  to  instil  fear  and  bitterness  was  manifest  in  a 
pamphlet  sent,  by  whom  it  is  not  known,  to  the  wives  of  prominent  white 
residents  of  the  city  and  particularly  of  Hyde  Park,  entitled  An  Appeal 
of  White  Women  to  American  Womanhood.  It  was  a  reprint  from  an  article  in 
the  New  Times,  which  in  turn  reprinted  an  appeal  from  the  German  Women  on 
the  Rhine.  Although  there  could  be  slight  connection  between  the  conduct 
of  colored  French  colonial  troops  on  the  Rhine  and  Chicago  Negroes,  its 
circulation  in  Hyde  Park  possibly  helped  to  fan  the  flames  of  race  feeling  which 
had  already  been  so  deliberately  kindled.  The  pamphlet  detailed  the  "  bestial 
ferocious  conduct  of  Negroes  against  German  women." 

4.      DEFENSIVE  PROPAGANDA 

Within  the  Negro  group  there  are  to  be  found  many  defensive  programs 
designed  for  group  protection.  They  rarely  reach  the  point  of  organized 
effort  for  the  control  of  opinion.  The  essence  in  all  appeals  is  "protest," 
which  is  tacitly  understood  to  be  an  effective  sentiment  to  circulate.    The  most 

»  See  discussion  of  this  campaign  in  section  on  "Bombings,"  pp.  115-22. 


PUBLIC  OPINION  IN  RACE  RELATIONS  593 

striking  illustrations  of  this  type  of  propaganda  are  those  which  follow  definite 
provocations.  The  appeal  of  the  propaganda  is  directed  first  to  Negroes  as 
a  means  of  cementing  the  group  from  within,  and  indirectly  to  the  whole  group 
by  way  of  impressing  it  with  the  strength  of  solidified  opposition  to  insults. 
One  example  of  this  type  will  suffice. 

Following  the  bombing  of  Negro  homes  and  the  inauguration  of  a  campaign 
of  reckless  propaganda  against  Negroes  in  the  interest  of  exclusive  white 
residence  neighborhoods,  Negroes  organized  the  "Protective  Circle  of  Chicago." 
The  object  of  this  organization  was  to  "  oppose  segregation,  bombing  and  the 
defiance  of  the  Constitution."  The  admitted  method  of  combating  these 
objectionable  practices  was  progaganda.  The  question  on  which  certain  white 
people  living  in  Hyde  Park  were  greatly  wrought  up  was  that  of  keeping 
Negroes  out  of  "  white  residential  districts."  Negroes  were  classed  as  "  undesir- 
ables," and  the  efforts  of  the  whites  in  offensive  propaganda  were  aimed  at 
proving  it.  Fortunately  for  the  Negroes,  an  article  appeared  in  a  real  estate 
publication,  the  Real  Estate  News,  presenting  with  unusual  force  an  aspect 
of  the  neighborhood  dispute  favorable  to  the  contention  of  the  Negroes. 
This  was  seized  upon  by  the  Protective  Circle,  and  the  editor  consented  to 
elaborate  it.  Twenty-five  thousand  copies  were  distributed  among  Negroes 
and  whites,  residents  of  the  district. 

The  heading  "Solving  Chicago's  Race  Problem,"  coupled  with  the  fact 
that  the  article  had  first  appeared  in  a  real  estate  periodical  published  by 
whites,  immediately  attracted  attention.  The  subheadings  of  the  article  read: 
"  South  Side  Property  Owners  Warned  against  Perils  of  Boycott  and  Terrorism 
Being  Promoted  by  Local  'Protective  Associations,' "  "  Conspiracies  Violating 
Civil  Rights  Act  Bring  Danger  of  Heavy  Damages  or  Imprisomnent, "  "A 
Complete  Analysis  of  Chicago's  Race  Movement  Proves  It  to  Be  Small  Factor 
in  Causing  Great  Changes  in  Residential  Values,"  and  "How  Influence  of 
Stock  Yards,  Railroads,  Auto  Industry  and  City  Growth  Force  Big  and  Sweep- 
ing Changes  on  South  Side  of  Chicago."  One  paragraph  of  the  article,  printed 
in  italics,  ran: 

Any  association  formed  in  Chicago  for  the  purpose  of,  or  having  among  its  aims, 
refusal  to  sell,  lease  or  rent  property  to  any  citizen  of  a  certain  race,  is  an  unlawful 
association.  Every  act  of  such  an  association  for  advancement  of  such  an  aim  is  an 
act  of  conspiracy,  punishable  criminally  and  civilly  in  the  District  Court  of  the  United 
States.  And  every  member  of  such  an  association  is  equally  guilty  with  every  other 
member.  If  one  member  hires  a  bomber,  or  a  thug  who  commits  murder  in  pursuance 
of  the  aims  of  the  association,  all  in  the  organization  may  be  found  guilty  of  con- 
spiracy to  destroy  property  or  to  commit  murder,  as  the  case  may  be. 

At  a  mass  meeting  held  by  the  Protective  Circle  at  which  there  were  2,000 
Negroes  present,  $1,000  was  collected  to  advance  this  propaganda.  As  the 
chairman  of  the  meeting  stated: 

We  wanted  to  get  at  the  responsibility  for  these  bombings  and  intimidations,  and 
we  intended  to  give  publicity  to  the  Negro's  side  of  the  story.    Papers  will  not  print 


594  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

the  Negro's  story.  We  wanted  to  get  this  survey  of  white  and  colored  property  owned, 
and  whites  and  Negroes  bombed,  and  send  it  to  every  white  person  Uving  in  Kenwood, 
and  just  as  we  were  about  to  start  on  our  task,  there  came  like  a  flash  out  of  the  sky 
an  article  by  the  editor  of  the  Real  Estate  News.  It  was  a  godsend.  We  have  secured 
thousands  of  copies  of  this  paper  and  are  buying  more  as  fast  as  we  can  get  funds. 
We  intend  to  send  copies  to  every  white  person  interested  in  this  question. 

V.      CONCLUSIONS 

The  inquiries  of  this  Commission  into  racial  sentiments  which  characterize 
the  opinions  and  behavior  of  white  persons  toward  Negroes  lead  us  to  the 
following  conclusions: 

That  in  seeking  advice  and  information  about  Negroes,  white  persons 
almost  without  exception  fail  to  select  for  their  informants  Negroes  who  are 
representative  and  can  provide  dependable  information. 

That  Negroes  as  a  group  are  often  judged  by  the  manners,  conduct,  and 
opinions  of  servants  in  families,  or  other  Negroes  whose  general  standing  and 
training  do  not  qualify  them  to  be  spokesmen  of  the  group. 

That  the  principal  literature  regarding  Negroes  is  based  upon  traditional 
opinions  and  does  not  always  portray  accurately  the  present  status  of  the 
group. 

Most  of  the  current  beliefs  concerning  Negroes  are  traditional,  and  were 
acquired  during  an  earlier  period  when  Negroes  were  considerably  less  intelli- 
gent and  responsible  than  now.  Failure  to  change  these  opinions,  in  spite  of 
the  great  progress  of  the  Negro  group,  increases  misunderstandings  and  the 
difficulties  of  mutual  adjustment. 

That  the  common  disposition  to  regard  all  Negroes  as  belonging  to  one 
homogeneous  group  is  as  great  a  mistake  as  to  assume  that  all  white  persons 
are  of  the  same  class  and  kind. 

That  much  of  the  current  literature  and  pseudo-scientific  treatises  concern- 
ing Negroes  are  responsible  for  such  prevailing  misconceptions  as:  that  Negroes 
have  inferior  mentality;  that  Negroes  have  inferior  morality;  that  Negroes 
are  given  to  emotionalism;  that  Negroes  have  an  innate  tendency  to  commit 
crimes,  especially  sex  crimes. 

We  believe  that  such  deviations  from  recognized  standards  as  have  been 
apparent  among  Negroes  are  due  to  circumstances  of  position  rather  than  to 
distinct  racial  traits.  We  urge  especially  upon  white  persons  to  exert  their 
efforts  toward  discrediting  stories  and  standing  beliefs  concerning  Negroes 
which  have  no  basis  in  fact  but  which  constantly  serve  to  keep  alive  a  spirit 
of  mutual  fear,  distrust,  and  opposition. 

That  much  of  the  literature  and  scientific  treatises  concemmg  Negroes 
are  responsible  for  such  prevailing  misconceptions  as  that  Negroes  are  capable 
of  mental  and  moral  development  only  to  an  inferior  degree,  are  given  to  an 
uncontrolled  emotionalism,  and  have  a  distinctive  innate  tendency  to  commit 
crimes,  especially  sex  crimes. 


CHAPTER  XI 

SUMMARY  OF  THE  REPORT  AND  RECOMMENDATIONS 
OF  THE  COMMISSION 

THE  SUMMARY 

I.    The  Chicago  Riot 

I.      BACKGROUND 

In  July,  19 1 9,  a  race  riot  involving  whites  and  Negroes  occurred  in  Chicago. 
For  some  time  thoughtful  citizens,  white  and  Negro,  had  sensed  increasing 
tension,  but,  having  no  local  precedent  of  riot  and  wholesale  bloodshed,  had 
neither  prepared  themselves  for  it  nor  taken  steps  to  prevent  it.  The  collecting 
oF  arms  by  members  of  both  races  was  known  to  the  authorities,  and  it  was 
evident  that  this  was  in  preparation  for  aggression  as  well  as  for  self-defense. 

Several  minor  clashes  preceded  the  riot.  On  July  3,  191 7,  a  white  saloon- 
keeper who,  according  to  the  coroner's  physician,  died  of  heart  trouble,  was 
incorrectly  reported  in  the  press  to  have  been  killed  by  a  Negro.  That  evening 
a  party  of  young  white  men  riding  in  an  automobile  fired  upon  a  group  of 
Negroes  at  Fifty-third  and  Federal  streets.  In  July  and  August  of  the  same 
year  recruits  from  the  Great  Lakes  Naval  Training  Station  clashed  frequently 
with  Negroes,  each  side  accusing  the  other  of  being  the  aggressor. 

Gangs  of  white  "toughs,"  made  up  largely  of  the  membership  of  so-called 
"athletic  clubs"  from  the  neighborhood  between  Roosevelt  Road  and  Sixty- 
third  Street,  Wentworth  Avenue  and  the  city  limits — a  district  contiguous  to 
the  neighborhood  of  the  largest  Negro  settlement — ^were  a  constant  menace  to 
Negroes  who  traversed  sections  of  the  territory  going  to  and  returningfromwork. 
The  activities  of  these  gangs  and  "athletic  clubs"  became  bolder  in  the  spring 
of  1919,  and  on  the  night  of  June  21,  five  weeks  before  the  riot,  two  wanton 
murders  of  Negroes  occurred,  those  of  Sanford  Harris  and  Joseph  Robinson, 
Harris  returning  to  his  home  on  Dearbdin  Street,  about  11:30  at  night,  passed 
a  group  of  young  white  men.  They  threatened  him  and  he  ran.  He  had  gone 
but  a  short  distance  when  one  of  the  group  shot  him.  He  died  soon  afterward. 
Policemen  who  came  on  the  scene  made  no  arrests,  even  when  the  assailant 
was  pointed  out  by  a  white  woman  witness  of  the  murder.  On  the  same 
evening  Robinson,  a  Negro  laborer,  forty-seven  years  of  age,  was  attacked 
while  returning  from  work  by  a  gang  of  white  "  roughs"  at  Fifty-fifth  Street 
and  Princeton  Avenue,  apparently  without  provocation,  and  stabbed  to  death. 

Negroes  were  greatly  incensed  over  these  murders,  but  their  leaders, 
joined  by  many  friendly  whites,  tried  to  allay  their  fears  and  counseled  patience. 

After  the  kiUing  of  Harris  and  Robinson  notices  were  conspicuously  posted 
on  the  South  Side  that  an  effort  would  be  made  to  "get  all  the  niggers  on 

S9S 


596  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

July  4th."  The  notices  called  for  help  from  sympathizers.  Negroes  in  turn 
whispered  around  the  warning  to  prepare  for  a  riot;  and  they  did  prepare. 

Since  the  riot  in  East  St.  Louis,  July  4,  191 7,  there  had  been  others  in 
different  parts  of  the  country  which  evidenced  a  widespread  lack  of  restraint 
in  mutual  antipathies  and  suggested  further  resorts  to  lawlessness.  Riots 
and  race  clashes  occurred  in  Chester,  Pennsylvania;  Longview,  Texas;  Coates- 
ville,  Pennsylvania;  Washington,  D.C.;  and  Norfolk,  Virginia,  before  the 
Chicago  riot. 

Aside  from  general  lawlessness  and  disastrous  riots  that  preceded  the  riot 
here  discussed,  there  were  other  factors  which  may  be  mentioned  briefly  here. 
In  Chicago  considerable  unrest  had  been  occasioned  in  industry  by  increasing 
competition  between  white  and  Negro  laborers  following  a  sudden  increase  in 
the  Negro  population  due  to  the  migration  of  Negroes  from  the  South.  This 
increase  developed  a  housing  crisis.  The  Negroes  overran  the  hitherto  recog- 
nized area  of  Negro  residence,  and  when  they  took  houses  in  adjoining 
neighborhoods  friction  ensued.  In  the  two  years  just  preceding  the  riot, 
twenty-seven  Negro  dwellings  were  wrecked  by  bombs  thrown  by  unidenti- 
fied persons. 

2.      STORY   OF   THE   RIOT 

Sunday  afternoon,  July  27,  1919,  hundreds  of  white  and  Negro  bathers 
crowded  the  lake-front  beaches  at  Twenty-sixth  and  Twenty-ninth  streets. 
This  is  the  eastern  boundary  of  the  thickest  Negro  residence  area.  At  Twenty- 
sixth  Street  Negroes  were  in  great  majority;  at  Twenty-ninth  Street  there  were 
more  whites.  An  imaginary  line  in  the  water  separating  the  two  beaches 
had  been  generally  observed  by  the  two  races.  Under  the  prevaiUng  relations, 
aided  by  wild  rumors  and  reports,  this  line  served  virtually  as  a  challenge  to 
either  side  to  cross  it.  Four  Negroes  who  attempted  to  enter  the  water  from 
the  "white"  side  were  driven  away  by  the  whites.  They  returned  with  more 
Negroes,  and  there  followed  a  series  of  attacks  with  stones,  first  one  side  gaining 
the  advantage,  then  the  other. 

Eugene  Williams,  a  Negro  boy  of  seventeen,  entered  the  water  from  the 
side  used  by  Negroes  and  drifted  across  the  line  supported  by  a  railroad  tie. 
He  was  observed  by  the  crowd  on  the  beach  and  promptly  became  a  target 
for  stones.  He  suddenly  released  the  tie,  went  down  and  was  drowned. 
Guilt  was  immediately  placed  on  Stauber,  a  young  white  man,  by  Negro 
witnesses  who  declared  that  he  threw  the  fatal  stone.' 

White  and  Negro  men  dived  for  the  boy  without  result.  Negroes 
demanded  that  the  policeman  present  arrest  Stauber.  He  refused;  and  at 
this  crucial  moment  arrested  a  Negro  on  a  white  man's  complaint.  Negroes 
then  attacked  the  officer.  These  two  facts,  the  drowning  and  the  refusal 
of  the  policeman  to  arrest  Stauber,  together  marked  the  beginning  of  the  riot. 

'  The  coroner's  jury  found  that  Williams  had  drowned  from  fear  of  stone-throwing 
which  kept  him  from  the  shore. 


SUMMARY  AND  RECOMMENDATIONS  597 

Two  hours  after  the  drowning,  a  Negro,  James  Crawford,  fired  into  a 
group  of  officers  summoned  by  the  policeman  at  the  beach  and  was  killed  by 
a  Negro  policeman.  Reports  and  rumors  circulated  rapidly,  and  new  crowds 
began  to  gather.  Five  white  men  were  injured  in  clashes  near  the  beach. 
As  darkness  came  Negroes  in  white  districts  to  the  west  suffered  severely. 
Between  9:00  p.m.  and  3:00  a.m.  twenty-seven  Negroes  were  beaten,  seven  / 
stabbed,  and  four  shot.  Monday  morning  was  quiet,  and  Negroes  went  to 
work  as  usual. 

Returning  from  work  in  the  afternoon  many  Negroes  were  attacked  by 
white  ruffians.  Street-car  routes,  especially  at  transfer  points,  were  the 
centers  of  lawlessness.  Trolleys  were  pulled  from  the  wires,  and  Negro 
passengers  were  dragged  into  the  street,  beaten,  stabbed,  and  shot.  The  police 
were  powerless  to  cope  with  these  numerous  assaults.  During  Monday,  four 
Negro  men  and  one  white  assailant  were  killed,  and  thirty  Negroes  were 
severely  beaten  in  street-car  clashes.  Four  white  men  were  killed,  six  stabbed, 
five  shot,  and  nine  severely  beaten.  It  was  rumored  that  the  white  occupants 
of  the  Angelus  Building  at  Thirty-fifth  Street  and  Wabash  Avenue  had  shot 
a  Negro.  Negroes  gathered  about  the  building.  The  white  tenants  sought 
police  protection,  and  one  hundred  policemen,  mounted  and  on  foot, 
responded.  In  a  clash  with  the  mob  the  poHce  killed  four  Negroes  and  injured 
many. 

Raids  into  the  Negro  residence  area  then  began.  Automobiles  sped 
through  the  streets,  the  occupants  shooting  at  random.  Negroes  retaHated 
by  "sniping"  from  ambush.  At  midnight  surface  and  elevated  car  service 
was  discontinued  because  of  a  strike  for  wage  increases,  and  thousands  of 
employees  were  cut  off  from  work. 

On  Tuesday,  July  29,  Negro  men  en  route  on  foot  to  their  jobs  through 
hostile  territory  were  killed.  White  soldiers  and  sailors  in  uniform,  aided  by 
civihans,  raided  the  "Loop"  business  section,  killing  two  Negroes  and  beat- 
ing and  robbing  several  others.  Negroes  living  among  white,  neighbors  in 
Englewood,  far  to  the  south,  were  driven  from  their  homes,  their  household 
goods  were  stolen,  and  their  houses  were  burned  or  wrecked.  On  the  West 
Side  an  Italian  mob,  excited  by  a  false  rumor  that  an  Italian  girl  had  been 
shot  by  a  Negro,  killed  Joseph  Lovings,  a  Negro. 

Wednesday  night  at  10:30  Mayor  Thompson  yielded  to  pressure  and  asked 
the  help  of  the  three  regiments  of  mihtia  which  had  been  stationed  in  nearby 
armories  during  the  most  severe  rioting,  awaiting  the  call.  They  immediately 
took  up  positions  throughout  the  South  Side.  A  rainfall  Wednesday  night 
and  Thursday  kept  many  people  in  their  homes,  and  by  Friday  the  rioting  had 
abated.  On  Saturday  incendiary  fires  burned  forty-nine  houses  in  the  immi- 
grant neighborhood  west  of  the  Stock  Yards.  Nine  hundred  and  forty-eight 
people,  mostly  Lithuanians,  were  made  homeless,  and  the  property  loss  was 
about  $250,000.     Responsibility  for  the  fires  was  never  fixed. 


598  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

The  total  casualties  of  this  reign  of  terror  were  thirty-eight  deaths — 
fifteen  white,  twenty- three  Negro — and  537  people  injured.  Forty-one  per 
cent  of  the  reported  clashes  occurred  in  the  white  neighborhood  near  the  Stock 
Yards  between  the  south  branch  of  the  Chicago  River  and  Fifty-fifth  Street, 
Wentworth  Avenue  and  the  city  Hmits,  and  34  per  cent  in  the  "Black  Belt" 
between  Twenty-second  and  Thirty-ninth  streets,  Wentworth  Avenue  and 
Lake  Michigan.     Others  were  scattered. 

Responsibihty  for  many  attacks  was  definitely  placed  by  many  witnesses 
upon  the  "athletic  clubs,"  including  "Ragen's  Colts,"  the  "Hamburgers," 
"Aylwards,"  "Our  Flag,"  the  "Standard,"  the  "Sparklers,"  and  several 
others.  The  mobs  were  made  up  for  the  most  part  of  boys  between  fifteen 
and  twenty-two.  Older  persons  participated,  but  the  youth  of  the  rioters 
was  conspicuous  in  every  clash.  Little  children  witnessed  the  brutalities 
and  frequently  pointed  out  the  injured  when  the  poHce  arrived. 

3.      RUMORS   AND   THE   RIOT 

Wild  rumors  were  in  circulation  by  word  of  mouth  and  in  the  press  through- 
out the  riot  and  provoked  many  clashes.  These  included  stories  of  atrocities 
committed  by  one  race  against  the  other.  Reports  of  the  numbers  of  white 
and  Negro  dead  tended  to  produce  a  feeling  that  the  score  must  be  kept  even. 
Newspaper  reports,  for  example,  showed  6  per  cent  more  whites  injured  than 
Negroes.  As  a  matter  of  fact  there  were  28  per  cent  more  Negroes  injured  than 
whites.  The  Chicago  Tribune  on  July  29  reported  twenty  persons  killed,  of 
whom  thirteen  were  white  and  seven  colored.  The  true  figures  were  exactly 
the  opposite. 

Among  the  rumors  provoking  fear  were  numerous  references  to  the  arming 
of  Negroes.  In  the  Daily  News  of  July  30,  for  example,  appeared  the  sub- 
headHne:  "Alderman  Jos.  McDonough  tells  how  he  was  shot  at  on  South 
Side  visit.  Says  enough  ammunition  in  section  to  last  for  years  of  guerrilla 
warfare."  In  the  article  following,  the  reference  to  ammunition  was  repeated 
but  not  elaborated  or  explained. 

The  alderman  was  quoted  as  saying  that  the  mayor  contemplated  opening 
up  Thirty-fifth  and  Forty-seventh  streets  in  order  that  colored  people  might 
get  to  their  work.  He  thought  this  would  be  most  unwise  for,  he  stated, 
"They  are  armed  and  white  people  are  not.  We  must  defend  ourselves  if  the 
city  authorities  won't  protect  us."  Continuing  his  story,  he  described  bombs 
going  off:  "I  saw  white  men  and  women  running  through  the  streets  dragging 
children  by  the  hands  and  carrying  babies  in  their  arms.  Frightened  white 
men  told  me  the  poHce  captains  had  just  rushed  through  the  district  crying, 
'For  God's  sake,  arm;  they  are  coming;  we  cannot  hold  them.'" 

Whether  or  not  the  alderman  was  correctly  quoted,  the  effect  of  such  state- 
ments on  the  pubHc  was  the  same.  There  is  no  record  in  any  of  the  riot  testi- 
mony in  the  coroner's  office  or  state's  attorney's  office  of  any  bombs  going  off 


SUMMARY  AND  RECOMMENDATIONS  599 

during  the  riot,  nor  of  police  captains  warning  the  white  people  to  arm,  nor 
of  any  fear  by  whites  of  a  Negro  invasion.  In  the  Berger  Odman  case  before 
a  coroner's  jury  there  was  a  statement  to  the  effect  that  a  sergeant  of  police 
warned  the  Negroes  of  Ogden  Park  to  arm  and  to  shoot  at  the  feet  of  rioters 
if  they  attempted  to  invade  the  few  blocks  marked  ofiE  for  Negroes  by  the 
police.     Negroes  were  warned,  not  whites. 

4.      CONDUCT   OF   THE   POLICE 

Chief  of  Police  John  J.  Garrity,  in  explaining  the  inability  of  the  police 
to  curb  the  rioters,  said  that  there  was  not  a  sufficient  force  to  pohce  one-third 
of  the  city.  Aside  from  this,  Negroes  distrusted  the  white  police  officers, 
and  it  was  impHed  by  the  chief  and  stated  by  State's  Attorney  Hoyne,  that 
many  of  the  pohce  were  "grossly  unfair  in  making  arrests."  There  were 
instances  of  actual  police  participation  in  the  rioting  as  well  as  neglect  of  duty. 
Of  229  persons  arrested  and  accused  of  various  criminal  activities  during  the 
riot,  154  were  Negroes  and  seventy-five  were  whites.  Of  those  indicted, 
eighty-one  were  Negroes  and  forty-seven  were  whites.  Although  this,  on  its 
face,  would  indicate  great  riot  activity  on  the  part  of  Negroes,  further  reports 
of  clashes  show  that  of  520  persons  injured,  342  were  Negroes  and  178  were 
whites.  The  fact  that  twice  as  many  Negroes  appeared  as  defendants  and 
twice  as  many  Negroes  as  whites  were  injured,  leads  to  the  conclusion  thatW^ 
whites  were  not  apprehended  as  readily  as  Negroes. 

Many  of  the  depredations  outside  the  "Black  Belt"  were  encouraged  by 
the  absence  of  policemen.  Out  of  a  force  of  3,000  police,  2,800  were  massed 
in  the  "Black  Belt"  during  the  height  of  the  rioting.  In  the  "Loop"  district, 
where  two  Negroes  were  killed  and  several  others  wounded,  there  were  only 
three  policemen  and  one  sergeant.  The  Stock  Yards  district,  where  the 
greatest  number  of  injuries  occurred,  was  also  weakly  protected. 

5.      THE   MILITIA 

Although  Governor  Lowden  had  ordered  the  mihtia  into  the  city  promptly 
and  they  were  on  hand  on  the  second  day  of  the  rioting,  their  services  were 
not  requested  by  the  mayor  and  chief  of  police  until  the  evening  of  the 
fourth  day.  The  reason  expressed  by  the  chief  for  this  delay  was  a  belief 
that  inexperienced  miUtiamen  would  add  to  the  deaths  and  disorder.  But 
the  troops,  when  called,  proved  to  be  clearly  of  high  character,  and  their 
discipline  was  good,  not  a  case  of  breach  of  discipline  being  reported  during 
their  occupation.  They  were  distributed  more  proportionately  through  all  the 
riotous  areas  than  the  police  and,  although  they  reported  some  hostihty  from 
members  of  "athletic  clubs,"  the  rioting  soon  ceased. 

6.      RESTORATION   OF   ORDER 

Throughout  the  rioting  various  social  organizations  and  many  citizens  were 
at  work  trying  to  hold  hostilities  in  check  and  to  restore  order.     The  Chicago 


6oo 


THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 


Urban  League,  Wabash  Avenue  Y.M.C.A.,  American  Red  Cross,  and  various 
other  social  organizations  and  the  churches  of  the  Negro  community  gave 
attention  to  caring  for  stranded  Negroes,  advising  them  of  dangers,  keeping 
them  oE  the  streets  and,  in  such  ways  as  were  possible,  co-operating  with  the 
pohce.  The  packing  companies  took  their  pay  to  Negro  employees,  and 
various  banks  made  loans.  Local  newspapers  in  their  editorial  columns 
insistently  condemned  the  disorder  and  counseled  calmness. 


7.      THE   AFTERMATH 

Of  the  thirty-eight  persons  killed  in  the  riot: 

Fifteen  met  death  at  the  hands  of  mobs.  Coroner's  juries  recommended 
that  the  members  of  the  unknown  mobs  be  apprehended.  They  were  never 
found. 

Six  were  killed  in  circumstances  fixing  no  criminal  responsibility:  three 
white  men  were  killed  by  Negroes  in  self-defense,  and  three  Negroes  were 
shot  by  policemen  in  the  discharge  of  their  duty. 

Four  Negroes  were  killed  in  the  Angelus  riot.  The  coroner  made  no 
recommendations,  and  the  cases  were  not  carried  farther. 

Four  cases,  two  Negro  and  two  white,  resulted  in  recommendations  from 
coroner's  juries  for  further  investigation  of  certain  persons.  Sufficient  evidence 
was  lacking  for  indictments  against  them. 

Nine  cases  led  to  indictments.  Of  this  niunber  four  cases  resulted  in 
convictions. 

Thus  in  only  four  cases  of  death  was  criminal  responsibility  fixed  and 
punishment  meted  out. 

Indictments  and  convictions,  divided  according  to  the  race  of  the  persons 
criminally  involved,  were  as  follows: 


Negro 

White 

Cases 

Persons 

Cases 

Persons 

Indictments 

6 

2 

17 
3 

3 
2 

4 

2 

Convictions 

Despite  the  community's  failure  to  deal  firmly  with  those  who  disturbed 
its  peace  and  contributed  to  the  reign  of  lawlessness  that  shamed  Chicago 
before  the  world,  there  is  evidence  that  the  riot  aroused  many  citizens  of  both 
races  to  a  quickened  sense  of  the  suffering  and  disgrace  which  had  come  and 
might  again  come  to  the  city,  and  developed  a  determination  to  prevent  a 
recurrence  of  so  disastrous  an  outbreak  of  race  hatred.  This  was  manifest 
on  at  least  three  occasions  in  1920  when,  confronted  suddenly  with  events 
out  of  which  serious  riots  might  easily  have  grown,  people  of  both  races 


SUMMARY  AND  RECOMMENDATIONS  6oi 

acted  with  such  courage  and  promptness  as  to  end  the  trouble  early.  One  of 
these  was  the  murder  of  two  innocent  white  men  and  the  wounding  of  a 
Negro  policeman  by  a  band  of  Negro  fanatics  who  styled  themselves  "Abys- 
sinians";  another  was  the  killing  of  a  white  man  by  a  Negro  whom  he  had 
attacked  while  returning  from  work;  and  still  another  was  the  riotous  attacks 
of  sailors  from  the  Great  Lakes  Naval  Training  Station  on  Negroes  in 
Waukegan,  Illinois. 

8.      OUTSTANDING  FEATURES   OF   THE   RIOT 

This  study  of  the  facts  of  the  riot  of  1919,  the  events  as  they  happened 
hour  by  hour,  the  neighborhoods  involved,  the  movements  of  mobs,  the  part 
played  by  rumors,  and  the  handling  of  the  emergency  by  the  various  authorities, 
shows  certain  outstanding  features  which  may  be  listed  as  follows: 

a)  The  riot  violence  was  not  continuous  hour  by  hour,  but  was  inter- 
mittent. 

h)  The  greatest  number  of  injuries  occurred  in  the  district  west  and 
inclusive  of  Wentworth  Avenue,  and  south  of  the  south  branch  of  the  Chicago 
River  to  Fifty-fifth  Street,  or  in  the  Stock  Yards  district.  The  next  greatest 
number  occurred  in  the  so-called  "Black  Belt":  Twenty-second  to  Thirty- 
ninth  streets,  inclusive,  and  Wentworth  Avenue  to  the  lake,  exclusive  of 
Wentworth  Avenue;  Thirty-ninth  to  Fifty-fifth  streets,  inclusive,  and  Clark 
Street  to  Michigan  Avenue,  exclusive  of  Michigan  Avenue. 

c)  Organized  raids  occurred  only  after  a  period  of  sporadic  clashes  and 
spontaneous  mob  outbreaks. 

d)  Main  thoroughfares  witnessed  76  per  cent  of  the  injuries  on  the  South 
Side.  The  streets  which  suffered  most  severely  were  State,  Halsted,  Thirty- 
first,  Thirty-fifth,  and  Forty-seventh.  Transfer  corners  were  always  centers 
of  disturbances. 

e)  Most  of  the  rioting  occurred  after  work  hours  among  idle  crowds  on 
the  streets.     This  was  particularly  true  after  the  street-car  strike  began. 

/)  Gangs,  particularly  of  young  whites,  formed  definite  nuclei  for  crowd 
and  mob  formation.     "Athletic  clubs"  supplied  the  leaders  of  many  gangs. 

g)  Crowds  and  mobs  engaged  in  rioting  were  generally  composed  of  a 
small  nucleus  of  leaders  and  an  acquiescing  mass  of  spectators.  The  leaders 
were  mostly  young  men,  usually  between  the  ages  of  sixteen  and  twenty- 
one.  Dispersal  was  most  effectively  accompHshed  by  sudden,  unexpected 
gun  fire. 

h)  Rumor  kept  the  crowds  in  an  excited,  potential  mob  state.  The  press 
was  responsible  for  giving  wide  dissemination  to  much  of  the  inflammatory 
matter  in  spoken  rumors,  though  editorials  calculated  to  allay  race  hatred 
and  help  the  forces  of  order  were  factors  in  the  restoration  of  peace. 

i)  The  police  lacked  sufl&cient  forces  for  handling  the  riot;  they  were 
hampered  by  the  Negroes'  distrust  of  them;  routing  orders  and  records  were 


6o2  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

not  handled  with  proper  care;  certain  officers  were  undoubtedly  unsuited  to 
poUce  or  riot  duty. 

j)  The  militiamen  employed  in  this  riot  were  of  an  unusually  high  type. 
This  unquestionably  accounts  for  the  confidence  placed  in  them  by  both  races. 
Riot  training,  definite  orders,  and  good  staff  work  contributed  to  their  effi- 
ciency. 

k)  There  was  a  lack  of  energetic  co-operation  between  the  police  depart- 
ment and  the  state's  attorney's  office  in  the  discovery  and  conviction  of  rioters. 

The  riot  was  merely  a  symptom  of  serious  and  profound  disorders  lying 
beneath  the  surface  of  race  relations  in  Chicago.  The  study  of  the  riot,  there- 
fore, as  to  its  interlocking  provocations  and  causes,  required  a  study  of  general 
race  relations  that  made  possible  so  serious  and  sudden  an  outbreak.  Thus 
to  understand  the  riot  and  guard  against  another,  the  Commission  probed 
systematically  into  the  principal  phases  of  race  contact  and  sought  accurate 
information  on  matters  which  in  the  past  have  been  influenced  by  dangerous 
speculation;  and  on  the  basis  of  its  discoveries  certain  suggestions  to  the 
community  are  made. 

11.    Teie  Migration  op  Negroes  from  the  South 

During  the  period  1916-18  approximately  500,000  Negroes  moved  from 

southern  to  northern  states.     Some  cities  of  the  North  received  increases 

in  Negro  population  of  10  per  cent  to  300  per  cent.     The  Negro  population 

/of  Gary,  Indiana,  increased  from  383  in  1910  to  5,299  in  1920,  an  increase 

of  1,283  P^r  cent. 

Chicago  was  in  direct  line  for  migrants  from  the  South,  especially  along 
the  Mississippi  Valley,  and  received  approximately  65,000,  who  constituted  a 
large  proportion  of  the  increase  of  148.5  per  cent  in  its  Negro  population  in 
the  last  decade.  These  migrants  definitely  accentuated  existing  problems 
of  race  contact  and  brought  new  problems  of  adjustment  and  assimilation. 
Southern  Negroes  with  southern  manners,  habits,  and  traditions,  and  mostly 
from  rural  districts,  became  part  of  a  northern  urban  community.  Knowl- 
edge of  the  causes  of  this  movement  of  Negroes  will  make  easier  an  under- 
standing of  the  difficulties  following  it.  These  causes  were  economic  as  well 
as  sentimental. 

The  South  was  paying  to  Negroes  wages  which  varied  from  75  cents  a  day 
on  a  farm  to  $1.75  a  day  in  certain  city  jobs.  For  two  seasons  the  boll  weevil, 
a  destructive  pest,  had  been  making  heavy  ravages  upon  the  cotton  crops, 
ruining  thousands  of  farms  and  throwing  out  of  employment  many  thousands 
of  Negro  workers.  Lack  of  capital  to  carry  labor  through  a  period  of  poor 
crops  and  over  the  normal  intervals  between  planting  and  harvesting  largely 
increased  Negro  unemployment.  Unsatisfactory  living  conditions,  on  planta- 
tions and  in  segregated  quarters  of  southern  cities,  stimulated  unrest.  School 
facilities  for  Negro  children,  described  as  lamentably  poor  even  by  southerners. 


SUMMARY  AND  RECOMMENDATIONS  603 

increased  dissatisfaction  with  conditions  in  the  South.  The  Negro  illiteracy 
in  fifteen  southern  states  was  t,^.;^  per  cent  as  compared  with  7.7  per  cent 
for  whites.  The  appropriations  for  teachers  in  the  schools  of  these  states  on 
a  per  capita  basis  was  $10.32  for  each  white  child,  and  $2.89  for  each  Negro  child. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  North  was  for  the  first  time  on  a  large  scale  opening 
up  opportunities  for  Negroes  to  earn  a  livelihood.  The  cessation  of  immi- 
gration due  to  the  war  and  the  drawing  of  workers  into  military  service 
created  a  great  demand  for  labor;  and  the  opening  of  new  industries  and  the 
extension  of  old  ones  to  meet  the  demands  of  the  war  provided  still  greater 
opportunities.  At  the  same  time,  these  industries  were  paying  laborers 
from  $3  to  $8  per  day,  and  offering  shorter  hours  and  the  opportunity  for 
overtime  work  and  bonuses.  The  North  also  offered  living  accommodations 
which,  although  below  standard  for  city  dwellers,  were  a  vast  improvement 
over  most  of  the  plantation  cabins  and  frail  frame  dwellings  of  the  South. 
There  are  no  segregated  schools  in  the  North,  and  Negro  children  are  offered 
identical  school  privileges  with  white  children. 

Other  causes  of  the  migration,  as  stated  by  the  migrants  and  otherwise 
confirmed,  were:  lack  of  protection  from  mob  violence,  injustice  in  the  courts, 
inferior  transportation  facilities,  deprivation  of  the  right  to  vote,  "rough- 
handed  and  unfair  competition  of  'poor  whites,'"  "persecution  by  petty 
officers  of  the  law,"  and  "persecution  by  the  press." 

Between  1895  and  1918,  2,881  Negroes  were  lynched  in  the  United  States, 
and  more  than  85  per  cent  of  these  lynchings  occurred  in  the  South.  The 
Atlanta  Constitution  declared  that  the  heaviest  migration  of  Negroes  was 
from  those  counties  in  which  there  had  been  the  worst  outbreaks  against 
Negroes. 

How  the  migration  began. — The  migration  began  early  in  191 6.  Hard- 
pressed  industries  in  the  East,  principally  in  Pennsylvania,  imported  Negroes 
from  Georgia  and  Florida.  During  July  of  that  year,  13,000  were  carried  to 
Pennsylvania  by  one  railroad  company  alone.'  They  wrote  back  for  their 
famiUes  and  friends.  Reports  of  high  wages  and  good  treatment,  aided  by 
the  hysteria  of  a  mass  movement,  accomplished  the  rest. 

The  migration  was  first  noted  in  Chicago  in  191 7.  It  had  been  rumored 
in  the  South  that  the  Stock  Yards  needed  50,000  men;  the  city  had  been 
regarded  by  Negroes  as  a  future  home  since  the  World's  Columbian  Exposition 
in  1893;  it  was  the  great  city  of  mail-order  houses,  the  home  of  the  Chicago 
Defender,  a  widely  circulated  Negro  newspaper,  the  "end  of  the  railroad  fine, " 
and  the  "top  of  the  world"  for  Negroes.  Negro  newspapers  gave  up  their 
columns  to  migration  news  and  urged  southern  Negroes  to  go  North,  The 
movement  soon  became  a  mass  movement;  with  standards,  songs,  and  watch- 

'  The  Negro  Migrant  in  Pittsburgh,  published  in  19 18  under  the  supervision  of  the  School 
of  Economics,  University  of  Pittsburgh;  U.S.  Department  of  Labor  Bulletin,  Negro  Migration 
in  igi6-i7,  published  in  1919. 


6o4  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

words  the  migrants  began  arriving  in  the  city  faster  than  they  could  be  absorbed 
into  the  population. 

The  arrival  in  Chicago. — Prior  to  the  migration,  the  majority  of  Negroes 
in  Chicago  lived  in  a  fairly  limited  area  on  the  South  Side,  principally  between 
Twenty-second  and  Thurty-ninth  streets,  Wentworth  Avenue  and  State 
Street,  and  in  scattered  groups  east  of  State  Street  to  Cottage  Grove  Avenue. 
This  area  adjoined  the  old  vice  area,  and  many  houses  of  the  vicinity  had 
been  abandoned  by  older  Chicago  Negroes.  Shortly  after  the  migrants 
began  to  arrive,  practically  all  available  houses  had  been  taken  and  filled  to 
overcrowding.  On  a  single  day  the  Chicago  Urban  League  found  664  Negro 
applicants  for  houses  with  only  fifty-five  dwellings  actually  available  for  use 
by  Negroes.  At  the  same  time  rents  for  Negroes  were  increased  by  from 
5  to  50  per  cent. 

Meeting  actual  conditions  of  life  in  Chicago  brought  both  exaltation  and 
disillusionment  to  the  migrants.  These  were  reflected  in  the  schools,  in  public 
amusement  places,  in  industry,  and  in  the  street  cars.  The  Chicago  Urban 
League  and  the  various  Negro  churches  and  newspapers  assumed  the  task  of 
making  the  newcomers  "city  folk."  The  difl&culty  of  adjustment  showed 
itself  in  the  great  differences  in  habits  of  life  and  employment.  Craftsmen 
had  to  relearn  their  trades  when  thrown  amid  the  highly  specialized  processes 
of  northern  industries;  domestic  servants  went  into  industry;  professional 
men  had  to  re-estabHsh  themselves  in  a  new  community. 

Many  Negroes  sold  their  homes  in  the  South  and  brought  their  furniture 
with  them.  Reinvesting  in  property  frequently  meant  a  loss;  the  furniture 
brought  was  often  found  to  be  unsuited  to  the  tiny  apartments  or  the  large 
abandoned  dwellings  that  they  were  able  to  rent  or  buy. 

Change  of  residence  carried  with  it  in  many  cases  change  of  status.  The 
"leader"  in  a  small  southern  community  when  he  came  to  Chicago  was 
immediately  absorbed  into  the  great,  struggUng  mass  of  unnoticed  workers. 
School  teachers,  male  and  female,  whose  positions  in  the  South  held  commend- 
able prestige,  had  to  go  to  work  in  factories  and  plants  because  the  disparity 
in  educational  standards  would  not  permit  a  continuation  of  their  profession 
in  Chicago. 

The  migrants  visited  by  the  Commission  investigators,  however,  for  the 
most  part  gave  evidence  of  satisfaction  with  their  change  of  home,  and  were 
pleased  with  the  opportunity  of  voting,  of  sending  their  children  to  schools, 
and  of  higher  wages,  and  with  the  privilege  of  participation  in  community 
life.  Others  felt  the  pressure  of  high  rents  and  bad  Hving  accommodations 
and  complained  against  certain  discriminations. 

The  fact  is,  however,  that  few  Negroes  have  returned  to  the  South,  even 
in  response  to  insistent  invitations  and  offers  of  free  transportation  and  better 
home  conditions  made  by  southern  states  that  were  left  badly  in  need  of 
laborers  as  a  result  of  the  migration. 


SUMMARY  AND  RECOMMENDATIONS  605 

III.    The  Negro  Population  of  Chicago 

I.      DISTRIBUTION   AND   DENSITY 

The  Negro  population  of  Chicago,  as  reported  by  the  Federal  Bureau  of 
the  Census,  was  44,103  in  1910,  and  109,594  in  1920.  The  increase  during 
the  decade  was,  therefore,  65,491,  or  148.5  per  cent.  Negroes  constituted 
2  per  cent  of  the  city's  total  population  in  1910  and  4.1  per  cent  in  1920.  The 
increase  in  the  white  population  during  the  decade  was  450,047,  or  21  per  cent, 
bringing  the  number  up  to  2,589,104  in  1920.  Counting  3,007  Chinese, 
Japanese,  and  Indians  of  whom  there  were  2,123  ^^  1910?  Chicago's  total 
population  in  1920  was  2,701,705. 

This  growth  of  the  Negro  population  did  not  bring  into  existence  any 
new  large  colonies  of  Negroes,  but  merely  expanded  and  increased  the  density 
of  areas  in  which  they  already  lived.  The  areas  of  Negro  residence  are  Usted 
under  designations  arbitrarily  given  for  convenient  reference.^ 

1920 

SOUTH   SIDE 

Roosevelt  Road-Fifty-fifth  St.;  Wentworth  Ave.-Cottage  Grove  Ave. 
Population:  total,  376,171;  Negro,  92,901, 

Woodlawn 
Sixty -first  St.-Sixty-seventh  St.;  Eberhart  Ave.-Grand  Blvd. 
Population:  total,  8,861;  Negro,  1,235. 

Lake  Park  Avenue  Area 
Fifty-third  St.-Fifty-seventh  St. ;  Harper  Ave.-Lake  Park  Ave. 
Population:  Negro,  238. 

Ogden  Park  Area 
Fifty -ninth  St.-Sixty-third  St.;  Halsted  St.-Loomis  Blvd. 
Population:  total,  38,893;  Negro  1,859. 

NORTH   SIDE 

North  Ave.-Chicago  Ave.;  State  St.-Larrabee  St. 
Population:  Negro,  1,050. 

Ravenswood 
Lawrence  Ave.-Montrose  Ave. ;  Sheridan  Road-Ashland  Ave. 
Population:  Negro,  175. 

WEST  SIDE 

Austin  Ave.- Washington  Ave. ;  Morgan  St.-Califomia  Ave. 
Population:  Negro,  8,363. 

MORGAN  PARK  AREA 

107th  St.-ii5th  St.;  Loomis  St.-Vincennes  Ave. 
Population:  Negro,  695. 

^  These  do  not  embrace  the  whole  of  each  area  commonly  included  imder  such  designa- 
tions.   The  population  figures  are  those  of  1920. 


6o6  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

2.      NEIGHBORHOODS   OF   NEGRO   RESIDENCE 

The  South  Side. — While  the  main  colony  of  Chicago's  Negro  population 
is  located  in  a  central  part  of  the  South  Side,  Negroes  are  to  be  found  in  several 
parts  of  the  city,  ranging  from  less  than  i  per  cent  to  more  than  95  per  cent 
in  proportion  to  the  total  population.  In  some  of  these  neighborhoods  whites 
and  Negroes  have  become  adjusted  to  one  another;  in  others  they  have  not. 
One  of  these  adjusted  areas  is  the  so-called  "Black  Belt."  Because  90  per 
cent  of  the  Negroes  of  Chicago  live  there,  it  is  usually  assumed  that  the  area 
is  90  per  cent  Negro.  The  fact  is  very  different.  The  most  densely  populated 
section  of  the  South  Side  area,  between  Roosevelt  Road  and  Thirty-ninth 
Street,  Wentworth  Avenue  and  Lake  Michigan,  has  a  population  of  54,906 
Negroes  and  42,797  whites.  There  has  been  no  noticeable  friction  in  this 
area;  and  even  during  the  riot  few  whites  living  or  engaged  in  business  there 
were  molested  by  Negroes.  Most  of  the  whites  killed  or  injured  there  came 
.from  other  sections  of  the  city.  The  many  large  apartment  houses  and  family 
hotels  occupied  by  whites  are  apparently  little  affected  by  the  presence  about 
them  of  many  Negroes.  Relations  in  Woodlawn,  where  the  Negro  increase 
has  been  relatively  large,  are  for  the  most  part  friendly.  No  clashes  have 
been  reported  except  in  the  one  instance  of  a  group  of  white  boys  who  threw 
stones  at  a  building  in  which  they  saw  Negroes.  When  they  were  arrested  it 
developed  that  they  had  come  from  another  neighborhood.  Following  the 
stirring  up  and  organization  of  anti-Negro  sentiment  in  Hyde  Park,  an  attempt 
was  made  to  organize  white  Woodlawn  property  owners  against  the  "invasion" 
of  the  district  by  Negroes.  This  organization  was  not  a  very  great  success. 
There  have  been  no  bombings  in  this  district,  and  no  concerted  opposition  to 
the  presence  of  Negroes  as  neighbors.  Long,  amicable  residence  together 
and  the  good  character  of  the  Negroes  as  well  as  the  whites  are  probably 
important  reasons  for  the  absence  of  friction.  And  it  also  should  be  said 
that  in  the  Woodlawn  district  the  proportion  of  Negroes  is  so  small  that 
there  has  been  no  occasion  for  much  controversy  over  an  alleged  depreciation 
of  property  values  on  account  of  Negro  occupancy. 

The  West  Side. — On  the  West  Side  there  has  been  a  settlement  of  Negroes  for 
many  years.  Houses  are  cheaper  there  than  on  the  South  Side;  and  although 
the  general  level  of  ordinary  workingmen's  homes  compares  favorably  with 
that  on  the  South  Side,  there  are  few  abandoned  residences  formerly  occupied 
by  wealthy  persons  now  available  for  Negroes.  There  has  been  little  friction 
within  this  area,  in  which  9,221  whites  and  6,520  Negroes  live.  West  Side 
Negroes,  laborers  for  the  most  part,  are  generally  home-loving,  hard-working 
people,  desirous  of  improving  conditions  for  their  children.  Older  settlers 
among  them  have  been  able  to  make  their  adjustments  without  great  diflficulty, 
meeting  with  no  serious  antagonism  from  white  neighbors. 

The  North  Side. — On  the  North  Side,  Negroes  live  among  foreign  whites 
and  near  a  residential  area  of  wealthy  Chicagoans.     The  appearance  of  the 


SUMMARY  AND  RECOMMENDATIONS  607 

first  Negro  residents  there  occasioned  little  notice  or  objection.  They  were 
for  the  most  part  house  servants  living  near  their  work. 

This  neighborhood  has  experienced  several  complete  changes  in  population. 
It  was  first  occupied  by  Irish,  then  by  Swedes,  then  by  Itahans,  who  are  the 
present  neighbors  of  Negroes.  Friendly  relations  exist  between  the  Sicihans, 
who  predominate,  and  their  Negro  neighbors.  Some  Negroes  live  harmoni- 
ously in  the  same  tenements  with  SiciUans.  Their  children  play  together, 
and  some  of  the  Negro  children  have  learned  Sicilian  phrases  so  that  they 
are  able  to  deal  with  the  SiciHan  shopkeepers.  Elsewhere  on  the  North  Side 
the  feeling  between  Italians  and  Negroes  is  not  so  cordial. 

N on-adjusted  neighborhoods. — In  other  sections  the  failure  of  Negro  and 
white  neighbors  to  adjust  themselves  mutually  has  produced  the  most  serious 
phases  of  the  Negro  housing  problem.  A  general  housing  shortage  may  be 
reUeved  by  the  opening  of  new  neighborhoods  or  the  availabihty  of  houses 
in  various  parts  of  the  city,  but  for  Negroes  there  is  less  opportunity  for  thus 
reheving  the  housing  shortage  because  of  the  hostility  of  many  white  neighbor- 
hoods to  the  presence  of  Negroes. 

White  residents  immediately  south  of  the  old  West  Side  Negro  residence 
area  objected  to  the  moving  in  of  Negroes,  sending  numerous  threatening  letters 
to  the  newcomers  and  otherwise  annoying  them.  In  certain  sections  of  the 
North  Side,  Negro  residents  have  been  molested.  On  one  occasion  shots 
were  fired  at  their  homes,  and  at  other  times  warning  signs  with  pictures  of 
skulls,  crossbones,  and  coffins  were  posted.  In  the  Lake  Park  Avenue  area 
on  the  South  Side,  Negroes  are  limited  to  a  few  blocks,  are  not  permitted  to 
buy,  and  are  discriminated  against  in  practically  all  restaurants  and  amusement 
places. 

West  of  Wentworth  Avenue,  adjoining  the  South  Side  Negro  residence 
area,  few  Negroes  five.  The  residents  here  are  largely  Irish  working  people 
and  distinctly  hostile  to  Negroes,  even  to  those  merely  passing  through  the 
neighborhood.  This  area  has  many  organized  gangs  and  "athletic  clubs," 
and  its  racial  antagonisms  appear  to  be  traditional. 

In  Park  Manor  and  Wakeford,  between  Sixty-ninth  and  Seventy-ninth 
streets.  Cottage  Grove  and  Indiana  avenues,  excitement  was  created  in  a  new 
white  settlement  by  an  advertisement  in  a  local  paper  addressed  to  Negroes 
offering  them  houses  there.  The  name  of  a  white  real  estate  dealer  living  there 
was  given.  A  demonstration  followed,  meetings  were  held,  and  the  real 
estate  man  was  asked  to  explain.  He  asserted,  and  it  seems  to  have  been  the 
case,  that  the  advertisement  was  the  ''spite  work"  of  an  enemy. 

Kenwood  and  Hyde  Park:  The  neighborhood  between  Thirty-ninth  and 
Fifty-ninth  streets.  State  Street  and  Cottage  Grove  Avenue,  just  south  of 
the  Negro  residence  area,  has  been  termed  a  "contested  neighborhood," 
because  of  the  recent  influx  of  Negroes.  The  "Black  Belt"  was  already 
overcrowded,  and  its  occupants  were  seeking  relief  from  deteriorated  and 


6o8  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

insufficient  housing.  The  coming  of  thousands  of  Negroes  from  the  South 
made  it  overflow.  With  Lake  Michigan  flanking  the  east,  encroaching 
industry  the  north,  and  overcrowded,  hostile  neighborhoods  the  west,  the 
overflow  inevitably  went  south  into  the  west  portion  of  Hyde  Park  and 
Kenwood.  Scattered  through  the  South  Side  were  numerous  houses  and 
apartments  that  had  been  vacant  for  many  years;  and  sales  were  gladly 
made  to  the  Negroes,  many  of  the  recent  southern  migrants  having  consider- 
able funds.  In  1919,  of  the  3,300  owners  of  property  in  the  region  embracing 
parts  of  Kenwood  and  Hyde  Park  and  adjacent  territory,  1,000  were  Negroes. 
Already  a  popular  agitation  against  the  Negroes  had  been  begun  by  real  estate 
men  who  formed  the  Kenwood  and  Hyde  Park  Property  Owners'  Association. 
They  increased  and  organized  the  prejudice  against  the  Negroes  in  a  campaign 
"to  make  Hyde  Park  white."  They  held  meetings,  published  a  weekly 
newspaper,  and  called  upon  property  owners  and  other  real  estate  dealers  to 
pledge  themselves  against  renting  or  selling  to  Negroes.  In  carrying  out  their 
program,  they  resorted  to  vilification,  ridicule,  and  disparagement  of  Negroes, 
accusing  them  of  destroying  property  values  and  robbing  white  people  of  their 
homes. 

Outlying  neighborhoods. — Few  outlying  places  welcome  Negroes  as  resi- 
dents. Morgan  Park,  however,  has  offered  homes  for  Negroes,  and  the 
Negro  population  there  has  increased  from  126  in  1910  to  695  in  1920.  They 
live  for  the  most  part  on  one  side  of  the  town  near  their  own  churches;  they 
own  their  homes  and  keep  them  attractive.  School  accommodations  are  poor, 
many  children  leaving  school  early  for  that  reason. 

Robbins,  another  suburb,  is  entirely  Negro,  having  a  Negro  mayor.  The 
town  is  difficult  to  reach,  unattractive,  and  uninviting.  About  400  hard- 
working Negroes  occupying  seventy  houses  are  trying  to  develop  a  town  against 
the  handicaps  of  lack  of  capital,  swampy  lands,  and  inaccessibility. 

Depreciation  of  property. — One  of  the  strongest  influences  in  creating  and 
fostering  race  antagonism  in  Chicago  is  the  general  behef  among  whites  that 
the  presence  of  Negroes  in  a  neighborhood  inevitably  and  alone  depreciates 
the  market  value  of  real  estate,  and  this  belief  is  commonly  accepted  as  a 
vaUd  reason  for  unfriendliness  toward  Negroes  as  individuals  and  as  a  race. 
Therefore  the  Commission  felt  that  it  was  important  to  learn  what  basis  there 
is  for  this  belief. 

The  principal  influence  of  Negroes  upon  property  values  in  a  neighborhood 
is  psychological,  due  to  the  deep-seated  and  general  prejudice  of  whites  against 
Negroes,  which  begets  and  sustains  the  belief  that  Negroes  destroy  property 
values  wherever  they  go.  The  facts  as  ascertained  by  the  Commission 
show  that  Negro  occupancy  in  a  neighborhood  is  more  often  due  to  a  prior 
depreciation  of  the  property  there  than  the  depreciation  is  due  to  Negro 
occupancy;  and  that  it  is  unfair  to  place  the  entire  responsibility  for  loss  of 
property  values  in  a  neighborhood  upon  Negro  occupancy.     In  other  sections 


SUMMARY  AND  RECOMMENDATIONS  609 

of  the  city,  where  there  are  no  Negroes,  depreciation  of  property  values  has 
been  produced  by  contacts  between  populations  differing  in  race,  religion,  or 
social  standards.  Race  prejudice  produces  the  present  conditions  of  social 
injustice  toward  the  Negro,  and  uses  the  depreciation  of  property  which  it 
causes,  as  a  new  ground  for  such  racial  prejudice. 

In  virtually  every  neighborhood  in  Chicago  where  Negroes  now  live  they 
were  preceded  by  two  or  more  distinct  groups  of  occupants,  and  an  earlier 
and  often  long-continued  depreciation  of  property  values  is  one  of  the  explana- 
tions of  their  presence.  This  depreciation  of  values  has  come  from  several 
causes,  such  as  natural  physical  deterioration,  vacation  of  old  and  large  houses 
through  the  death  of  their  original  occupants  or  their  removal  to  new  neighbor- 
hoods, or  the  encroachments  of  vice,  or  business,  or  factories,  and  the  like. 
In  this  way  Negroes  have  found  an  opportunity  to  rent  or  buy  at  figures  that 
were  comparatively  low  and  within  their  limited  means. 

The  extension  of  Negro  occupancy  into  the  district  between  State  Street 
and  Lake  Michigan  and  Thirty-first  and  Thirty-ninth  streets  followed  such  an 
earlier  depreciation;  and  later,  similar  conditions  had  similar  consequences 
in  the  district  between  State  Street  and  Cottage  Grove  Avenue  and  Thirty- 
ninth  and  Sixty-third  streets,  where  there  has  been  the  most  active  opposition 
to  the  Negro  influx. 

In  the  first  named  of  these  two  districts  there  are  now  about  20  per  cent 
more  Negroes  than  whites.  During  the  eighties  and  nineties  this  area 
embraced  the  most  fashionable  residence  district  in  Chicago,  and  almost  the 
entire  Negro  population  lived  in  the  adjoining  area  on  the  west — from  State 
Street  to  Wentworth  Avenue  and  north  of  Thirty-fifth  Street.  When  the 
fashionable  people  of  this  district  began  to  move  to  the  North  Side,  the  deserted 
section  began  to  depreciate,  and  costly  houses  recently  occupied  by  wealthy 
owners  were  thrown  upon  the  market  and  began  to  pass  through  the  hands  of 
real  estate  dealers  and  into  the  possession  of  people  belonging  to  a  different 
social  class.  Physical  deterioration  also  played  its  part.  Between  1900  and 
19 10,  when  the  first  Negroes  moved  into  Wabash  Avenue — one  street  nearer 
to  the  old  fashionable  district — the  houses  were  at  least  twenty  years  old  and 
many  of  them  much  older.  Real  estate  men  estimate  the  natural  depreciation 
of  such  buildings  at  from  2  to  2^  per  cent  per  year;  so  that  in  many  cases 
property  once  exclusive  and  of  a  high  class  had  depreciated  at  least  50  per  cent 
before  there  was  any  prospect  of  Negro  occupancy. 

In  191 2  the  old  vice  area  west  of  State  Street  and  northwest  of  this  exclusive 
area  was  broken  up.  The  inmates,  numbering  at  that  time  more  than  2,000, 
moved  into  the  nearest  large  houses  available  where  they  could  ply  their 
trade  clandestinely.  They  could  afford  high  rents,  and  owners  and  agents 
profited  accordingly.  Cabarets,  cafes,  and  saloons  sought  the  side  streets, 
and  buffet  flats  were  opened.  Raids  and  prosecutions  called  attention  to  the 
changed  character  of  the  neighborhood,  and  property  values  sank  still  lower. 


6io  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Many  buildings  affected  by  this  decline  were  bought  up  by  real  estate  specu- 
lators and  sold  to  Negroes  who  were  eager  for  housing.  One  speculator 
bought  more  than  1,400  such  houses. 

Then  came  the  automobile  industries  with  their  showrooms,  gas  stations, 
manufacturing  plants,  and  accessory  shops,  even  invading  the  boulevards, 
and  the  desirabihty  of  adjacent  residence  property  still  further  declined. 

After  the  coming  of  the  Negroes  the  depreciation  continued.  It  was  clear 
that  the  character  of  the  neighborhood  had  definitely  changed.  Negroes  were 
frequently  unable  to  make  the  needed  extensive  repairs  while  they  were  paying 
for  their  property.  There  are  other  instances  in  this  area  where  property  not 
owned  by  Negroes  declined  in  value  chiefly  because  of  its  neglect  by  landlords. 

In  the  district  west  of  Cottage  Grove  Avenue,  adjacent  to  Hyde  Park 
proper,  depreciation  had  proceeded  in  much  the  same  manner.  This  neighbor- 
hood was  temporarily  congested  in  the  period  of  the  World's  Columbian  Exposi- 
tion in  1893,  and  hotels  and  apartment  houses  were  built  far  in  excess  of  normal 
needs.  Real  estate  men  of  that  district  have  made  much  of  this  point,  stating 
that  many  of  the  houses  there  had  been  vacant  as  long  as  fifteen  years.  The 
first  "undesirables"  were  not  Negroes,  but  other  national  or  racial  groups  of 
whites  who  were  objectionable  to  the  original  residents.  Several  factors 
have  combined  to  make  this  section  less  and  less  desirable  for  residence 
purposes.  It  is  close  to  the  Stock  Yards,  with  their  offensive  odors;  and 
railroads  flank  it  on  both  sides,  with  their  smoke  and  noise.  The  coming  of 
the  automobile  industries,  the  opening  of  boarding-houses,  the  southward 
movement  of  the  vice  element,  all  had  their  adverse  effect  on  property  values 
before  Negroes  moved  east  of  State  Street. 

The  widespread  and  deep-seated  racial  prejudice  among  whites  against 
Negroes,  heretofore  mentioned  as  a  psychological  basis  for  the  belief  that  the 
presence  of  Negroes  is  disastrous  to  property  values,  is  directly  reflected  in 
the  unwillingness  of  whites  to  buy  property  close  to  that  occupied  by  Negroes 
and  in  their  desire  to  sell,  even  at  a  sacrifice,  when  Negroes  move  into 
the  immediate  neighborhood.  While  frequently  the  demand  for  property 
among  Negroes  financiaUy  able  to  buy  has  not  been  large  enough  to  absorb 
realty  offered  for  sale  because  of  the  reasons  given  here,  there  are,  on  the 
other  hand,  some  neighborhoods  where  the  Negro  demand  has  provided  a 
market  for  property  that  had  long  been  unmarketable,  and  in  these  neighbor- 
hoods there  has  been  some  increase  in  the  value  of  such  property.  It  should 
be  noted  that  the  understandable  bitterness  of  feeling  on  this  question  of 
Negro  entrance  into  white  residence  districts  has  been  intensified  in  some 
cases  through  exploitation,  by  both  white  and  Negro  real  estate  operators, 
of  anti-Negro  prejudice  and  fear  of  loss  on  account  of  Negro  occupancy. 

In  brief,  Negro  occupancy  depreciates  the  value  of  residence  property  in 
Chicago  because  of  the  social  prejudice  of  white  people  against  Negroes,  and 
because  white  people  will  not,  and  Negroes  are  financially  unable  to  buy  at  fair 


SUMMARY  AND  RECOMMENDATIONS  6ii 

market  prices  property  thrown  upon  the  market  when  a  neighborhood  begins 
to  change  from  white  to  Negro  occupancy;  nevertheless,  a  large  part  of  the 
depreciation  of  residence  property  often  charged  to  Negro  occupancy  comes 
from  entirely  different  causes. 

Financial  aspects  of  Negro  housing. — One  difficulty  of  Negroes  in  handling 
their  own  housing  problem  is  the  attitude  of  real  estate  mortgage  and  loan 
concerns  with  respect  to  property  tenanted  or  likely  to  be  tenanted  by  Negroes. 
Such  property  is  assumed  to  be  a  bad  risk,  and,  as  a  consequence,  Negroes 
are  charged  more  than  whites  and  find  it  difi5cult  to  secure  mortgages  to 
assist  in  purchasing  and  are  greatly  handicapped  in  their  efforts  to  improve 
property.  This  situation  has  its  basis  in  various  beUefs  concerning  Negroes 
that  are  often  unwarranted.  It  developed  from  the  inquiries  of  the  Commis- 
sion that  mortgage  brokers  were  influenced  to  a  large  degree  by  opinions  of 
prospective  buyers  of  Negro  mortgages,  and  these  prospective  buyers  in  turn 
were  influenced  by  behefs  for  which  there  was  little  basis.  It  was  assumed, 
for  example,  that  Negroes  were  unreliable  in  business  dealings.  Conferences 
were  held  by  the  Commission  with  the  real  estate  men  who  handled  the 
greatest  portion  of  Negro  property,  and  many  other  real  estate  men  were 
interviewed  by  the  Commission's  investigators.  Their  testimony  indicated  a 
buying  capacity  far  beyond  what  was  expected  and  showed  that  Negroes  had 
a  good  record  for  meeting  their  obligations.  One  real  estate  man  who  has 
made  a  large  number  of  sales  to  Negroes,  stated  that  in  the  whole  of  his 
experience  there  had  been  but  two  forfeitures,  and  neither  of  these  was  due  to 
negligence  or  carelessness.  An  increasing  tendency  to  buy  was  noted.  This 
was  easily  explained  by  other  facts  gathered  by  the  Commission  which  indi- 
cated that  it  was  easier  for  Negroes  to  buy  than  to  rent  property,  that  during 
the  period  of  the  migration  hundreds  of  dwelHngs  were  offered  for  sale  to 
Negroes  on  long-term  payment  plans,  and  that  many  migrants  who  had  sold 
their  homes,  farms,  and  belongings  in  the  South  came  to  the  city  prepared  to 
make  substantial  payments  on  property.  Many  Negroes  now  own  houses 
valued  at  from  $10,000  to  $20,000,  and  in  one  instance  $30,000. 

Regarding  Negro  habits  of  saving,  inquiries  were  made  at  all  the  principal 
banks  of  the  city's  business  section  and  of  the  neighborhood  where  Negroes 
five.  Those  who  were  able  to  check  up  on  Negro  depositors  reported  large 
sums  deposited  and  invested.  One  trust  and  savings  bank  had  Negro  deposits 
of  $1,500,000  and  another  of  $1,000,000;  one  state  bank  had  $650,000  and 
another  $150,000.  A  large  banking  institution  in  the  "Loop"  district  had 
4,000  Negro  depositors. 

Opportunities  for  using  their  own  capital  to  relieve  their  housing  problems 
were  limited  by  lack  of  opportunities  for  obtaining  business  experience.  All 
the  concerns  questioned  regarding  the  practicability  of  employing  Negroes  in 
such  institutions  were  of  the  opinion  that  it  would  not  meet  with  the  favor  of 
the  other  employees  and  patrons. 


6i2  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Bombings. — The  antagonistic  sentiment  attributable  to  the  Negro  housing 
situation  both  incited  and  condoned  the  fifty-eight  bombings  of  homes  com- 
mitted between  July  i,  191 7,  and  March  i,  192 1.  In  these  bombings  two 
persons,  a  Negro  girl  and  an  infant,  were  killed,  many  whites  and  Negroes 
were  injured,  and  damage  done  to  property  amounted  to  more  than  $100,000. 
Negroes  who  purchased  or  rented  property  and  whites  who  sold  or  leased  it 
were  bombed.  Thirty-two  bombs  were  exploded  within  the  area  bounded  by 
Forty-first  and  Sixtieth  streets.  Cottage  Grove  Avenue  and  State  Street. 
Although  Negroes  in  some  cases  were  warned  of  the  exact  dates  on  which  they 
were  to  be  bombed,  and  policemen  were  sometimes  on  duty  at  the  places 
where  bombs  were  exploded,  only  two  arrests  were  made.  One  of  those 
arrested  was  immediately  released  and  the  other  was  never  brought  to  trial. 
Protests  to  the  authorities  from  Negroes  have  been  without  effect,  and  a  strong 
feeling  of  insecurity  and  resentment  has  developed  among  them.  It  appears 
from  evidence  presented  to  the  Commission  that  bombings  have  been  system- 
atically planned.  Many  white  residents,  objecting  to  the  violence  suggested 
and  used  to  keep  out  Negroes,  withdrew  from  the  neighborhood  protective 
organizations,  fearing  that  they  might  be  held  responsible  for  the  resulting 
lawlessness. 

These  protective  associations  have  denied  responsibility  and  declared 
that  they  used  only  legitimate  methods,  such  as  foreclosure  of  mortgages  and 
refusal  to  deal  with  Negroes.  During  the  summer  of  1920,  they  stated,  sixty- 
eight  foreclosures  were  effected. 

3.      THE   NEGRO   COMMUNITY 

The  Negro  community  in  Chicago  is  virtually  a  city  within  a  city.  It 
affords  opportunity  to  observe  how  it  is  accomplishing  its  own  adjustment 
to  the  larger  community,  and  how  it  attempts  to  function  in  its  own  behalf 
and  for  the  betterment  of  the  community  at  large. 

Negroes  have  lived  in  Chicago  since  its  founding.  In  fact,  the  first  settler, 
in  1778,  was  a  Negro,  Jean  Baptiste  Point  de  Saible.  There  were  Negro 
property  owners  at  the  time  of  the  city's  incorporation  in  1837.  Before  the 
Chicago  fire  in  187 1  they  lived  near  what  is  now  the  "Loop"  business  district, 
north  of  Harrison  Street  on  Clark  and  Dearborn  streets  and  on  Lake  Street 
on  the  West  Side.  Their  homes  were  burned  in  1873,  and  after  that  they 
settled  in  the  territory  adjoining  what  later  became  the  "red  light"  district 
near  Roosevelt  Road. 

Organization  of  the  Negro  community. — Partly  from  necessity  and  partly 
from  choice,  Negroes  have  established  their  own  churches,  business  enterprises, 
amusement  places,  social  agencies,  and  newspapers.  The  number  of  their 
business  places  increased  from  about  1,200  in  1919  to  about  1,500  in  1920. 
There  are  651  places  of  business  operated  by  Negroes  on  South  State  Street, 
and  549  on  the  principal  cross  streets.     The  majority  of  these  places  are  those 


SUMMARY  AND  RECOMMENDATIONS  613 

rendering  personal  service — barber  shops,  restaurants,  hair-dressing  parlors, 
and  undertaking  establishments.     There  are  also  two  banks. 

Organizations  for  social  intercourse  are  numerous,  consisting  principally 
of  churches,  fraternal  societies,  and  social  clubs.  There  are  170  congregations 
holding  services  in  church  edifices  and  in  "store-front"  churches.  Olivet 
Baptist  Church  has  more  than  10,000  members,  the  largest  Negro  church 
membership  in  the  world.  It  employs  sixteen  paid  workers,  and  during  the 
last  five  years  has  raised  more  than  $200,000.  These  churches  are  the  principal 
center  for  "face-to-face"  relations  and  aid  greatly  in  the  process  of  adjusting 
Negroes  to  civic  responsibilities.  Forty-nine  of  these  congregations  own  \ 
property  valued  at  fully  a  million  and  a  half  dollars. 

The  social  and  civic  agencies  are  expressions  of  the  group  effort  to  adjust 
itself  to  the  conamunity.  There  are  in  the  Negro  community  distinct  organiza- 
tions of  this  kind  designed  especially  for  Negroes,  and  branches  of  general 
agencies  located  conveniently  for  use  by  Negroes.  Of  the  former  type  the 
Chicago  Urban  League  is  the  most  notable  example.  This  organization  is 
a  clearing-house  for  social  work  among  Negroes,  and  its  activities  include 
social  investigations,  an  industrial  bureau,  and  child  welfare.  It  has  an 
executive  board  and  officers  composed  of  both  whites  and  Negroes,  and  a 
highly  efficient  staff  of  Negro  workers.  During  1920  more  than  25,000 
Negroes  were  assisted  through  this  organization.  Provident  Hospital  is 
another  example  of  this  type. 

Of  the  latter  tj^e  the  Wabash  Avenue  Y.M.C.A.  is  an  example.  It  is  a 
branch  of  the  city  Y.M.C.A.,  and  has  adjusted  itself  to  the  peculiar  social 
problems  of  its  membership  and  community.  Other  agencies  are  the  Com- 
munity Service,  Wendell  Phillips  Settlement  on  the  West  Side,  Butler  Com- 
munity Center  on  the  North  Side,  PhylHs  Wheatley  Home  for  Girls,  Home 
for  the  Aged  and  Infirm,  Indiana  Avenue  Y.W.C.A.,  Elaine  Home  Club, 
Julia  Johnson  Home  for  Girls,  Hartzell  Center,  and  Illinois  Technical  School 
for  Colored  Girls  (a  Roman  Catholic  institution). 

Of  the  general  social  agencies  with  branches  convenient  for  Negroes  are 
the  American  Red  Cross,  United  Charities,  Municipal  Tuberculosis  Sanita- 
rium, Abraham  Lincoln  Center.  Although  some  of  these  branches  are  poorly 
supported  and  undermanned,  they  represent  efforts  of  the  community  to  care 
for  itself.  During  1920  six  social  agencies  and  twenty-seven  churches  raised 
among  Negroes  $445,000  for  social-welfare  work. 

IV.    Racial  Contacts 

The  problems  arising  out  of  various  occasions,  both  voluntary  and  enforced, 
for  race  association  in  Chicago,  have,  for  convenience,  been  included  in  this 
report  under  the  general  classification  of  "racial  contacts."  Attention  is 
given  to  contacts  in  the  public  schools,  in  public  recreation  places,  on  transpor- 
tation lines,  and  in  other  relations  exclusive  of  industry  and  housing  which 


6 14  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

require  special  treatment.  Negroes  in  Illinois  are  legally  entitled  to  all  the 
rights  and  privileges  of  other  citizens.  Actually,  however,  their  participation 
in  public  benefits  in  practically  every  field  is  limited  by  some  circumvention 
of  the  law. 

I.      CONTACTS   IN  PUBLIC   SCHOOLS 

The  public  schools  furnish  one  of  the  most  important  points  of  contact 
between  the  white  and  Negro  races  because  of  the  daily  association  of  thousands 
of  Negro  and  white  children  at  an  impressionable  age.  The  Chicago  Board 
of  Education  makes  no  distinction  between  the  races  and  keeps  no  separate 
records.  Certain  schools,  therefore,  with  white  American,  Negro,  and  white 
foreign-born  preponderances,  were  selected  for  special  study. 

Physical  equipment  of  schools. — Twenty-two  schools  located  in  and  near 
areas  of  Negro  residence  were  selected  and  visited.  Of  these  only  five,  or 
23  per  cent,  have  been  built  since  1900,  and  four  of  these  five  schools  are  in 
regions  where  the  Negro  population  is  smallest.  The  ten  schools  serving  the 
largest  percentage  of  Negroes  were  built,  one  in  1856,  one  in  1867,  seven  between 
1880  and  1889,  and  only  one  after  1890.  Of  the  235  schools  attended  almost 
wholly  by  whites,  133,  or  56  per  cent,  were  built  after  1899.  The  old  buildings 
will  not  accommodate  modern  equipment  and  cannot  be  enlarged.  The 
absence  of  modern  buildings  is  in  part  due  to  the  old  residence  areas  in  which 
Negroes  must  live.  The  gymnasiums  in  fifteen  of  these  twenty-two  schools 
of  predominant  Negro  attendance  are  poorly  equipped,  and  in  the  other 
seven  schools  there  are  none.  Playground  space  is  about  the  same  in  all  the 
schools,  and  there  was  no  exceptional  overcrowding  in  schools  attended  largely 
by  Negroes  except  in  one  case  where  by  the  "  shift "  system  a  double  attendance 
was  made  possible.  In  the  schools  of  mixed  attendance  one  instance  was 
conspicuous:  Fuller  School — a  branch  of  Felsenthal  which  is  well  equipped, 
and  under  the  same  principal,  who  is  an  advocate  of  segregation — is  in  a 
neighborhood  where  the  percentage  of  Negroes  is  the  same  as  that  around 
Felsenthal,  but  it  has  no  playground,  is  run  down,  and  neglected.  Yet  it  has  90 
per  cent  Negroes,  while  Felsenthal  has  38  per  cent.  Unmanageable  white 
children  are  sent  to  Fuller. 

Retardation. — The  question  of  retardation'  of  Negro  children  is  of  serious 
concern  in  race  relations,  since  this  fact  is  urged  by  advocates  of  separate 
schools  as  an  unnecessary  handicap  for  white  children  and  a  reason  for  segre- 
gation. Twenty-four  schools  were  selected,  with  the  aid  of  the  Board  of 
Education:  six  attended  mainly  by  Negroes,  six  mainly  by  white  Americans, 
and  twelve  mainly  by  children  of  immigrants.  Of  a  total  of  34,593  children 
there  were  18,230,  or  53  per  cent,  retarded — the  same  percentage  as  in  the 
entire  city;  10,250,  or  30  per  cent,  normal;  and  5,910,  or  17  per  cent,  acceler- 
ated.    In  the  schools  attended  mainly  by  white  Americans,  49  per  cent  were 

» The  standard  in  Chicago  is  Grade  I  for  children  six  years  of  age. 


SUMMARY  AND  RECOMMENDATIONS  615 

retarded;  in  those  attended  mainly  by  children  of  immigrants  49  per  cent; 
and  in  those  attended  mainly  by  Negroes  74  per  cent.  The  percentage  of 
retardation  in  schools  attended  mainly  by  Negroes  ranges  from  57  to  80 
per  cent;  in  schools  attended  mainly  by  children  of  immigrants  from  32  to  71 
per  cent;  and  in  schools  attended  mainly  by  white  Americans  from  40  to 
62  per  cent. 

Predominating  causes  of  this  retardation  of  Negro  children,  according  to 
the  Board  of  Education's  classification,  are:  *'late  entrance  to  school," 
"family  difficulties,"  "fathers  or  mothers  working,"  "lack  of  education  in 
parents."  The  majority  of  retarded  Negro  children  are  southerners,  and 
their  retardation  can  be  readily  understood  when  the  gross  inadequacies  of 
southern  schools  for  Negroes  are  considered. 

Among  the  whites,  late  entrance,  inabihty  to  speak  English,  ill  health, 
backwardness,  and  low  mentality  are  the  various  causes.  It  is  interesting  to 
note  that  while  it  is  often  maintained  that  Negroes  are  mentally  weak  and 
incapable,  classification  of  retardation  figures  according  to  causes  does  not 
bear  out  that  theory.  Negro  children  retarded  from  "late  entrance"  have 
made  excellent  records  in  attaining  a  normal  rating,  some  completing  three 
grades  in  a  year. 

One  hundred  and  sixteen  Negro  children  were  picked  at  random  for  an 
intensive  inquiry  by  the  Commission  into  causes  of  retardation.  Of  these,  loi 
had  been  in  school  before  coming  to  Chicago;  and  of  the  loi  children,  eighty 
had  lived  in  the  South  and  had  gone  to  southern  schools;  those  born  and 
educated  in  the  North  showed  no  greater  rate  of  retardation  than  the  whites. 
For  much  of  the  retardation  the  school  facilities  for  Negroes  in  the  South 
appear  to  be  responsible.  In  Mississippi,  for  example,  only  eighty  days' 
schooling  is  required  in  counties  that  do  not  absolutely  reject  the  compulsory- 
education  law.  Other  causes  found  were  inadequate  care  and  instruction  at 
home  due  to  the  ignorance  of  parents,  mothers  working  out,  poor  parental 
discipline,  and  the  physical  condition  of  homes. 

Contact  problems.  —A  wide  variety  of  opinions  was  found  among  principals 
and  teachers  concerning  the  relations  of  white  and  Negro  children.  Several 
principals  were  distinctly  antagonistic  to  Negroes,  and  in  their  schools  the 
race  relations  of  the  pupils  were  not  cordial.  The  most  important  factor  in 
determining  the  attitude  of  teachers  as  well  as  of  pupils  was  the  attitude  of 
principals.  Kindergarten  teachers  found  a  natural,  pleasant  relationship 
existing  between  the  young  white  and  Negro  children.  As  children  grew 
older  they  became  more  race  conscious,  and  in  the  high  schools  friction  fre- 
quently arose  from  race  groupings  in  class  and  social  organizations.  Negro 
teachers  are  assigned  to  schools  attended  by  both  Negroes  and  immigrants, 
and  apparently  have  no  difiiculties  with  pupils  or  parents.  Difficulties  and 
bad  feeling  have  been  provoked  by  the  disposition  of  certain  white  teachers 
to  adapt  their  instruction  in  accordance  with  their  assumptions  concerning 


6i6  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Negroes'  mental  and  emotional  characteristics,  putting  stress  on  singing  and 
handicraft  instead  of  on  basic  studies  in  arithmetic  and  grammar. 

2.      RECREATION 

In  its  investigation  of  recreation  places,  the  Commission  listed  127  parks, 
playgrounds,  recreation  centers,  and  beaches  under  the  supervision  of  the 
Municipal  Bureau  of  Parks,  Playgrounds,  and  Bathing  Beaches,  and  of  the 
South  Park,  West  Park,  and  Lincoln  Park  commissions.  Of  these,  thirty-seven 
are  in  or  near  Negro  areas.  Though  this  figure  represents  a  fairly  adequate 
distribution,  it  is  not  an  accurate  picture.  Twenty-three  of  these  places  are 
playgrounds  attached  to  schools,  fourteen  being  in,  and  nine  near,  Negro 
areas;  and  only  thirteen  have  more  than  10  per  cent  use  by  Negroes.  Three 
bathing-beaches  are  within,  and  two  near,  Negro  areas,  while  only  one  has 
more  than  10  per  cent  use  by  Negroes.  There  are  seven  recreation  centers 
near  Negro  areas,  none  within,  and  only  one  with  more  than  10  per  cent  use 
by  Negroes.  Armour  Square,  for  example,  is  a  recreation  center  bordering 
on  the  area  of  the  largest  Negro  population;  but  the  hostility  of  whites, 
especially  gangs  of  hoodlums,  attacks  on  Negro  children,  and  the  indifferent 
attitude  of  the  director  render  attendance  by  Negroes  extremely  hazardous. 
Of  a  daily  attendance  of  1,500,  less  than  i  per  cent  are  Negroes,  despite  the 
fact  that  over  50  per  cent  of  the  immediately  surrounding  population  is  Negro. 
Natural  barriers  of  distance,  unofficial  discrimination  of  officials,  and  the 
hostility  of  neighborhood  groups  are  largely  responsible  for  the  lack  of  parti- 
cipation. 

The  beaches  have  presented  the  most  difficult  problems  of  race  control. 
The  riot  of  1919  began  at  the  Twenty-ninth  Street  Beach,  and  since  the  riot 
numerous  smaller  clashes  have  occurred  there.  At  Thirty-eighth  Street, 
also  on  the  edge  of  the  largest  area  of  Negro  residence,  Negroes  are  entirely 
excluded,  the  policeman  on  duty  and  the  attendant  in  charge  assisting  in  this 
exclusion  to  prevent  clashes.  In  neighborhoods  with  a  small  Negro  popula- 
tion, attendance  at  the  recreation  places  is  always  much  below  the  percentage 
of  Negroes  to  the  total  population  in  such  neighborhoods,  this  being  due  to 
the  hostility  shown  by  whites,  especially  of  the  hoodlum  element,  and  also 
to  the  reluctance  of  Negroes  to  go  where  they  feel  unwelcome. 

Contacts. — Most  difficulties  in  parks  and  playgrounds  have  not  been 
caused  by  the  behavior  of  Negroes  there.  Such  complaints  against  Negroes 
as  have  come  from  these  contacts  have  concerned  groups  of  rough  or  domineer- 
ing children  at  the  playgrounds  rather  than  adults.  Two  playgrounds  on 
the  South  Side  make  such  complaints. 

Race  relations  of  the  children. — Lack  of  racial  antagonism  was  reported  at 
a  large  number  of  playgrounds.  Apparatus  was  used  by  both  groups  without 
friction.  Negro  and  white  children  mingled  freely  in  their  games  and  in  the 
swimming-pools,  and  both  Negroes  and  whites  played  on  baseball  and  athletic 


SUMMARY  AND  RECOMMENDATIONS  617 

teams.  The  occasional  playground  fights  usually  lack  any  element  of  racial 
antipathy.  "There  might  be  personal  misunderstandings  and  disagreements 
between  a  white  and  a  black  just  the  same  as  between  two  whites,"  said  the 
director  of  Union  Park,  "but  I  wouldn't  lay  it  to  race  prejudice.  They 
work  together  and  play  together  and  seem  to  harmonize  in  most  instances." 
When  this  director  came  to  Union  Park  a  year  ago  he  found  a  tendency  among 
Negroes  and  whites  to  separate  into  race  groups,  but  steps  were  taken  to  bring 
them  together  in  games  of  various  kinds,  and  toward  the  end  of  the  season  the 
director  felt  that  they  "harmonized  better  and  worked  together  more  cordially 
than  they  did  before."  When  the  Commission's  investigator  visited  Union 
Park  Playground  he  saw  small  children  of  both  races  playing  together  on  the 
same  pieces  of  apparatus — a  Negro  child  on  one  end  of  a  teeter  ladder  and  a 
white  child  on  the  other.  Occasionally  there  is  a  disturbance,  usually  starting 
from  a  dispute  over  the  apparatus;  but  on  the  whole  the  children  play  together 
peacefully. 

Voluntary  racial  grouping. — Voluntary  racial  grouping  appears  to  be 
more  characteristic  of  the  large  parks  and  beaches  which  adults  frequent 
than  of  the  playgrounds,  which  are  used  mainly  by  children.  One  instance 
of  voluntary  grouping  among  children  was  found  at  Copernicus  Playground. 
The  playing  space  is  in  the  shape  of  an  "L, "  one  end  intended  for  boys  and  the 
other  for  girls,  but  by  common  consent  the  children  divide  along  race  Hnes 
rather  than  sex. 

In  the  general  use  of  Lincoln  and  Washington  parks  the  Negroes  and  whites 
stay  in  separate  groups.  There  has  never  been  any  difficulty,  according  to 
the  Lincoln  Park  representative,  arising  from  the  fact  that  Negroes  have 
taken  possession  of  a  spot  desired  by  whites  for  a  picnic  or  other  amusement. 
No  part  of  either  park  is  especially  set  aside  for  the  use  of  one  race,  and  groups 
of  both  Negroes  and  whites  are  seen  everywhere  in  the  parks,  but  they  do  not 
mingle. 

Some  directors  attempt  to  regulate  these  contacts  to  avoid  any  mingling 
of  groups.  At  the  Municipal  Pier,  for  example,  an  investigator  learned  that 
when  Negro  couples  went  on  the  dancing-pavilion  floor  the  floor  manager 
informed  them  that  they  were  not  dancing  properly  and  took  them  to  one 
side  to  acquaint  them  with  the  approved  style  of  dancing;  no  matter  how 
well  they  danced,  they  were  to  be  prevented  from  going  on  the  floor  by 
the  manager's  judgment  of  their  dancing.  More  recently,  however,  Negroes 
have  reported  that  they  have  been  able  freely  to  use  this  dance  floor. 

Clashes  in  the  various  recreation  places  as  early  as  19 13  were  found  to 
have  been  started  mostly  by  gangs  of  white  "roughs."  On  one  occasion,  for 
example,  the  secretary  of  boys'  work  of  the  Wabash  Avenue  department 
Y.M.C.A.  (for  Negroes)  conducted  a  party  of  nineteen  Negro  boys  to  Armour 
Square.  They  had  no  difficulty  in  entering  the  park,  but  on  leaving  they 
were  assailed  by  crowds  of  white  boys.    Some  of  them  were  tripped,  trodden 


6i8  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

upon,  and  badly  bruised.  They  took  refuge  in  a  neighboring  saloon,  where 
they  remained  for  a  half-hour,  when  a  detachment  of  police  scattered  the  white 
gang.  On  another  occasion  a  group  of  boys  from  the  same  institution  were 
driven  from  the  lake  at  Thirty-first  Street.  In  191 5  Father  Bishop,  of  St. 
Thomas  Episcopal  Church,  took  a  group  of  Negro  boys  to  Armour  Square 
to  play  basket-baU.  The  entire  party,  including  Father  Bishop,  were  beaten 
by  white  boys  and  their  sweaters  taken  from  them.  In  the  same  year  an 
attempt  was  made  by  a  Negro  boys'  club  director  to  take  seventy-five  Negro 
boys  through  the  Stock  Yards.  They  had  received  tickets  of  admission  to 
the  stock  show.  In  spite  of  the  presence  and  efforts  of  four  adult  leaders, 
these  boys  were  struck  by  sticks  and  other  missiles  while  passing  from  one 
section  of  the  show  to  another.  PoHce  assistance  was  required  to  get  them 
from  the  pavihon  to  the  street  cars. 

Gangs  of  white  boys,  sixteen  and  seventeen  years  of  age,  from  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Fifty-ninth  Street  and  Wentworth  Avenue  frequently  interfered  with 
Negro  participants  in  baseball  games  in  Washington  Park,  especially  during 
the  spring  and  summer  of  191 8  and  191 9.  They  also  annoyed  Negro  couples 
on  the  park  benches.  Where  the  Negro  showed  fight,  minor  clashes  resulted. 
Park  officials  have  not  been  able  to  restrain  the  ill  feeling  which  these  conflicts 
engender. 

Clashes  were  noted  in  Ogden  Park  as  early  as  1914  and  frequently 
since  that  time.  A  Negro  playground  director  testified  that  he  and  other 
Negroes  had  been  slugged  while  attending  band  concerts  or  attempting  to 
use  shower  baths  after  a  game  in  the  park.  At  the  boathouse  in  Washington 
Park,  in  the  early  summer  of  1920,  there  were  numerous  clashes  between 
Negroes  and  whites.  In  the  following  year,  however,  considerably  fewer 
instances  of  friction  were  reported.  Playground  directors  are  of  the  opinion 
that  friction  is  likely  to  occur  where  groups  of  Negro  children  for  the  first  time 
come  into  parks  theretofore  exclusively  used  by  whites.  Adjustment  is  likely 
to  follow  after  this  period.  In  some  cases,  however,  when  the  proportion  of 
Negroes  has  grown  larger  than  that  of  whites,  a  Negro  director  has  been  placed 
in  charge  of  the  park  with  the  unoflSicial  understanding  that  it  should  be  turned 
over  to  Negroes. 

The  two  causes  of  neighborhood  antagonism  back  of  the  friction  in  the 
parks  most  commonly  cited  are  the  housing  and  sex  problems.  The  play- 
grounds and  parks  usually  share  in  a  general  way  the  sentiments  of  the  mixed 
neighborhoods  in  or  near  which  they  are  located. 

One  source  of  racial  disorders  is  lack  of  co-operation  between  park  and 
city  pohcemen.  The  park  police  stop  a  fight  between  white  and  colored 
children  and  send  them  out  of  the  park.  When  the  fight  is  renewed  outside 
the  park  they  have  no  power  to  interfere.  Spectators  may  then  get  into  the 
fight,  and  serious  clashes  may  be  well  under  way  before  the  city  police  can  be 
summoned. 


SUMMARY  AND  RECOMMENDATIONS  619 

The  most  important  remedies  suggested  to  the  Commission  for  the  better- 
ment of  relations  between  Negroes  and  whites  at  the  various  places  of  recrea- 
tion were:  (i)  additional  facilities  in  Negro  areas,  particularly  recreation 
centers  which  can  be  used  by  adults;  (2)  an  awakened  public  opinion  which 
will  refuse  to  tolerate  the  hoodlum  and  will  insist  that  the  courts  properly 
punish  such  offenders;  (3)  selection  of  directors  for  parks  in  neighborhoods 
where  there  is  a  critical  situation  who  have  a  sympathetic  understanding  of 
the  problem  and  will  not  tolerate  actions  by  park  police  officers  and  other 
subordinate  officials  which  tend  to  discourage  Negro  attendance;  and  (4) 
efforts  by  such  directors  to  repress  and  remove  any  racial  antagonism  that 
may  arise  in  the  neighborhood  about  the  park. 

3.      CONTACTS  IN   TRANSPORTATION 

The  study  of  contacts  between  whites  and  Negroes  in  street  cars  and 
other  public  conveyances  was  prompted  by  a  usually  unexplained  emphasis 
on  apparently  trivial  incidents  connected  with  public  conveyances,  together 
with  the  observation  that  the  greatest  disturbances  during  the  riot  of  19 19 
commonly  occurred  along  transportation  hues  and  at  transfer  points. 

Although  many  clashes  and  other  instances  of  racial  friction  on  the  street 
cars  were  not  serious  enough  to  be  reported  to  the  newspapers  or  to  be 
made  the  subject  of  complaint,  information  obtained  by  investigators  for  the 
Commission  showed  that  the  attitude  of  both  Negroes  and  whites  toward 
each  other  was  being  affected  by  contacts  on  the  cars. 

As  affecting  attitudes  on  race  relations,  transportation  contacts,  while 
impersonal  and  temporary,  are  significant  for  several  reasons.  Many  whites 
have  no  contact  with  Negroes  except  on  the  cars,  and  their  personal  impression 
of  the  entire  Negro  group  may  be  determined  by  one  or  two  observations  of 
Negro  passengers.  Unlike  contacts  in  the  school,  playground,  and  workshop, 
transportation  contacts  are  not  supervised,  and  if  there  is  any  dispute  among 
passengers  the  settlement  usually  rests  with  themselves.  Suspicion  or  prej- 
udice on  either  side  because  of  the  difference  in  race  accentuates  any  mis- 
understanding. And  transportation  contacts,  at  least  on  crowded  cars, 
involve  physical  contact  between  Negroes  and  whites,  which  rarely  occurs 
under  other  circumstances  and  sometimes  leads  to  a  display  of  racial 
feeling. 

The  Commission's  investigators,  white  and  Negro,  men  and  women, 
made  many  trips  for  observation  on  the  twelve  lines  carrying  the  heaviest 
volume  of  Negro  traffic  and  therefore  involving  the  greatest  amount  of  contact. 
Counts  of  passengers,  Negro  and  white,  were  made,  behavior  and  habits  were 
noted,  and  passengers  and  car  crews  were  drawn  into  conversation.  Officials 
of  surface  and  elevated  lines,  starters,  and  station  men  were  interviewed.  In- 
stances of  friction  which  came  to  the  attention  of  the  Commission  were  noted 
and  the  circumstances  studied. 


620  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Traffic  counts  made  by  the  Chicago  Traction  and  Subway  Commission 
in  1916  showed  3,500,000  surface-railway  and  500,000  elevated-railway 
passengers  carried  in  a  twenty-four-hour  day.  Negroes  constitute  4  per  cent 
of  the  city's  population  and  probably  about  that  percentage  of  the  city's 
street-car  traffic.  Negro  traffic,  however,  instead  of  being  scattered  over  the 
city,  is  mainly  concentrated  upon  twelve  lines  which  traverse  the  Negro 
residential  areas  and  connect  those  areas  with  the  manufacturing  districts 
where  Negroes  are  employed.  Because  of  this  concentration  the  proportion 
of  Negroes  to  whites  on  these  twelve  lines  is  much  higher  than  4  per  cent, 
and  on  such  Knes  as  that  on  State  Street,  the  principal  business  street  of  the 
South  Side  Negro  residence  area,  it  often  happens  that  the  majority  of  the 
passengers  are  Negroes. 

There  is  no  "Jim  Crow"  separation  of  races  on  street  cars  in  Chicago. 
Contacts  of  Negroes  and  whites  on  the  street  cars  did  not  provoke  any  con- 
siderable discussion  before  the  period  of  migration  of  Negroes  from  the  South, 
when  occasional  stories  of  clashes  began  to  be  circulated;  and  even  then, 
such  friction  as  developed  did  not  come  prominently  to  public  attention. 
Only  one  incident  involving  a  clash  was  reported  in  the  newspapers.  Even 
since  the  migration  began,  there  have  been  very  few  complaints  based  upon 
racial  friction.  The  Elevated  Railroad  Company,  whose  South  Side  line  has 
the  largest  Negro  traffic  of  any  elevated  line,  replied  to  inquiries  that,  except 
during  the  riot  of  1919,  when  a  few  cases  of  racial  disorder  were  reported, 
there  had  been  no  complaints  from  motormen  or  trainmen  since  1918,  when  a 
trainman  was  cut  by  a  Negro.  No  complaints  from  white  passengers  had 
been  received  since  the  spring  of  191 7,  when  white  office  workers  objected  to 
riding  with  Stock  Yards  laborers,  mainly  Negroes,  on  the  Stock  Yards  spur  of 
the  elevated.  White  laborers  in  the  Stock  Yards  mostly  live  within  walking 
distance  of  their  work,  but  Negroes  found  it  necessary  to  use  car  lines  running 
east  to  the  main  area  of  Negro  residence.  The  Chicago  Surface  lines  replied 
that  complaints  due  to  racial  friction  were  negligible. 

Many  of  the  migrants  are  laborers  who  must  use  these  lines  going  to  and 
from  work,  and  many  of  them  are  rough-mannered  and  entirely  unfamiliar 
with  standards  of  conduct  in  northern  cities.  Another  serious  factor  is  the 
recent  entrance  of  Negroes  into  industry.  Before  the  war  the  great  majority  of 
Negroes  gainfully  employed  were  engaged  in  some  form  of  personal  service 
which  did  not  require  use  of  transportation  Hnes  in  their  working  clothes  to 
and  from  the  manufacturing  centers.  The  migrants,  many  of  them  coming 
to  a  city  like  Chicago  with  no  "Jim  Crow"  segregation,  felt  strange  and 
uncertain  as  to  how  they  should  act.  In  fact,  peculiarities  of  conduct  on  the 
part  of  these  were  noted  by  Negroes  of  longer  residence  in  Chicago,  and  it  has 
been  remarked  by  whites  and  Negroes  that  they  could  tell  a  Negro  migrant  by 
his  uneasy  manner  and  often  by  his  clothing.  Conspicuous  points  of  behavior 
of  migrant  Negroes  before  they  became  urbanized,  which  many  whites  noted 


SUMMARY  AND  RECOMMENDATIONS  621 

and  commented  on  were:  "loud  laughter  and  talking,"  "old  and  ill-smelling  g 
clothes,"  "roughness  and  his  tendency  to  sit  all  over  the  car."  These  are 
easy  to  understand  when  one  considers  the  background  of  the  southern  Negro. 
There  are,  on  the  other  hand,  exceptional  cases  where  Negroes  have  walked 
miles  rather  than  take  a  car,  thus  avoiding  possible  embarrassment.  A  Negro 
who  has  been  in  Chicago  for  a  long  time  is  not  self-conscious  about  sitting 
near  white  persons.  Negroes  who  get  into  trouble  with  whites  about  insist- 
ing on  their  right  to  a  seat  often  belong  to  the  class  of  suspicious  and  sensi-  § 
tive  Negroes  who  fear  that  an  attempt  is  being  made  to  segregate  them,  and 
sometimes  they  are  simply  "greenhorns." 

Soiled  and  ill-smelling  clothing  was  found  to  be  an  objection  applying  to 
white  as  well  as  Negro  laborers.  These  complaints  came,  for  the  most  part, 
from  clerical  workers  who  objected  to  physical  contact  with  persons  who  might 
"rub  off."  A  difficulty  involving  this  feature  was  adjusted  by  one  packing 
company  by  dismissing  its  clerical  workers  and  its  laborers  at  different  hours.  * 
A  frequent  source  of  misunderstanding  has  been  a  situation  in  which  it  ap- 
peared that  Negroes  had  taken  seats  intended  for  white  women.  In  several 
such  cases  thoroughly  examined  by  the  Commission's  investigators  the  diffi- 
culties were  found  to  have  resulted  from  misunderstood  actions. 

Most  of  the  difficulties  in  transportation  contacts  reported  and  generallV  'JS^I 
complained  of  seem  to  have  centered  around  the  first  blundering  efforts  of\ 
migrants  to  adjust  themselves  to  northern  city  life.    The  efforts  of  agencies/"'^ 
interested  in  assisting  this  adjustment,  together  with  the  Negro  press  and  the 
intimate  criticisms  and  suggestions  for  proper  conduct  of  Chicago  Negroes, 
have  smoothed  down  many  of  the  roughnesses  of  the  migrants,  and  as  a  result 
friction  from  contacts  in  transportation  seems  to  have  lessened  materially. 

4.      CRIME   AND   VICIOUS   ENVIRONMENT 

Many  students  of  the  race  problem  look  upon  public  crime  records  as  a 
register  of  the  failure  of  Negroes  to  adjust  themselves  to  the  social  fabric.  Study 
of  infractions  of  law  by  Negroes,  of  provocation  to  lawlessness,  and  of  the  history 
of  their  crimes  would  indeed  reveal  an  interesting  background  of  their  present 
behavior  in  relation  to  whites,  if  such  a  study  were  possible  from  present 
records.  The  Commission  carried  its  investigations  into  this  field  and  found 
no  means  of  determining  how  great  a  proportion  of  the  city's  crimes  is 
committed  by  Negroes. 

The  prevaihng  impression  that  Negroes  are  by  nature  more  criminal 
than  whites  and  more  prone  to  commit  sex  crimes  has  restricted  their  employ- 
ment, increased  unfair  measures  of  restraint,  and  blackened  the  name  of  the 
entire  Negro  group.  Two  important  facts  were  apparent  from  the  Commis- 
sion's study:  (i)  the  danger  inherent  in  the  vicious  environment  in  which 
Negroes  are  forced  to  live,  and  (2)  the  misrepresentative  character  of  the 
statistics  of  Negro  crime. 


y 


<^ 


622  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Environment. — The  limitations  imposed  on  Negro  residential  areas  have 
provided  undue  cause  and  occasion  for  crime.  The  entire  population,  good 
and  bad,  is  thrown  together,  exposing  children  to  the  sight  and  temptation 
of  vice  and  immorality.  Ninety  per  cent  of  the  Negro  population  has  always 
lived  near  the  city's  former  segregated  vice  districts,  partly  because  white 
sentiment  excluded  them  from  other  neighborhoods,  partly  because  rents  in 
the  neighborhood  of  vice  were  low  enough  to  meet  their  meager  economic 
resources,  and  partly  because  their  weakness  made  their  protests  against  the 
proximity  of  vice  less  effective  than  the  protests  of  whites.  When  the  vice 
districts  were  broken  up  and  the  inmates  scattered,  they  entered  the  better 
neighborhoods  of  Negro  residence  and  clandestinely  plied  their  trade.  In  fact, 
according  to  the  report  of  the  Chicago  Vice  Commission  in  191 1,  at  one  time 
prostitutes  were  promised  immunity  by  the  police  if  they  confined  themselves 
to  a  certain  area  in  which  Negroes  predominated.  The  spread  of  the  Negro 
population  has  always  been  accompanied  by  the  spread  of  clandestine  prostitu- 
tion.    The  Vice  Commission's  report  said: 

The  history  of  the  social  evil  in  Chicago  is  intimately  connected  with  the  colored 
population.  Invariably  the  large  vice  districts  have  been  created  within  or  near  the 
settlements  of  colored  people.  In  the  past  history  of  the  city  every  time  a  new  vice 
district  was  created  downtown  or  on  the  South  Side,  the  colored  families  were  in  the 
district  moving  in  just  ahead  of  the  prostitutes.  The  situation  along  State  Street 
from  Sixteenth  Street  south  is  an  illustration. 

So  whenever  prostitutes,  cadets,  and  thugs  were  located  among  white  people 
and  had  to  be  moved  for  commercial  or  other  reasons,  they  were  driven  to  undesirable 
parts  of  the  city,  the  so-called  colored  residential  sections. 

Most  of  the  vicious  resorts  in  the  "Black  Belt"  are  owned  and  operated 
by  whites  and  are  not  interfered  with  by  the  authorities.  Protests  from 
Negroes  have  never  succeeded  in  removing  them.  Opportunities  for  whole- 
some recreation  in  the  Negro  districts  are  limited,  and  commercial  amusements, 
though  probably  no  worse  than  in  some  other  sections  of  the  city,  are  of  a 
distinctly  inferior  type  and  carelessly  supervised.  In  such  an  infective 
environment  it  is  not  unnatural  that  many  criminals  should  be  developed. 

But  the  study  of  crime  statistics,  aside  from  showing  the  unreliability  of 
records  due  to  careless  methods  of  obtaining  and  presenting  data,  revealed  that 
Negroes  suffer  gross  injustice  in  the  handUng  of  criminal  affairs.  The  general 
inaccuracy  of  criminal  statistics  is  shown  by  the  fact,  for  example,  that  the  po- 
lice reported  1,731  burglaries,  or  persons  arrested  for  burglary,  in  1919,  while 
the  Chicago  Crime  Commission  reported  5,509  burglaries  during  the  first  eleven 
months  of  that  year.  The  evidence  at  hand  indicates  that  Negroes  are  debited 
with  practically  all  their  crimes,  while  others  are  not.  It  further  appears, 
from  the  records  and  from  the  testimony  of  judges  in  the  juvenile,  municipal, 
circuit,  superior,  and  criminal  courts,  of  police  officials,  the  state's  attorney,  and 
various  experts  on  crime,  probation,  and  parole,  that  Negroes  are  more  com- 


SUMMARY  AND  RECOMMENDATIONS  623 

monly  arrested,  subjected  to  police  identification,  and  convicted  than  white 
offenders;  that  on  similar  evidence  they  are  generally  held  and  convicted 
on  more  serious  charges,  and  that  they  are  given  longer  sentences.  This  bias, 
when  reflected  in  the  figures,  serves  to  bolster  by  false  figures  the  already 
existing  beUef  that  Negroes  are  more  likely  to  be  criminal  than  other  racial 
groups. 

V.    The  Negro  in  Chicago  Industries 

Out  of  Chicago's  Negro  population  of  approximately  1 10,000  in  1920, 
it  is  estimated  that  70,000  were  gainfully  employed.  The  opportunity  for 
engaging  in  industry  in  large  numbers  came  to  Negroes  following  the  out- 
break of  the  world-war.  With  the  enormous  demand  from  the  belligerent 
countries  for  American  goods,  existing  establishments  were  enlarged  and  new 
ones  created.  As  an  example  of  the  increased  demand  for  workers,  one  of 
the  packing-plants  in  the  Chicago  Stock  Yards  increased  its  force  during  the 
war  from  8,000  to  17,000.  Immigration  was  almost  wholly  cut  off.  The 
labor  shortage  became  acute  after  the  entrance  of  the  United  States  into  the 
war  in  191 7.  The  migration  of  Negroes  from  the  South  during  that  period 
was  mainly  in  response  to  this  demand. 

Prior  to  the  beginning  of  the  war  in  19 14,  Negroes  had  been  virtually 
limited  to  personal  and  domestic  service  in  almost  every  city  in  the  North. 
In  1910  more  than  60  per  cent  of  those  gainfully  employed  were  so  engaged, 
15  per  cent  in  manufacturing,  and  3  per  cent  in  clerical  occupations.  The 
Commission's  inquiries  covered  136  establishments  reporting  five  or  more 
Negroes.  In  these  were  employed  118,098  whites  and  21,987  Negroes — 12,854 
in  manufacturing  and  9,133  in  non-manufacturing  industries. 

I.      INCREASE   IN   NEGRO   LABOR 

Between  191 5  and  1920  there  was  a  remarkable  increase  in  the  number  of 
Negroes  employed  in  industries  which  before  191 5  had  either  employed  them 
in  small  numbers  or  not  at  all.  In  a  total  of  sixty-two  such  plants  there  was 
an  increase  from  1,346  in  1915  to  10,587  in  1920,  or  more  than  1,000  per  cent. 
Labor  shortage,  or  inability  to  obtain  competent  white  workers,  was  the  reason 
given  in  practically  every  instance  for  the  large  increase  in  Negro  employees. 

Frequent  complaints  have  been  made  that  large  employers,  particularly 
the  packers,  imported  Negroes  from  the  South  and  were  thus  responsible  for 
the  difficulties  that  followed.  Definite  effort  was  made  to  determine  the  facts, 
but  the  Conmaission  found  no  basis  for  the  statement. 

2.      CLASSIFICATION  OF  NEGRO   WORKERS 

Absence  of  standards  of  classification  for  skilled,  semi-skilled,  and  unskilled 
work  invalidated  the  Commission's  effort  to  classify  Negro  workers.  In 
sixty-six  industries  with  definite  divisions  in  grades  of  work,  it  was  found  that 


624  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

out  of  12,529  Negroes  employed,  927  were  skilled,  267  semi-skilled  and  11,335 
unskilled  workers.  In  other  returns,  not  capable  of  full  classification,  ten 
establishments  reported  304  Negro  molders;  there  were  thirty-one  Negro 
molders  in  1910.  Twelve  factories  reported  382  machine  operators;  in  1920 
the  census  reports  showed  only  twenty-eight. 

Wages  of  Negroes  in  the  branches  of  employment  where  they  were  per- 
mitted to  work  were  generally  the  same  as  for  white  workers.  There  were 
instances,  however,  of  discrimination  in  placing  or  keeping  Negroes  at  work  on 
processes  in  which  they  could  not  earn  as  much  as  in  processes  on  which 
white  men  were  engaged.  Also  there  were  instances  of  discrimination  in  piece- 
work, the  foremen  invariably  giving  Negroes  only  the  jobs  yielding  a  low  rate. 
For  common  labor  the  average  wage  was  45  and  50  cents  an  hour  for  an  eight-, 
nine-  and  ten-hour  day  for  men;  $15  to  $20  a  week  for  women,  and  an  average 
of  $15  a  week,  with  room  and  board,  for  domestics  were  the  going  wages. 

3.    employers'  experience  with  negro  labor 

Whether  or  not  the  Negro  wiU  be  able  to  hold  the  position  in  industry  made 
possible  for  him  by  the  war  depends  much  on  employers'  attitude  toward  him  as 
a  worker.  Common  explanations  given  before  this  period  as  a  reason  for  not 
employing  Negroes  more  were  that  they  were  lazy,  shiftless,  irresponsible,  and 
inefficient.  Generalizations  of  this  sort  demonstrate  their  weakness  in  the  fact 
that  employers  were  not  speaking  from  their  own  experiences.  To  reach  a  fair 
conclusion  employers  of  Negroes  in  large  numbers  were  interviewed  by  the 
Commission's  investigators. 

Employers  drew  a  distinction  between  northern  and  southern  Negroes; 
they  thought  that  the  latter  had  shortcomings  when  they  first  began  work, 
but  that  this  was  due  to  former  habits  of  work  and  familiarity  with  only 
simple  industrial  processes.  Many  of  these  southern  workers  were  irregular 
at  first  in  reporting  for  work  and  frequently  drew  their  wages  before  pay  day, 
thus  confusing  the  bookkeeping.  They  were  soon  forced,  however,  to  abandon 
these  habits. 

One  question  asked  of  all  employers  was:  "Has  your  Negro  labor  proved 
satisfactory?"  Of  the  137  estabUshments  employing  five  or  more  Negro 
workers,  118  reported  that  Negro  labor  had  proved  satisfactory;  nineteen 
reported  that  Negro  labor  had  not  proved  satisfactory.  The  118  establish- 
ments reporting  Negro  workers  as  satisfactory  employed  21,640  Negroes, 
while  the  nineteen  reporting  them  as  unsatisfactory  employed  697.  Comparing 
the  efficiency  of  Negro  and  white  workers,  seventy-one  employers  interviewed 
(thirty-four  manufacturers  and  thirty-seven  non-manufacturers)  considered 
the  Negro  equally  efficient,  twenty-two  employers  (thirteen  manufacturers 
and  nine  non-manufacturers)  considered  the  Negro  less  efficient.  The  seventy- 
one  establishments  included  almost  all  the  large  establishments.  A  few  gave  the 
Negro  a  higher  rating  than  the  foreigners  because  of  his  knowledge  of  English. 


SUMMARY  AND  RECOMMENDATIONS  625 

Regarding  reliability,  ninety-two  employers  gave  opinions.  Sixty-three 
(thirty  manufacturers  and  thirty-three  non-manufacturers)  believed  that 
Negroes  did  not  require  more  supervision  than  white  workers,  while  twenty- 
nine  (sixteen  manufacturers  and  thirteen  non-manufacturers)  thought  they 
required  more  supervision.  Of  the  employers  interviewed,  fifty-seven' expressed 
the  opinion  (twenty-three  manufacturers  and  thirty-four  non-manufacturers) 
that  "absenteeism"  among  Negro  workers  was  no  greater  than  among  whites, 
while  thirty-six  reported  it  was  greater. 

One  plant  employing  2,084  Negroes  stated  that  the  better  living  standards 
and  ambitions  had  brought  up  the  rating  of  Negro  workers  during  the  war 
period. 

4.      LABOR   TURNOVER 

Of  the  thirty-two  employers  giving  figures  on  relative  labor  turnover, 
twenty-four  (eleven  manufacturers  and  thirteen  non-manufacturers)  reported 
the  Negro  turnover  to  be  the  same  as  the  white,  and  twenty-eight  (eighteen 
manufacturers  and  ten  non-manufacturers)  beheved  the  turnover  to  be  greater. 
Closely  connected  with  the  labor  turnover  among  Negroes  is  the  question  of 
"hope  on  the  job, "  as  one  Negro  expressed  it.  When  Negroes  are  not  allowed 
to  advance  to  better  positions  in  a  given  plant,  or  are  discriminated  against  by 
foremen  underrating  their  e£&ciency,  the  turnover  in  the  plant  is  high. 

5.      NEGRO   WOMEN  IN  INDUSTRY 

Before  the  war  Negro  women  were  even  more  definitely  restricted  than 
Negro  men  in  choice  of  occupations.  Two-thirds  of  those  gainfully  employed 
were  in  two  occupation  groups:  "servants"  and  laundresses,  not  in  laundries, 
and  domestic  servants.  Of  the  137  estabhshments  studied,  forty-two  had  no 
Negro  women  employees,  forty-five  kept  no  separate  records,  and  fifty  reported 
a  total  of  3,407  Negro  women  workers.  Although  this  study  does  not  include 
all  industries  employing  women,  the  total  given  represents  a  large  increase 
over  the  figure  of  998  Negro  women  enumerated  by  the  19 10  census  as  engaged 
in  all  industries  in  Chicago. 

Many  of  the  estabhshments  in  question  had  employed  large  numbers 
of  Negro  women  as  an  experiment  and  had  found  them  satisfactory.  One 
mail-order  house  employed  as  many  as  650  girls  for  clerical  work.  When  the 
plant  was  investigated  in  1920,  there  were  311  girls,  75  per  cent  of  whom  were 
high-school  graduates,  while  12  per  cent  had  had  two  or  more  years  in  college. 
These  employers  said  the  girls  felt  that  they  were  making  history  for  the  race 
and  were,  if  anything,  a  httle  over-zealous.  They  were  thought  to  be  excitable 
and  suspicious  of  the  actions  of  the  white  girls. 

Millinery  estabhshments,  manufacturers  of  clothing,  lamp-shades,  gas- 
mantles,  paper-boxes,  and  cheese  makers  reported  satisfactory  experience 
with  Negro  women.  Of  twenty  laundries  employing  Negro  workers,  satisfactory 
or  unsatisfactory,  four  did  not  keep  separate  records.    Twelve  with  409  Negro 


626  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

women  reported  their  work  satisfactory,  and  four  with  134  Negro  women 
reported  it  unsatisfactory.  The  chief  complaint  was  unwillingness  to  work 
overtime  or  on  Sundays.  In  both  instances,  however,  employees  interviewed 
complained  that  the  hours  were  long  (nine  hours  a  day)  and  their  treatment 
by  the  management  harsh  and  inconsiderate. 

Of  865  Negro  employees  interviewed,  less  than  i  per  cent  complained  of 
disagreeable  treatment  by  white  workers  and  less  than  50  per  cent  complained 
of  conditions  of  work.  Others  expressed  themselves  as  glad  of  the  opportunity 
to  earn  good  wages.  Complaints  against  conditions  of  work  were  found  in 
the  iron  and  steel  mills,  Stock  Yards,  and  dining-car  and  sleeping-car  service. 

6.      INDUSTRIES  EXCLUDING  THE   NEGRO 

Several  important  industries  have  not  opened  their  doors  to  Negroes 
except  as  janitors  and  porters.  Among  these  are  the  traction  companies, 
elevated  and  surface,  the  State  Street  department  stores,  and  the  taxicab 
companies.  Employers  in  these  estabUshments  express  the  belief  that  the 
public  would  object  to  Negroes. 

Attention  has  been  called  to  the  waste  involved  in  the  limitations  of 
Negroes  in  industry.  Men  with  college  training  are  forced  to  work  as  waiters 
and  porters,  and  young-women  college  graduates  are  frequently  forced  to  work 
as  ushers  in  theaters  and  as  ladies'  maids.  This  condition  helps  to  account 
for  the  ease  with  which  1,500  Negro  girls  with  more  than  average  schooling 
were  recruited  in  less  than  two  months  for  the  mail-order  houses. 

7.      RELATIONS  BETWEEN   WHITE   AND  NEGRO   WORKERS 

Through  working  together  friendliness  between  white  and  Negro  workers 
has  been  increased,  according  to  prevalent  views.  Information  concerning 
relations  was  secured  from  all  the  137  plants  studied.  Two  reported  that 
race  friction  was  a  disturbing  factor  in  the  plants.  Minor  instances  of  friction 
have  occurred,  but  it  appeared  that  as  a  rule  the  workers  reflected  the  attitude 
of  the  management.  The  setting  up  of  partitions  separating  the  races  devel- 
oped an  antagonistic  sentiment,  and  in  some  instances  this  antagonism  was 
removed  when  the  partitions  were  taken  down.  Of  loi  estabUshments  visited 
eighteen,  or  11  per  cent,  with  2,623  Negroes,  maintained  separate  accommoda- 
tions. This  constituted  a  continuous  source  of  dissatisfaction  for  Negro 
workers,  who  felt  themselves  "Jim  Crowed."  In  the  remaining  89  per  cent, 
employing  19,714  Negroes  among  more  than  100,000  whites,  all  accommoda- 
tions were  used  in  common  by  both  races. 

8.      THE  PERIOD   OF   INDUSTRIAL  DEPRESSION 

Following  the  war's  inflation  of  industry  a  slump  came  in  the  winter  of 
1920-21.  Common  labor  was  reduced  in  all  the  large  plants  from  20  to  50 
per  cent.     Negroes,  mostly  common  laborers,  suffered  most  from  this  reduc- 


SUMMARY  AND  RECOMMENDATIONS  627 

tion.  At  one  period  there  were  as  many  as  15,000  Negroes  unemployed  in 
Chicago.  They  were  cared  for  during  their  enforced  idleness  by  the  Urban 
League  and  Negro  churches  and  by  popular  contributions  from  working 
Negroes.  The  reduction  of  labor  was  usually  carried  out  by  employers  with 
some  system,  and  few  instances  of  gross  race  discrimination  were  reported. 

9.      ORGANIZED   LABOR  AND  NEGRO   WORKERS 

Clashing  interests  have  manifested  themselves  conspicuously  in  the  relations 
between  union  labor  organizations  and  Negro  workers,  and  this  antagonism 
has  been  carried  over  into  the  relations  of  whites  and  Negroes  generally.  The 
efforts  of  union  labor  to  promote  its  cause  have  built  up  a  body  of  sentiment 
not  easy  to  oppose  by  workers  unsympathetic  toward  the  labor  movement. 
Circumstances  have  frequently  made  Negroes  strike  breakers,  and  thus 
centered  upon  them  as  a  racial  group  all  the  bitterness  of  the  unionist  toward 
strike  breakers  as  a  class. 

On  the  other  hand,  Negroes  have  often  expressed  themselves  as  having 
little  faith  in  the  union  labor  movement  because  the  unions  have  manifested 
prejudices  against  permitting  them  to  share  equal  benefits  of  membership; 
and  again  they  have  gained  their  first  opportunity  in  a  new  industry  frequently 
through  the  desire  of  a  strike-bound  employer  to  keep  his  plant  running  when 
his  white  employees  have  walked  out. 

From  its  beginning  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  has  declared  a 
uniform  pohcy  of  non-racial  discrimination,  but  this  policy  has  not  been 
carried  out  in  practice  by  all  its  constituent  or  affihated  bodies.  At  several 
of  its  conventions  resolutions  have  been  passed  embodying  the  official  sentiment 
of  the  federation,  but  no  means  has  yet  been  discovered  to  effect  a  uniform 
pohcy  of  fair  dealing  throughout  all  its  affihated  bodies.  Aside  from  those 
unions  in  which  the  membership  privilege  for  Negroes  is  modified,  eight  of  the 
no  national  or  international  unions  affihated  with  the  American  Federation  of 
Labor  exphcitly  bar  the  Negro  by  provisions  in  their  constitutions  or  rituals. 
These  unions  are:  Brotherhood  of  Railway  Clerks,  Brotherhood  of  Rail- 
way Carmen  of  America,  International  Association  of  Machinists,  American 
Association  of  Masters,  Mates,  and  Pilots,  Railway  Mail  Association,  Order  of 
Railroad  Telegraphers,  the  Commercial  Telegraphers'  Union  of  America,  and 
American  Wire  Weavers'  Protective  Association. 

The  general  exclusion  pohcy  of  the  railway  brotherhoods  and  several 
unions  of  the  Railway  Department  of  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  has 
created  a  feehng  of  bitterness  among  Negroes,  many  of  whom  are  employed 
in  branches  of  the  railway  service.  As  a  protest  against  this  pohcy  there  has 
been  formed  the  Railway  Men's  International  Benevolent  Industrial  Associa- 
tion with  seventeen  locals  in  Chicago  and  a  local  membership  of  1,200.  IVIr. 
Mays,  president  of  this  organization,  stated  that  its  purpose  was  merely  to  safe- 
guard the  ranks  of  Negro  workers,  and  said  that  it  was  ready  to  merge  itself 


628  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

into  the  general  unions  as  soon  as  they  were  ready  to  accept  them  without 
discrimination  and  accord  the  same  privileges  as  white  railway  workers. 

The  Commission  obtained  information  from  local  unions  in  Chicago  with 
a  membership  of  294,437,  of  whom  12,106  were  Negroes.  On  the  basis  of 
poHcy  toward  the  Negro,  unions  in  Chicago  may  be  divided  into  four  classes 
or  types: 

A.  Unions  admitting  Negroes  to  white  locals 

B.  Unions  admitting  Negroes  to  separate  or  co-ordinate  locals 

C.  Unions  admitting  Negroes  to  subordinate  or  auxiliary  locals 

D.  Unions  excluding  Negroes  from  membership 

Wherever  and  whenever  Negroes  are  admitted  on  an  equal  basis  and 
given  a  square  deal,  the  feeling  inside  the  union  is  nearly  always  harmonious. 
Examples  of  type  A  are  the  Amalgamated  Meat  Cutters  and  Butcher  Workmen 
of  the  World,  Hodcarriers,  Flat  Janitors,  and  Ladies'  Garment  Workers. 
In  some  of  these  organizations  Negroes  hold  office. 

Unions  of  type  B  give  as  reasons  for  organizing  Negroes  into  separate  locals, 
first,  preference  of  Negro  workers  for  locals  of  their  own,  and,  second,  unwilling- 
ness of  white  workers  to  admit  Negroes  to  white  locals.  The  Negro  Musicians' 
Union  belongs  to  this  t5^e  and  has  the  same  wage  scale  as  the  white  union. 
There  appears  to  be  little  difficulty  here  because  there  is  no  conflict  in  contracts 
for  work  in  the  city.  The  painters,  however,  have  had  difficulties  which  have 
"hung  fire"  for  more  than  a  year;  after  being  given  a  temporary  charter 
they  still  were  unable  to  work. 

Unions  of  type  C,  admitting  Negroes  to  subordinate  locals,  are  few  in 
number,  apparently  because  Negroes  strongly  resent  this  form  of  affiliation. 
There  is,  however,  one  example  of  this  type  which  permits  Negro  helpers  in  a 
certain  trade  to  be  organized  as  an  auxiliary  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
white  local  unions  having  jurisdiction  over  their  district.  By  constitution 
it  is  provided  that  their  minutes  be  submitted  to  the  white  locals  and  their 
grievances  placed  before  the  white  locals.  The  constitution  also  provides 
that  there  shall  be  no  transfer  of  colored  helpers  to  any  except  Negro  auxili- 
aries, and  that  Negro  helpers  shall  not  be  promoted  to  skilled  trades  or  to 
helper  apprentice,  and  shall  not  be  admitted  to  shops  where  white  helpers 
are  employed.  These  Negro  locals  are  represented  by  delegates  selected  by 
the  white  locals  in  their  districts. 

Unions  of  type  D,  excluding  the  Negro  from  membership,  do  so  either 
in  conformity  with  the  laws  of  their  national  unions  or  in  the  exercise  of  local 
option.  In  addition  to  the  eight  internationals  which  exclude  the  Negro  by 
constitutional  provision,  there  are  other  locals  which  are  known  to  reject 
Negro  applicants.  The  Machinists'  Union,  for  example,  although  complying 
in  its  constitution  with  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  policy  of  no  racial 
discrimination,  still  eflFectually  bars  the  Negro  by  a  provision  in  its  secret 
ritual.     With  the  Machinists'  Union  must  be  grouped  such  unions  as  the 


SUMMARY  AND  RECOMMENDATIONS  629 

Amalgamated  Sheet  Metal  Workers'  International  Alliance,  the  Electrical 
Workers,  and  the  Plumbers  and  Steam  Fitters. 

Some  Negro  leaders,  in  view  of  these  practices,  have  been  strong  in 
their  advocacy  of  non-afl&liation  with  union  organizations,  holding  that  the 
employers,  after  all,  offer  for  Negroes  the  fairer  terms,  and  that  they  have, 
in  fact,  given  Negroes  their  first  opportunity  in  industry.  However,  certain 
other  Negroes  have  taken  advantage  of  the  rift  between  employers  and  labor 
unions  to  exploit  Negro  laborers.  They  have  played  upon  racial  sentiment 
to  establish  separate  unions  for  Negroes,  both  in  lines  of  work  where  they  are 
admitted  to  the  general  unions  and  in  lines  of  work  where  they  are  excluded. 
This  type  of  leadership  has  been  irresponsible  and  dangerous;  it  has  made 
ridiculously  generous  promises,  and  has  addressed  its  appeal  to  the  less  intel- 
ligent classes  of  Negro  workers.  Its  literature  has  in  turn  provoked  extreme 
bitterness  among  labor  union  members  and  officials,  who  have  mistakenly 
accepted  it  as  representative  of  the  sentiment  of  all  Negro  workers. 

Interviews  with  Negro  workers  outside  of  the  unions  reveal  an  attitude 
of  indifference  or  suspicion  which  is  attributed  by  both  white  and  Negro 
labor  leaders  and  union  men  to  the  following  reasons:  (i)  the  usual  treatment 
of  Negroes  by  white  men,  (2)  traditional  treatment  of  Negroes  by  white  men, 
(3)  influence  of  racial  leaders  who  oppose  unionism,  (4)  influence  of  employers' 
propaganda  against  unionism.  Many  of  them,  it  was  learned,  have  a  distorted 
view  of  the  purposes  and  principles  of  unionism,  and  many  others,  while 
sympathetic  with  the  movement,  object  to  the  practices  of  the  locals.  An 
experience  frequently  referred  to  was  the  waiters'  strike  in  191 1,  when  Negro 
union  men  walked  out  with  white  union  men  and  were  replaced  by  white  girls, 
while  the  white  union  men  returned  to  their  jobs;  since  that  time  Negro  waiters 
have  been  out  of  the  more  desirable  hotel  jobs. 

The  explanations  by  labor  leaders  of  the  practices  of  local  unions  are  to  the 
effect  that  while  the  general  public  race  prejudice  might  be  expected  in  organi- 
zations of  white  workingmen,  the  unions,  as  a  group,  are  fairer  to  the  Negro 
than  other  groups;  that  unions  are  blamed  for  conditions  which  are  really 
due  to  general  public  opinion.  They  cite  as  an  example  the  fact  that  Negroes 
are  not  employed  in  Chicago  as  motormen  or  conductors  on  the  surface  or 
elevated  lines  because  of  public  objection,  and  that  they  cannot  be  organized 
until  they  are  in  positions.  Views  were  also  expressed  in  condemnation  of 
the  exclusion  policy  of  one  local.  These  imion  officials  believe  that  the  unions 
will  eventually  be  the  most  powerful  agencies  in  the  removal  of  race  prejudice. 

VI.    Public  Opinion  in  Race  Relations 

A.      OPINIONS  OF  WHITES  AND  NEGROES 

The  "Negro  problem"  is  deeper  and  wider  than  the  difficulties  which 
center  about  the  more  specialized  problems  of  Negro  housing,  Negro  crime, 
and  industrial  relations  involving  Negroes.    All  such  special  studies  conducted 


630  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

by  the  Commission  left  a  baffling  residuum  of  causes  of  racial  discord,  deep 
rooted  in  the  psychology  of  the  white  and  Negro  groups  in  contact.  The 
beliefs  and  attitudes,  firmly  fixed  and  accepted  prejudices  of  the  one  race  as 
to  the  other,  grouped  under  the  term  "public  opinion, "  thus  became  the  subject 
of  a  novel  but  most  interesting  inquiry. 

Public  opinion  with  respect  to  the  Negro  forms  a  body  of  sentiment  so 
definite  and  compact  as  to  make  it  an  excellent  laboratory  case  for  analysis 
and  study;  but  the  Commission's  aim  in  investigating  it  was  merely  to  make 
apparent  and  objective  its  place  and  importance  in  race  relations;  to  indicate 
some  of  the  ways  in  which  it  has  developed;  how  it  expresses  itself;  how  it 
aflFects  both  the  white  and  Negro  groups;  how,  in  its  present  state,  it  is 
strengthened,  weakened,  polluted,  or  purified  by  deliberate  agencies  or  even 
by  its  own  action;  and  finally  how  it  may  be  used  to  reduce,  if  not  prevent, 
racial  unfriendliness  and  misimder standing. 

Public  opinion  is  regarded  here  as  a  phase  of  the  social  mind,  but  neverthe- 
less as  a  definite  reality.  For  purposes  of  examination,  therefore,  its  study 
gives  attention  to  that  body  of  sentiments,  beliefs,  attitudes,  and  prejudices 
which,  taken  together,  give  to  public  opinion  its  content  and  meaning. 

To  present  this  subject  intelligently,  the  following  plan  has  been  employed: 

1.  Beliefs  and  sophistications  regarding  Negroes,  which  exercise  so  great 
an  influence  in  determining  the  conduct  of  white  persons  in  relation  to  them,  are 
described  as  they  apply  in  the  local  environment,  and  in  origin  and  background 
are  traced  suggestively  to  their  responsible  sources  in  literature  and  circumstance. 

2.  Types  of  sentiment  which,  in  Chicago  and  similar  northern  communities, 
are  variants  of  these  basic  beliefs  are  presented  with  a  view  to  making  them 
intelligible  and  classifying  them  according  to  resolvable  factors  of  misunder- 
standing. 

3.  Since  personal  attitudes  and  beliefs  are  molded  by  traditions  and  heri- 
tages apart  from  the  exclusive  influence  of  literature,  more  significant  material 
collected  through  intimate  inquiry  is  presented  objectively  to  describe  the 
processes  by  which  they  appear  to  be  created  and  grow.  Replies  to  a  searching 
questionnaire  on  attitudes  and  opinions  are,  in  the  instances  quoted,  the 
result  of  painstaking  self-analysis. 

4.  The  opinions  and  sentiments  of  Negroes  on  these  same  issues  are 
described  and  fllustrated  with  a  view  to  making  them  understandable,  and 
their  interpretations  of  current  white  sentiment  are  explained  as  far  as  possible. 

5.  The  report  then  turns  to  the  agencies  by  which  these  opinions  are  made 
and  perpetuated  and  the  individual  attitudes  created.  The  chief  of  these 
are:  (a)  the  press,  (b)  rumors,  (c)  myths,  (d)  propaganda.  The  conscious 
and  unconscious  abuse  of  these  instruments  of  "opinion  making"  is  pointed 
out  and  explained. 

6.  Finally,  the  study  is  intended  to  suggest  means  by  which  public  opinion, 
where  it  is  faulty,  may  correct  itself  and  employ  its  own  instruments  in  the 


SUMMARY  AND  RECOMMENDATIONS  631 

creation  of  wholesome  sentiments  among  Negroes  with  respect  to  whites, 
and  among  whites  with  respect  to  Negroes. 

I.      BELIEFS  OF  WHITES  CONCERNING  NEGROES 

The  conduct  of  individuals  is  largely  determined  by  their  attitudes  toward 
a  subject  and  their  general  beliefs  concerning  it  Definite  beliefs  concerning 
Negroes  may  be  found  in  the  North  as  well  as  in  the  South,  varying  with  the 
individuals  who  hold  them,  according  to  degrees  of  contact  with  the  Negro 
group  and  the  individuals'  traditional  background.  These  may  be  divided 
according  to  their  character  and  effect  into  two  general  classes:  (a)  primary 
beliefs  or  those  fundamental  and  firmly  established  convictions  which  have, 
all  around,  the  deepest  effect  on  the  conduct  of  whites  toward  Negroes  and  are 
pretentiously  supported  by  statistics,  authorities,  and  scientific  research; 
(b)  secondary  beliefs,  or  modifications  and  variants  of  important  assumptions 
as  to  cardinal  attributes. 

a)  Primary  beliefs. — Among  these  primary  beliefs  are  the  following: 

1.  Mentality:  That  the  mind  of  the  Negro  is  distinctly  and  distinctively 
inferior  to  that  of  the  white  race.  Some  believe  that  this  is  due  to  backward- 
ness in  ascending  the  scale  of  civilization;  some  that  the  Negro  belongs  to  a 
different  species  of  the  human  family. 

2.  Morality:  That  Negroes  are  not  yet  capable  of  exercising  social 
restraints  common  to  white  persons;  that  they  are  unmoral  as  well  as  immoral. 

3.  Criminality:  That  Negroes  possess  a  constitutional  character  weakness, 
and  a  consequent  predisposition  to  sexual  crimes,  petty  stealing,  and  crimes  of 
violence. 

4.  Physical  unattractiveness:  That  physical  laws  prompt  whites  to  avoid 
contact  with  Negroes. 

5.  Emotionality:  That  Negroes  are  highly  emotional  and  for  that  reason 
are  given  to  quick,  uncalculated  crimes  of  violence  as  easily  as  to  noisy  and 
emotional  religious  expressions. 

b)  Secondary  beliefs. — As  continued  repetition  of  any  plausible  statement 
without  correction  of  its  error  eventually  gives  it  credence,  these  secondary 
beliefs  have  rooted  themselves  deep  in  the  public  mind.  Among  other  things 
it  is  believed  that  Negroes  are:  (i)  laz>,  (2)  "happy-go-lucky,"  (3)  boisterous, 
(4)  bumptious,  (5)  over-assertive,  (6)  lacking  in  civic  consciousness,  (7)  addicted 
to  carrying  razors,  (8)  fond  of  shooting  craps,  (9)  flashy  in  dress  and  like  gaudy, 
brilliant  colors,  especially  red. 

2.      BACKGROUND  OF  PREVAIUNG  BELIEFS  CONCERNING  NEGROES 

Soon  after  the  first  emergence  of  Negroes  from  slavery  their  illiteracy  and 
general  behavior  in  response  to  the  novel  experience  of  freedom  created  situa- 
tions which  appeared  to  justify  judgments  concerning  their  group  traits. 
Scholars  rationalized  and  tried  to  explain  these  apparent  traits:  If  they  were 


632  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

illiterate  as  a  group  they  must  be  incapable  of  learning,  and  if  they  committed 
crimes,  they  must  be  fundamentally  lacking  in  social  restraints. 

Dr.  Jeffries  Wyman,  of  Harvard,  Professor  A.  H.  Keene,  author  of  Man 
Past  and  Present,  Dr.  J.  C.  Nott,  author  of  Types  of  Mankind,  and  almost  all  the 
other  anthropologists  of  that  period,  gave  the  stamp  of  scientific  authority  to 
the  view  that  Negroes  were  of  a  different  species  and  could  never  reach  the 
level  of  the  Caucasian.  Even  more  recently  mental  tests  were  carried  out 
on  the  same  assumption  and  were  made  to  prove  it  in  some  instances  where 
the  facts  were  unexpectedly  contrary.  Students  of  the  race  problem  in  the 
South  continued  to  generalize  about  Negro  character  from  selected  specimens, 
other  more  popular  writers  and  speakers,  with  their  anecdotes,  stories,  and 
jokes,  all  of  which  went  uncorrected,  tended  to  strengthen  this  body  of  beliefs 
to  a  point  where  any  difference  of  views  was  intolerable.  Although  the  status 
of  the  Negro  has  changed,  the  beliefs  remain  the  same,  and  have  led  to  bitter- 
ness and  resentment  among  Negroes,  with  consequent  misunderstandings  and 
friction. 

In  Chicago  sentiments  collected  from  a  wide  variety  of  sources  and  involv- 
ing the  views  of  several  thousands  of  white  persons  indicate  the  persistence  of 
these  archaic  beliefs  and  fears,  so  deep  set  and  of  such  long  standing  that  they 
are  assumed  by  many  persons  to  be  instinctive. 

To  secure  definite  information  upon  the  traditional  background  of  beliefs 
concerning  Negroes,  fifteen  white  persons  with  no  special  interest  in  Negroes 
were  selected  at  random  from  professions,  business,  and  other  vocations  and 
submitted  to  a  careful  and  searching  inquiry.  They  were  asked  eighteen 
carefully  prepared  questions  to  draw  out  the  raw  material  of  their  unqualified 
reactions  on  the  question  of  the  Negro  and,  as  far  as  possible,  the  background 
in  their  early  experience.  They  were  asked  for  their  opinions  concerning 
Negroes,  whether  or  not  they  believed  that  they  possessed  distinguishing 
traits  of  mentahty  and  character;  their  attitudes  were  solicited  by  questions 
and  propositions  designed  to  provoke  an  expression  of  attitude.  Questions 
were  put  regarding  instances  and  experiences  involving  Negroes  in  their 
early  experience;  their  first  consciousness  of  racial  differences;  their  first 
contacts;  and  information  was  sought  on  the  definite  sources  of  their  knowledge 
or  opinions  concerning  Negroes. 

All  the  persons  questioned  had  clear-cut  opinions  and  thought  that  Negroes 
possessed  distinguishing  traits  ranging  from  "affectionate  loyalty"  to  "mental 
and  moral  handicaps  imposed  by  evolution."  An  aboHtionist's  son,  for 
example,  thought  that  "Negroes  should  desire  segregation";  a  man  who  had 
observed  Negroes  at  Tuskegee  and  Lewis  institutes  would  increase  their  educa- 
tion and  meet  the  demands  produced  by  education.  One  whose  only  contact 
had  been  with  his  "  black  mammy  "  thought  that  the  Negroes  were  "  affectionate 
and  loyal,  but  lacking  in  racial  pride,  though  evolutionarily  handicapped, 
possessing  the  qualities  of  children."    Another  who  had  had  an  unfortunate 


SUMMARY  AND  RECOMMENDATIONS  633 

experience  with  his  Negro  chauffeur  thought  that  Negroes  were  characterized  by 
"distinctly  inferior  mentality,  deficient  moral  sense,  shiftlessness,  good- 
natured,  and  a  happy  disposition."  They  knew  little  about  the  activities  of 
Negroes,  their  leaders,  their  papers,  or  their  problems,  and  the  sources  on  which 
they  relied  for  their  information,  except  in  two  instances,  were  undependable. 

3.      NEGRO  OPINION 

Negroes,  although  exposed  to  various  forms  of  social  contact,  have  been 
intellectually  isolated  from  the  white  group.  They  have  not  participated  fully 
and  freely  in  community  and  cultural  activities.  The  pressure  of  the  white 
group  in  practically  every  ordinary  experience  has  kept  their  attention  and 
interest  centered  upon  themselves,  and  they  have  become  race  conscious. 
Their  thinking,  therefore,  on  general  questions,  whether  they  involve  race 
relations  or  not,  is  conditioned  and  largely  controlled  by  the  relation  of  these 
questions  with  group  interests.  The  opinions  of  Negroes,  therefore,  on  race 
relations  are  largely  negative.  White  persons  know  very  little  about  what 
Negroes  are  thinking,  because  they  are  not  familiar  with  their  experiences; 
they  frequently  do  not  accredit  them  with  the  sensibilities  that  they  do  possess; 
and  are  not  acquainted  with  the  processes  of  thought  by  which  the  opinions  of 
Negroes  are  formed.  Thus  it  is  that  many  of  the  statements  and  expressions 
of  feeling  of  Negroes  are  unintelligible  to  persons  outside  of  their  group. 
Similarly,  many  statements  and  expressions  of  feeling  by  white  persons  are 
unintelligible  to  Negroes.  But  in  the  understanding  of  white  persons  Negroes 
have  the  advantage,  because  they  do  read  their  papers,  see  them  in  the 
privacy  of  their  homes,  and  are  forced  constantly  to  interpret  their  actions. 

Among  Negroes  there  may  be  foimd  a  group  control  as  strong  and  binding 
as  among  white  persons.  One  striking  instance  of  the  operation  of  this  group 
control  was  the  complete  ostracism  of  a  prominent  Negro  lawyer  who  was 
reported  to  have  made  a  public  statement  contrary  to  the  views  and  aspirations 
held  by  his  group.  When  this  Negro  was  reported  in  the  press  to  have  said, 
"This  is  a  white  man's  country,  and  Negroes  had  better  behave  or  they  will 
get  what  rights  they  have  taken  away,"  he  was  first  snubbed,  then  his  Hfe 
was  threatened,  and  for  several  weeks  he  was  forced  to  go  about  under  poUce 
protection.  He  was  seriously  criticized  and  finally  ostracized.  In  less  than 
a  year  he  died.    His  friends  declare  that  he  was  slanderously  misquoted. 

The  sentiments  of  Negroes  fall  into  somewhat  the  same  classification  a; 
those  of  whites,  but  with  one  or  two  notable  exceptions:  there  is  (i)  more  dis 
cussion  of  race  problems,  more  criticism  of  the  conduct  of  leaders,  more  discus- 
sion of  the  practicabihty  of  programs  of  action;  and  (2)  a  great  deal  of  Uterature 
and  other  expressions  concerning  the  development  of  a  defensive  philosophy. 
In  this  latter  are  included  various  defensive  policies,  the  stimulation  of  race 
pride,  the  explanation  of  behavior,  and  the  struggle  for  status.  There  might 
also  be  included  frequent  evidences  of  the  development  of  race  consciousness. 


634  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

The  emotional  background,  class  consciousness,  and  the  influences  of  group 
control  are  as  evident  in  the  sentiments  of  Negroes  as  of  white  persons. 

A  wide  selection  of  views  was  obtained  from  Negroes  and  presented  under 
the  classifications  in  which  they  appeared  naturally  to  faU.  To  get  a  more 
precise  statement  of  views,  a  questionnaire  was  sent  to  Negroes  representing 
a  class  intellectually  able  to  subject  themselves  to  self-analysis  and  to  discuss 
various  confusing  angles  of  the  race  question.  They  were  asked  concerning 
interracial  problems;  whether  or  not  race  relations  appear  to  be  growing  better 
or  worse;  whether  the  acquisition  of  wealth,  or  loo  per  cent  literacy,  or  unre- 
stricted suffrage  could  affect  race  relations;  they  were  asked  questions  concern- 
ing their  adjustment  to  the  present  social  system,  their  most  pronounced 
mental  complexes  experienced  in  adjusting  personal  desires  to  the  present 
social  system;  whether  they  were  prejudiced  against  white  persons;  whether 
or  not  they  were  conscious  of  a  feehng  of  race  inferiority,  or  of  a  desire  to 
compensate  for  a  supposed  inferiority.  Concerning  Negro  problems  they  were 
asked  whether  or  not  there  should  be  recognized  leaders  of  Negroes;  their 
criticisms  of  the  policies  of  Negro  leaders.  Their  racial  philosophy  was 
soUcited.  They  were  asked  the  distinction  that  they  made  between  segregation 
and  racial  solidarity,  and  information  was  sought  on  the  agencies  responsible 
for  their  opinions.  A  most  interesting  array  of  views  was  secured,  rang- 
ing from  suspicion  and  abuse  of  the  questions  themselves  to  dispassionate 
analysis. 

The  war  has  produced  a  new  type  of  sentiment.  It  not  only  brought 
disappointment  and  disillusionment  for  Negroes  led  into  a  new  hope  by  the 
promises  that  accompanied  the  manifest  efforts  to  stimulate  patriotism,  but 
actually  gave  to  Negroes  new  experiences.  Following  the  return  of  Negro 
soldiers  from  France,  measures  of  restraint  were  increased,  and  from  the 
usual  lawlessness  of  the  period  of  reconstruction  they  probably  suffered  more 
severely  than  others  because  they  are  to  a  much  larger  extent  dependent 
upon  law  enforcement  for  security  and  comfort.  Race  riots,  which  are  an 
expression  of  both  loose  machinery  of  community  control  and  the  development 
of  a  more  determined  resistance  on  the  part  of  Negroes,  grew  more  frequent 
in  number  and  more  serious  in  consequences.  A  new  note  was  sounded  in 
radical  Negro  hterature,  which  appeared  to  carry  a  very  popular  appeal. 

B,      FACTORS  IN   THE  MAKING  OF  PUBLIC  OPINION 
I.      THE  WHITE  PRESS  OF  CHICAGO 

Aside  from  the  agencies  ordinarily  responsible  for  providing  the  individual 
with  his  views,  there  are  others  equally  as  powerful  in  developing  and  influen- 
cing opinions.  Most  important  of  these  is  the  press.  For  that  portion  of  the 
pubhc  which  depends  upon  the  press  for  its  contact  with  the  Negro  group 
and  its  information  concerning  it,   this  agency  holds  a  controlUng  hand. 


SUMMARY  AND  RECOMMENDATIONS  635 

Throughout  the  country  it  is  pointed  out,  by  both  whites  and  Negroes,  that 
the  pohcies  of  many  newspapers  on  racial  matters  have  made  relations  more 
difficult,  at  times  fostering  new  antagonisms  and  even  precipitating  riots  by 
inflaming  the  white  pubhc  against  Negroes.  A  study  was  made  of  the  three 
principal  white  daily  newspapers  of  Chicago,  covering  a  two-year  period. 
Included  in  this  study  were  1,347  news  items,  108  letters  to  the  press,  and 
ninety-six  editorials  on  the  Negro. 

As  an  example  of  the  type  of  pubUcity  given  to  racial  news  concerning 
Negroes  and  the  types  of  articles  considered  to  have  good  news  value,  of  the 
1,338  articles  published,  606,  or  nearly  50  per  cent,  dealt  with  riots,  crime, 
and  vice.  Each  of  these  articles  specifically  identified  the  persons  involved  as 
Negroes. 

Constant  identification  of  Negroes  with  certain  definite  crimes  could  have 
no  other  effect  than  to  stamp  the  entire  Negro  group  in  the  public  mind  as 
generally  criminal.  This  in  turn  contributes  to  the  already  existing  belief 
that  Negroes  as  a  group  are  more  likely  to  be  criminal  than  others,  and  thus 
they  are  arrested  more  readily  than  others.  Publication  of  their  names  with 
race  identification  and  with  the  crimes  alleged  against  them  keeps  up  a  vicious 
circle.  The  unfortunate  emphasis  on  sex  offenses  involving  race,  the  subtle 
fanning  of  latent  animosities  by  innuendo  and  suggestion,  attaching  the  crime 
not  only  to  the  individual  but  to  the  race,  direct  a  current  of  fear,  intolerance, 
and  ill  will  against  the  whole  Negro  group.  An  apt  illustration,  frequently 
cited  by  Negroes,  is  that  if  each  time  a  crime  was  committed  by  a  red-headed 
man,  he  was  so  described  in  telHng  of  his  crime,  a  popular  fear  and  prejudice 
would  soon  develop  against  all  red-headed  men. 

Crimes  involving  Negroes  alone  receive  little  attention.  As  with  the 
Itahans,  as  long  as  crimes  are  committed  within  the  group,  and  this  group  is 
regarded  as  an  isolated  appendix  of  the  community,  they  hold  very  Uttle  news 
value.  When,  however,  a  member  of  the  isolated  group  comes  into  conflict 
with  the  community  group,  whether  in  industry,  housing,  or  any  relation,  its 
representative  significance  is  thus  established,  and  the  information  becomes 
news.  PubUcity  on  housing,  for  example,  stresses  the  conflict  with  other 
neighborhoods,  the  "invasion"  of  white  districts,  and  plans  for  segregation. 
News  items  on  pohtics  involving  Negroes  get  more  space  and  prominence 
when  they  describe  graft  and  corruption.  In  the  list  of  articles  studied  are 
included  sixty-three  articles  particularly  ridiculing  the  Negro  group. 

Incidents  occurring  during  the  activities  of  the  Commission  were  checked 
up  with  reports  of  them  appearing  in  the  papers,  and  serious  misrepresentations 
of  the  Negro  group  were  revealed.  One  example  was  an  article  in  the  Herald- 
Examiner  on  January  4,  1920,  with  two-inch  headlines  across  the  entire  first 
page:  "Reds  Plot  Negro  Revolt,"  "LW.W.  Bomb  Plant  Found  on  South 
Side."  The  article  mentioned  the  alleged  secret  activities  of  Negroes  and  their 
plans  to  revolt  against  the  government.     The  bomb  plant  and  many  of  their 


636  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

secret  plans  were  reported  to  have  been  discovered  by  the  state's  attorney. 
The  article  further  said:  "In  Chicago  it  was  learned  that  the  headquarters 
for  Negro  revolutionary  propaganda  are  centered  in  these  four  organizations: 
the  Free  Thought  Society,  Universal  Negro  Improvement  Association,  Negro 
Protective  League,  and  the  Soldiers  and  Sailors  Club."  The  article  and  the 
reported  "discoveries"  of  the  state's  attorney's  office  are  evidence  of  the 
absurd  ignorance  frequently  manifested  by  members  of  the  white  group  con- 
cerning the  activities  of  Negroes.  Each  of  the  organizations  named  was 
known  to  the  Commission  and  visited  by  its  representatives  on  numbers  of 
occasions.  All  of  their  meetings  are  open  to  the  public,  though  attended 
almost  entirely  by  Negroes.  The  Universal  Negro  Improvement  Association 
publishes  all  of  its  plans  in  its  newspaper,  the  Negro  World.  Its  slogan  is 
"Back  to  Africa"  and  not  "Down  with  the  United  States."  The  Free  Thought 
Society  mentioned  is  an  organization  designed  to  provide  a  medium  of  expres- 
sion for  persons  who  seek  the  "attainment  of  truth."  Its  discussions  concern 
rehgion  and  philosophy,  and  it  numbers  among  its  members  prominent  Negro 
and  white  professional  men.  The  Negro  Protective  League  is  an  employment 
office  and  day  nursery.  The  full  name  of  the  organization  is  the  "Negro 
Equal  Rights  and  Protective  Association."  The  Soldiers  and  Sailors  Club 
is  a  community  house  located  on  the  South  Side  and  a  branch  of  the  local 
War  Camp  Community  Service.  Eugene  T.  Lies,  formerly  of  the  United 
Charities,  was  its  director.  The  occasion  of  the  publicity  in  question  was  a 
convention  of  a  national  Negro  Greek-letter  fraternity,  which  held  its  meetings 
in  the  auditorium  of  the  Soldiers  and  Sailors  Club.  This  fraternity,  like  all 
others  of  its  kind,  excluded  non-members  and  by  so  doing  aroused  the  suspicion 
of  the  newspaper's  informants.  No  correction  appeared  in  the  paper,  and  to 
date  no  further  "discoveries"  have  been  made. 

Articles  of  this  type  illustrate  the  possible  effect  on  the  public  mind  of  such 
misrepresentations  of  the  Negro.  One  newspaper  has  abandoned  its  policy 
of  identifying  Negroes  with  reports  of  incidents,  in  recognition  of  the  gross 
unfairness  of  the  practice. 

2.   THE   NEGRO  PRESS 

The  development  of  the  Negro  press  was  stimulated  by  several  necessities 
important  among  which  were: 

a)  The  indifiference  of  the  white  press  to  the  Negro  group;  its  emphasis 
on  the  unfortunately  spectacular,  and  the  consequent  loss  of  items  of  interest 
about  Negroes  throughout  the  country. 

b)  The  importance  of  developing  the  morale  of  the  Negro  group,  creating 
a  solidarity  of  interest  and  purpose  for  measures  of  defense,  correcting  the 
impressions  created  by  general  opinion,  and  centering  the  attention  of  Negroes 
upon  themselves  and  their  advancement. 


SUMMARY  AND  RECOMMENDATIONS  637 

Three  of  the  most  important  local  Negro  weekly  papers  were  studied.  Their 
news  items  showed  bias  in  reporting  just  the  reverse  of  that  which  characterizes 
the  reports  of  many  white  papers.  They  emphasize  the  Negro's  view  and  may 
be  said  to  provide  a  compensatory  interpretation  of  the  news.  When,  for 
example,  the  Chicago  Tribune  reports  the  approval  in  the  Illinois  Constitu- 
tional Convention  of  a  civil-rights  bill  with  the  headline:  "Miscegenation  Is 
O.K.'d  in  New  Constitution;  Negroes  Given  All  the  Rights  of  Whites,"  the 
Chicago  Whip,  a  Negro  newspaper,  headlines  the  same  incident:  "Morris 
Gets  Civil  Rights  into  Constitution;  Victory  for  Race  Won  at  Springfield." 

The  most  important  function  exercised  by  the  Negro  press  is  its  control 
of  the  Negro  group  and  of  their  education  in  conduct.  All  of  these  papers  give 
considerable  space  to  such  popular  education. 

3.      RUMOR 

Rumor,  if  unchecked,  can  do  incalculable  damage  to  race  relations. 
Included  under  the  term  "rumor"  are  those  unfounded  tales,  incorrectly 
deduced  conclusions,  partial  statements  of  fact  with  significant  content  added 
by  the  narrator,  all  of  which  are  given  wide  circulation  and  easy  credence  by 
the  public.  Other  forms  of  rumor  are  tales  of  unheard-of  brutality  and  of  plots 
and  plans  which  are  either  fabrications  or  partial  statements  of  fact  and 
serve  only  to  stimulate  resentment,  fear,  and  a  desire  for  retaliation.  Of  the 
rumors  predicting  riots,  one  example  will  illustrate:  During  the  riot  a  white 
man  was  caught  in  the  act  of  crawling  beneath  a  house  in  which  Negroes 
lived.  In  his  pocket  was  found  a  bottle  of  kerosene.  He  confessed  that  his 
mission  was  arson  and  justified  his  act  by  repeating  to  the  police  the  current 
rumor  that  it  was  known  that  Negroes  had  set  fire  to  the  houses  of  whites 
"back  of  the  Yards." 

A  persistent  tale  circulated  during  and  for  a  long  time  after  the  riot  was 
to  the  efifect  that  the  bodies  of  hundreds  of  Negroes  were  taken  from  Bubbly 
Creek  where  they  had  been  thrown  after  being  killed  by  white  rioters.  The 
story  was  so  frequently  repeated  that  it  was  accepted  and  even  repeated 
in  Congress.  It  caused  an  intense  feeling  among  Negroes.  Investigation  by 
the  coroner,  Police  Department,  and  other  agencies  showed  that  no  bodies  had 
ever  been  thrown  into  Bubbly  Creek  or  recovered  from  it. 

A  rumor  given  ofl&cial  sanction  and  carried  into  the  files  of  the  Department 
of  Justice  illustrates  other  possible  dangers  of  this  kind.  This  rumor  concerned 
two  prominent  and  highly  accredited  organizations  for  Negroes.  Rumors 
connected  them  with  "I.W.W.  plots  and  plans  to  overthrow  the  government." 
These  reports  were  foimded  upon  scarcely  anything  more  than  suspicion  due 
to  lack  of  information  and  acquaintance  with  the  Negro  group.  The  National 
Urban  League,  for  example,  an  organization  of  responsible  Negroes  and  whites 
with  branches  in  thirty-one  cities,  was  reported  to  have  asked  William  D. 


638  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Haywood,  head  of  the  I.W.W.,  to  speak  at  its  convention  in  Detroit.  This 
report  grew  out  of  the  misreading  of  the  name  of  William  Hayward,  a  United 
States  district  attorney  in  New  York,  who  is  a  member  of  the  executive  board 
and  whose  name  appears  on  the  stationery  of  the  organization.  The  National 
Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Colored  People,  also  a  reputable  organiza- 
tion of  whites  and  Negroes,  was  reported  to  be  "planning  to  flood  the  colored 
districts  with  I.W.W.  literature."  This  was  entirely  false,  but  the  reports 
went  to  the  Department  of  Justice  headquarters  secretly  and  could  not  be 
corrected  by  the  persons  most  affected. 

4.      MYTHS 

Group  myths,  like  those  about  the  American  Indian,  the  Oriental,  and 
the  Jew,  are  very  common.  Usually  they  are  the  expression  either  of  a  wish 
or  of  fear,  which  sociologists  call  a  negative  wish.  Mythical  stories  and 
anecdotes  about  Negroes,  accepted  by  whites,  are  usually  popular.  Many  of 
them  may  have  had  a  reasonable  origin,  but  as  a  matter  of  fact  have  long 
outgrown  it.  So  long  as  they  are  uncorrected  they  hold  and  exercise  a  marked 
degree  of  control  over  personal  conduct. 

In  the  category  of  myths  fall  the  popular  beliefs  of  whites  concerning  the 
mentality  of  Negroes,  and  the  more  definite  myth  that  the  mind  of  the  Negro 
child  ceases  to  develop  when  he  reaches  the  age  of  puberty.  The  sex  myth 
is  always  in  evidence.  It  involves  the  fear  obsession  of  Negro  men  held  by 
many  white  women,  fear  of  miscegenation,  the  condonation  of  lynchings, 
repressive  social  restrictions,  as  well  as  attempts  at  legislative  restraints. 
Negroes  are  by  these  myths  shown  to  have  a  predilection  for  sex  crimes.  This 
sex  myth  has  been  stressed  in  almost  every  riot.  It  precipitated  the  Washington 
riot;  it  provoked  the  most  brutal  murder  of  the  Chicago  riot,  and  it  was  respon- 
sible for  the  brutality  of  the  Omaha  and  Tulsa  riots.  Always  resident  in  the 
background  of  popular  consciousness,  it  shows  the  same  head  and  features 
in  almost  every  clash  of  races. 

5.   PROPAGANDA 

Conscious  control  of  public  opinion  by  propaganda  has  been  used  with 
tremendous  effect  by  social,  political,  and  religious  organizations  seeking 
popularity  and  support  for  their  movements  and  reforms.  Both  Negroes  and 
whites  employed  propaganda,  sometimes  openly,  sometimes  insidiously.  Ra- 
cial propaganda  has  probably  a  more  powerful  appeal  than  any  other  type 
because  it  is  based  upon  the  instinct  of  race  and  race  differences,  rivalry  and 
jealousy.  The  most  common  forms  of  propaganda  may  be  classified  into  the 
followmg  types:  (a)  educational,  (b)  radical  and  revolutionary,  (c)  defensive, 
(d)  malicious. 

The  activities  and  programs  of  the  National  Association  for  the  Advance- 
ment of  Colored  People  fall  under  the  classification  of  educational  propaganda; 


SUMMARY  AND  RECOMMENDATIONS  639 

this  propaganda  is  directed  to  the  white  public  principally  and  is  intended  to 
change  public  opinion  by  providing  a  foundation  of  actual  facts  for  the  public's 
judgment. 

The  more  striking  examples  of  the  radical  and  revolutionary  propaganda 
are  the  appeals  sent  out  by  the  Industrial  Workers  of  the  World  to  Negroes, 
carrying  their  doctrines  and  extending  open  arms  to  Negro  workers  and  offering 
them  what  most  other  organizations  refuse — the  privilege  of  association  and 
membership  on  the  basis  of  brotherhood. 

Defensive  propaganda  is  more  apparent  within  the  Negro  group  and  is 
usually  designed  for  the  purpose  of  combating  aggression  and  injury  to  their 
purposes  and  aspirations  from  without.  The  appeals  of  this  propaganda  are 
directed  first  to  Negroes  as  a  means  of  cementing  the  group  from  within,  and 
indirectly  to  the  white  group  by  way  of  impressing  them  with  the  strength 
of  solidified  opposition  to  insults.  The  Protective  Circle  of  Chicago,  organized 
to  "oppose  segregation,  bombing,  and  defiance  of  the  Constitution,"  admitted 
employing  propaganda  to  accomplish  its  purpose. 

Malicious  propaganda  is  by  far  the  most  dangerous  because  it  is  founded 
upon  race  antagonism.  In  the  appeal  to  the  emotions  facts  are  soon  lost. 
Anti-Negro  propaganda  is  not  wholly  new  in  the  North,  but  when  employed 
it  has  usually  been  done  insidiously  because  "Negro-baiting  is  considered  in 
bad  taste."  Recently,  however,  there  have  been  conspicuous  instances  of 
open  and  organized  efforts  to  influence  the  minds  of  whites  against  Negroes. 
Ignorance  and  suspicion,  fear  and  prejudice,  have  been  played  upon  deliber- 
ately. The  stated  purpose  of  the  propaganda  was  to  unite  white  property 
owners  in  opposition  to  the  "invasion"  of  other  residential  areas  by  Negroes, 
but  in  the  actual  carrying  out  of  the  propaganda  it  was  extended  to  all  Negroes, 
and  many  methods  were  employed  which  could  have  no  other  effect  than  to 
arouse  bitterness  and  antagonism  leading  to  clashes.  The  Property  Owners' 
Journal,  the  organ  of  an  association  of  real  estate  men,  became  so  violent  in 
its  preachments  that  the  protest  of  whites  forced  its  discontinuance.  Appeals 
were  made  not  only  to  the  instinct  of  race  but  to  the  sex  instincts  and  the 
protective  instincts  of  white  men.  A  pamphlet  sent  to  the  wives  of  prominent 
residents  in  that  neighborhood,  entitled  An  Appeal  of  White  Women  to  American 
Humanity,  recounted  the  "horrible  conduct  of  French  Colonials  on  the  Rhine 
and  the  abuse  of  German  white  women,"  although  there  was  httle  apparent 
connection  between  the  conduct  of  Chicago  Negroes  and  that  of  the  black 
soldiers  in  the  French  Army  of  Occupation  on  the  Rhine.  This  pamphlet, 
however,  served  to  increase  the  fears  of  Negro  men  by  white  women  and  to  arouse 
the  resentment  and  hatred  of  white  men. 


640  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

THE  RECOMMENDATIONS  OF  THE  COMMISSION 

Many  of  our  citizens  who  were  appalled  by  the  rioting  and  murders  of  1919, 
feeling  the  need  of  a  solution  of  the  problem  dealt  with  in  this  investigation, 
have  hoped  that  this  Commission  might  suggest  some  ready  remedy,  some 
quick  means  of  assuring  harmony  between  the  races. 

Careful  consideration  of  the  facts  set  forth  in  this  report  shows  that  no 
such  suggestion  is  possible.  No  one,  white  or  Negro,  is  wholly  free  from  an 
inheritance  of  prejudice  in  feehng  and  in  thinking  as  to  these  questions.  Mutual 
understanding  and  sympathy  between  the  races  will  be  followed  by  harmony 
and  co-operation.  But  these  can  come  completely  only  after  the  disappearance 
of  prejudice.  Thus  the  remedy  is  necessarily  slow;  and  it  is  all  the  more 
important  that  the  civic  conscience  of  the  community  should  be  aroused,  and 
that  progress  should  begin  in  a  direction  steadily  away  from  the  disgrace  of  1919. 

Each  member  of  this  Commission  feels  that  he  has  more  understanding  and 
less  prejudice  than  before  its  work  began.  Therefore  we  recommend  the  thought- 
ful examination  of  the  body  of  this  report,  so  that  all  who  read  our  recommen- 
dations may  weigh  for  themselves  the  evidence  upon  which  they  are  based. 

Having  in  mind  the  basic  facts  in  the  problem  of  race  relations  and  the 
conclusions  from  a  careful  study  of  the  various  phases  of  these  relations  in 
Chicago,  the  Commission  presents  for  the  consideration  and  action  of  state 
and  local  authorities,  and  of  the  social  agencies  and  citizens  of  Chicago,  the 
following  recommendations  and  suggestions. 

To  the  Police,  Militia,  State's  Attorney,  and  Courts: 

HANDLING   OF   RIOTS 

1.  We  recommend  that  the  police  and  militia  work  out,  at  the  earliest 
possible  date,  a  detailed  plan  for  joint  action  in  the  control  of  race  riots. 

2.  In  accordance  with  such  a  plan,  and  in  the  event  of  race  rioting,  we 
specifically  recommend:  (a)  that  the  mihtia,  white  and  Negro,  be  promptly 
mobilized  at  the  beginning  of  the  outbreak;  {b)  that  police  and  deputy  sheriffs 
and  miUtia,  white  and  Negro,  be  so  distributed  as  adequately  to  protect  both 
races  in  white  and  Negro  neighborhoods  and  to  avoid  the  gross  inequalities 
of  protection  which,  in  the  riot  of  1919,  permitted  widespread  depredations, 
including  murder,  against  Negroes  in  white  neighborhoods,  and  attacks  in 
Negro  neighborhoods  by  invading  white  hoodlums;  (c)  that  the  poUce  and 
militia  be  stationed  with  special  reference  to  main  street-car  hnes  and  transfer 
points  used  by  Negroes  in  getting  to  and  from  work;  (d)  that  substantial 
assurance  be  given  of  adequate  and  equal  protection  by  all  agencies  of  law 
enforcement,  thus  removing  the  incentive  to  arm  in  self-defense;  (e)  that  in 
the  appointment  of  special  peace  officers  there  shall  be  no  discrimination 
against  Negroes;  (/)  that  all  rioters,  white  and  Negro,  be  arrested  without 
race  discrimination;  (g)  that  all  reports  and  complaints  of  neglect  of  duty 
or  participation  in  rioting  by  police,  deputy  sheriffs,  or  militia  be  promptly 


SUMMARY  AND  RECOMMENDATIONS  641 

investigated  and  the  offenders  promptly  punished;  {h)  that  all  persons  arrested 
in  connection  with  rioting  be  systematically  booked  on  distinct  charges  showing 
such  connection,  in  order  to  avoid  the  confusion  and  evasions  of  justice  following 
the  riot  of  1919. 

3.  We  recommend  that,  without  regard  to  color,  all  persons  arrested  in 
connection  with  rioting  be  promptly  tried  and  the  guilty  speedily  punished. 

BOMBINGS 

4.  We  recommend  prompt  and  vigorous  action  by  the  police,  state's 
attorney,  and  courts  to  suppress  the  bombings  of  Negro  and  white  houses, 
these  acts  being  criminal  and  hkely  to  provoke  race  rioting. 

5.  The  testimony  of  court  officials  before  the  Commission  and  its  investiga- 
tions indicate  that  Negroes  are  more  commonly  arrested,  subjected  to  poUce 
identification,  and  convicted  than  white  offenders,  that  on  similar  evidence 
they  are  generally  held  and  convicted  on  more  serious  charges,  and  that  they 
are  given  longer  sentences.  We  point  out  that  these  practices  and  tendencies 
are  not  only  unfair  to  Negroes,  but  weaken  the  machinery  of  justice  and, 
when  taken  with  the  greater  inability  of  Negroes  to  pay  fines  in  addition  to  or 
in  lieu  of  terms  in  jail,  produce  misleading  statistics  of  Negro  crime.  We  recog- 
nize that  these  practices  and  tendencies  are  in  a  large  degree  the  unconscious 
results  of  traditional  race  prejudice.  We  recommend  to  the  police,  state's 
attorney,  judges,  and  juries  that  they  consider  these  conditions  in  the  effort 
to  deal  fairly  (and  without  discrimination)  with  all  persons  charged  with  crime. 

6.  We  recommend  that,  in  order  to  encourage  respect  for  law  by  both 
Negroes  and  whites,  the  courts  discountenance  the  facetiousness  which  is  too 
common  in  dealing  with  cases  in  which  Negroes  are  involved. 

VICIOUS  ENVIRONMENT 

7.  We  recommend  that  the  poHce,  state's  attorney,  and  other  authorities 
promptly  rid  the  Negro  residence  areas  of  vice  resorts,  whose  present  exceptional 
prevalence  in  such  areas  is  due  to  official  laxity. 

POLICING  OF  PARKS  AND  BEACHES 

8.  We  recommend  better  co-operation  between  the  city  and  park  police 
in  and  near  parks,  bathing-beaches,  and  other  public  recreation  places,  espe- 
cially where  there  has  been  or  is  likely  to  be  race  friction;  and  in  the  speedy 
punishment  of  persons  guilty  of  stoning  houses,  molesting  individuals,  or  com- 
mitting other  depredations  calculated  to  arouse  race  antagonism. 

"athletic  clubs" 

9.  We  recommend  that  the  poUce  pay  particular  and  continuous  attention 
to  the  so-called  "athletic  clubs"  on  the  South  Side,  which  we  have  found  to 
be  a  fruitful  source  of  race  conflict,  and  that  when  race  conflict  arises  or  is 
imminent  the  members  and  meeting  places  of  such  clubs  be  searched  for  arms 
and  that,  if  deemed  necessary,  such  clubs  be  closed. 


642  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

THE   BARRETT   MUIUDER 

10.  We  commend  the  police  for  the  prompt  and  effective  action  in  the 
Barrett  mvirder  case,  September  20,  1920,  which  allayed  public  alarm  and 
averted  a  serious  clash. 

To  the  City  Council  and  Administrative  Boards,  the  Park  Boards  and  the 
Municipal  Bureau  of  Parks,  Playgrounds,  and  Bathing-Beaches: 

CONTROL   OF  FIREAIIMS 

11.  We  recommend  that  the  most  stringent  means  possible  be  applied  to 
control  the  importation,  sale,  and  possession  of  firearms  and  other  deadly 
weapons. 

SUPERVISION   OF   "ATHLETIC   CLUBS " 

12.  In  order  to  facilitate  poUce  supervision  of  so-called  "athletic  clubs," 
we  recommend  that  all  such  clubs  be  required  to  file  with  the  city  clerk  state- 
ments of  their  purposes  and,  at  stated  intervals,  lists  of  their  members  and 
officers,  with  their  addresses. 

SANITATION 

13.  We  recommend  that  the  authorities  exercise  their  powers  to  condemn 
and  raze  all  houses  unfit  for  human  habitation,  many  of  which  the  Commission 
has  found  to  exist  in  the  Negro  residence  areas  on  the  South  and  West  sides. 

14.  We  recommend  better  enforcement  of  health  and  sanitary  laws  and 
regulations  in  the  care,  repair,  and  upkeep  of  streets  and  alleys  and  the  collec- 
tion and  disposal  of  rubbish  and  garbage  in  areas  of  Negro  residence,  where 
the  Commission  has  found  these  matters  to  be  shamefully  neglected. 

RECREATION  CENTERS 

15.  We  recommend  that  the  park  and  other  proper  authorities  (a)  put  an 
end  to  the  present  gross  discrimination  by  white  persons  which  practically 
bars  Negroes  out  of  certain  recreation  centers  near  their  own  congested 
residence  area;  and  {b)  that  a  recreation  center  of  adequate  size  and  faciUties 
be  estabhshed  for  the  use  of  both  whites  and  Negroes  in  the  principal  Negro 
residence  area  of  the  South  Side;  and  (c)  that  steps  be  taken  to  secure  more 
adequately  trained,  competent,  and  intelligent  playground  and  recreation- 
center  directors,  white  and  Negro,  who  shall  be  held  responsible  for  racial 
clashes  arising  in  places  under  their  direction  and  shall  be  required  to  interest 
themselves  in  reducing  and  avoiding  racial  friction  in  their  neighborhoods; 
and  (d)  that  proper  equipment  and  supervision  be  provided  at  the  Twenty- 
sixth  Street  Bathing-Beach,  where  they  are  now  almost  wholly  lacking;  and 
(e)  that,  in  co-operation  with  the  city  poUce,  the  park  police  adequately  protect 
all  citizens,  without  regard  to  color,  in  going  to  and  from  parks,  recreation 
centers,  and  playgrounds. 


SUMMARY  AND  RECOMMENDATIONS  643 

To  the  Board  of  Education: 

MORE  SCHOOLS  IN  NEGRO  AREAS 

16.  We  recommend  that  in  the  areas  where  the  main  part  of  the  Negro 
population  lives,  and  where  elementary-school  accommodations  are  notably 
deficient,  buildings,  equipment,  and  teaching  forces  be  provided  which  shall 
be  at  least  equal  to  the  average  standard  for  the  city,  in  order  that  the  present 
conditions  of  overcrowding,  arrangement  of  pupils  in  shifts,  and  the  assignment 
of  too  large  classes  to  teachers  may  be  remedied. 

NIGHT   SCHOOLS  AND   COMMUNITY  CENTERS 

17.  We  recommend  the  establishment  of  night  schools  and  community 
centers  in  sections  of  the  city  not  now  adequately  provided  with  such  faciUties. 

COMPULSORY  EDUCATION 

18.  Having  found  that  many  Negro  children  who  quit  school  at  an  early 
age,  as  in  the  case  of  similar  white  children,  appear  later  as  criminals  and 
deUnquents,  we  urge  strict  enforcement  of  regulations  as  to  working  permits 
for  such  children,  and  we  especially  recommend  that  truant  officers  give  atten- 
tion to  school  attendance  by  the  children  of  Negro  famiUes  migrating  here 
from  the  South. 

ATTITUDE   OF  PRINCIPALS   AND   TEACHERS 

19.  Since  the  attitude  of  principals  and  teachers  vitally  influences  the 
relations  of  white  and  Negro  children  in  the  pubhc  schools,  we  recommend 
that  special  care  be  exercised  in  appointing  principals  and  teachers  who  have 
a  sympathetic  and  intelligent  interest  in  promoting  good  race  relations  in  the 
schools. 

STUDENT   ACTIVITIES 

20.  We  recommend  that  public-school  principals  and  teachers  encourage 
participation  by  children  of  both  races  in  student  activities  as  a  means  of 
promoting  mutual  understanding  and  good  race  relations  in  such  schools  and 
in  the  community. 

To  Social  and  Civic  Organizations,  Labor  Unions,  and  Churches: 

PROMOTION  OF  RACE  HARMONY 

21.  Being  convinced  by  our  inquiry  that  much  of  the  antagonism  evinced 
in  the  areas  of  marked  hostility  toward  Negroes  is  founded  upon  tradition 
which  is  itself  without  foundation  in  fact  or  justice,  we  recommend  to  schools, 
social  centers  and  agencies,  churches,  labor  unions,  and  other  organizations 
in  these  areas,  and  to  public-spirited  citizens,  white  and  Negro,  that  they 
endeavor  to  dispel  the  false  notions  of  each  race  about  the  other  and  promote 
mutual  tolerance  and  friendliness  between  them. 

22.  We  recommend  that  both  white  and  Negro  churches  seek  and  use 
means  to  improve  race  relations,  and  that  these  means  include  the  finding  of 


644  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

frequent  occasion  for  having  their  congregations  addressed  by  representatives 
of  both  races  on  the  subject  of  race  sympathy  and  tolerance. 

SOCIAL  AGENCIES   IN   NEGRO   COMMUNITIES 

23.  We  commend  the  course  of  such  agencies  as  the  United  Charities, 
Illinois  Children's  Home  and  Aid  Society,  and  American  Red  Cross  in  extending 
their  work  to  the  Negro  community,  and  recommend  that  other  agencies 
whose  work  is  similarly  useful  extend  their  work  in  like  manner. 

24.  Recognizing  and  commending  the  practical  efforts  of  the  Interracial 
Committee  of  the  Woman's  City  Club,  the  PubHc  Affairs  Committee  of  the 
Union  League  Club,  and  the  Chicago  Urban  League,  in  promoting  better  race 
relations,  especially  in  the  summer  of  1920,  when  racial  friction  was  deemed 
imminent,  we  recommend  that  other  organizations  of  the  same  kind  under- 
take like  activities. 

25.  We  recommend  that  the  appropriate  social  agencies  give  needed 
attention  to  dealing  extra-judicially  with  cases  of  Negroes  coming  before  the 
morals  and  juvenile  courts;  also  to  cases  of  Negro  children  dropping  out  of 
school  too  early  in  age. 

OPPORTUNITY  FOR  RECREATION   TRAINING 

26.  We  recommend  that  Negroes,  as  well  as  whites,  be  given  opportunity 
for  training  for  service  in  the  city's  pubUc  recreation  facilities. 

To  the  Public: 

INTERRACIAL  TOLERANCE 

27.  We  are  convinced  by  our  inquiry:  (a)  that  measures  involving  or 
approaching  deportation  or  segregation  are  illegal,  impracticable  and  would 
not  solve,  but  would  accentuate,  the  race  problem  and  postpone  its  just  and 
orderly  solution  by  the  process  of  adjustment;  (b)  that  the  moral  responsibility 
for  race  rioting  does  not  rest  upon  hoodlums  alone,  but  also  upon  all  citizens, 
white  or  black,  who  sanction  force  or  violence  in  interracial  relations  or  who 
do  not  condemn  and  combat  the  spirit  of  racial  hatred  thus  expressed;  (c)  that 
race  friction  and  antagonism  are  largely  due  to  the  fact  that  each  race  too 
readily  misunderstands  and  misinterprets  the  other's  conduct  and  aspirations. 

We  therefore  urge  upon  all  citizens,  white  and  Negro,  active  opposition 
to  the  emplo}Tnent  of  force  or  violence  in  interracial  relations  and  to  the 
spirit  of  antagonism  and  hatred.  We  recommend  dispassionate,  intelUgent, 
and  sympathetic  consideration  by  each  race  of  the  other's  needs  and  aims; 
we  also  recorrunend  the  dissemination  of  proved  or  trustworthy  information 
about  all  phases  of  race  relations  as  a  useful  means  for  effecting  peaceful 
racial  adjustment. 

28.  Since  rumor,  usually  groundless,  is  a  prolific  source  of  racial  bitterness 
and  strife,  we  warn  both  whites  and  Negroes  against  the  acceptance  or  circula- 
tion by  either  of  reports  about  the  other  whose  truth  has  not  been  fully  estab- 


SUMMARY  AND  RECOMMENDATIONS  645 

lished.     We  urge  all  citizens,  white  and  Negro,  vigorously  to  oppose  all  propa- 
ganda of  malicious  or  selfish  origin  which  would  tend  to  excite  race  prejudice. 

29.  We  commend  race  contacts  in  cultural  and  co-operative  efforts  as 
tending  strongly  to  mutual  understanding  and  the  promotion  of  good  race 
relations. 

30.  We  condemn  the  provocation  or  fostering  of  race  antagonism  by 
associations  or  organizations  ostensibly  founded  or  conducted  for  purposes 
of  patriotism  or  local  improvements  or  the  like. 

PERMANENT  RACE-RELATIONS   BODY 

31.  We  recommend  as  of  special  importance  that  a  permanent  local  body 
representing  both  races  be  charged  with  investigating  situations  likely  to 
produce  clashes,  with  collecting  and  disseminating  information  tending  to 
preserve  the  peace  and  allay  unfounded  fears,  with  bringing  sound  pubUc 
sentiment  to  bear  upon  the  settlement  of  racial  disputes,  and  with  promoting 
the  spirit  of  interracial  tolerance  and  co-operation. 

To  the  White  Members  of  the  Public: 

RACE  ADJUSTMENT  IN  MIXED  NEIGHBORHOODS 

32.  We  call  to  pubUc  attention  the  fact  that  intensity  of  racial  feehng  is 
not  necessarily  due  to  the  presence  of  Negroes  in  a  neighborhood,  either  in  the 
majority  or  minority,  and  that  such  feehng  is  not  the  rule  but  the  exception; 
and  we  cite  as  a  conspicuous  example  the  peaceful  conditions  that  have  long 
obtained  in  the  area  between  Roosevelt  Road  and  Thirty-ninth  Street  from 
Wentworth  Avenue  to  Lake  Michigan,  in  which  the  Negro  population  in  1920 
numbered  54,906  and  the  white  population  42,797. 

BETTER  NEGRO  HOUSING  WITHOUT   SEGREGATION 

33.  Our  inquiry  has  shown  that  insufiSciency  in  amount  and  quahty  of 
housing  is  an  all-important  factor  in  Chicago's  race  problem;  there  must  be 
more  and  better  housing  to  accommodate  the  great  increase  in  Negro  population 
which  was  at  the  rate  of  148  per  cent  from  1910  to  1920.  This  situation  will 
be  made  worse  by  methods  tending  toward  forcible  segregation  or  exclusion  of 
Negroes,  such  as  the  circulation  of  threatening  statements  and  propaganda 
by  organizations  or  persons  to  prevent  Negroes  from  living  in  certain  areas, 
and  the  lawless  and  perilous  bombing  of  houses  occupied  by  Negroes  or  by 
whites  suspected  of  encouraging  Negro  residence  in  the  district. 

We  therefore  recommend  that  all  white  citizens  energetically  discourage 
these  futile,  pernicious,  and  lawless  practices,  and  either  co-operate  in  or 
start  movements  to  solve  the  housing  problem  by  constructive  and  not  destruc- 
tive methods. 

DEPRECIATION  AND  PROPERTY  RISKS 

34.  Testimony  before  the  Commission  and  investigations  made  by  it  show 
two  important  facts:    (a)  that  depreciation  of  residence  property  generally 


646  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

charged  exclusively  to  the  presence  of  Negroes  in  a  neighborhood  is  often 
largely  due  to  other  factors;  (b)  that  many  Negroes  of  this  city  meet  their 
obhgations  in  such  a  manner  as  to  make  their  home-building  and  home- 
owning  investments  seem  a  more  desirable  risk  than  has  been  generally  sup- 
posed. We  therefore  recommend  that  these  facts  be  taken  into  consideration 
in  connection  with  loans  on  Negro  property. 

ADVANCED  RENTS  FOR  NEGROES  CONDEMNED 

35.  We  condemn  and  urge  the  discontinuance  of  the  practice  of  property 
owners  who  arbitrarily  advance  rents  merely  because  Negroes  become  tenants. 

INFORMATION  ABOUT  NEGROES 

36.  We  recommend  that  white  persons  seek  information  from  responsible 
and  representative  Negroes  as  the  basis  of  their  judgments  about  Negro 
traits,  characteristics,  and  tendencies,  and  thereby  counteract  the  common 
disposition,  arising  from  erroneous  tradition  and  Uterature,  to  regard  all 
Negroes  as  belonging  to  one  homogeneous  group  and  as  being  inferior  in  men- 
tality and  morality,  given  to  emotionaUsm,  and  having  an  innate  tendency 
toward  crime,  especially  sex  crime. 

To  the  Negro  Members  of  the  Public: 

RACIAL  DOCTRINES 

37.  We  recommend  to  Negroes  the  promulgation  of  sound  racial  doctrines 
among  the  uneducated  members  of  their  group,  and  the  discouragement  of 
propaganda  and  agitators  seeking  to  inflame  racial  animosity  and  incite 
Negroes  to  violence. 

SUPPORT   OF   SOCIAL  AGENCIES 

38.  We  urge  Negroes  to  contribute  more  freely  of  their  money  and  personal 
effort  to  the  social  agencies  developed  by  public-spirited  members  of  their 
group;  also  to  contribute  to  the  general  social  agencies  of  the  community. 

SPECIAL  PROBLEMS 

39.  We  recommend  that  the  Negro  community,  through  the  extension 
or  estabhshment  of  the  necessary  social  agencies,  undertake  to  supply  means 
and  encouragement  for  leisure  activities,  and  undertake  work  among  Negro 
boys  and  girls  along  the  lines  of  prevention  of  vice  and  crime;  also  that  it 
provide  institutional  care  of  dependent  Negro  children. 

40.  We  particularly  urge  that  Negroes  vigorously  and  continuously  protest 
against  the  presence  in  their  residence  areas  of  any  vicious  resort,  and  that 
they  join  in  and  support  all  efforts  to  suppress  such  places. 

ADJUSTMENT   OF   MIGRANTS 

41.  We  commend  the  important  work  done  by  the  Chicago  Urban  League, 
the  Negro  churches,  and  other  organizations  in  faciUtating  the  adjustment  of 


SUMMARY  AND  RECOMMENDATIONS  647 

migrant  Negroes  from  the  South  to  the  conditions  of  Uving  in  Chicago  and 
urge  its  extension.  We  also  commend  the  work  already  done  by  Negroes 
through  community  associations  in  bettering  the  appearance  and  sanitary 
condition  of  housing  and  recommend  its  further  extension. 

RACE   PRIDE 

42.  While  we  recognize  the  propriety  and  social  values  of  race  pride 
among  Negroes,  we  warn  them  that  thinking  and  talking  too  much  in  terms 
of  race  alone  are  calculated  to  promote  separation  of  race  interests  and  thereby 
to  interfere  with  racial  adjustment. 

To  Employers  and  Labor  Organizations: 

ATTITUDE   TOWARD   NEGRO   WORKERS 

43.  We  have  found  that  in  struggles  between  capital  and  labor  Negro 
workers  are  in  a  position  dangerous  to  themselves  and  to  peaceful  relations 
between  the  races,  whether  the  issues  involve  their  use  by  employers  to  under- 
mine wage  standards  or  break  strikes,  or  efforts  by  organized  labor  to  keep 
them  out  of  certain  trades  while  refusing  to  admit  them  to  membership  in  the 
unions  in  such  trades.  We  feel  that  unnecessary  racial  bitterness  is  provoked 
by  such  treatment  of  Negro  workers,  that  racial  prejudice  is  played  upon  by 
both  parties,  and  that  through  such  practices  injury  comes,  not  alone  to 
Negroes,  but  to  employers  and  labor  organizations  as  well. 

We  therefore  recommend  to  employers  that  they  deal  with  Negroes  as 
workmen  on  the  same  plane  as  white  workers;  and  to  labor  unions  that 
they  admit  Negroes  to  full  membership  whenever  they  apply  for  it  and  possess 
the  qualifications  required  of  white  workers. 

NEGRO  AND  WHITE  WORKERS 

44.  We  conamend  to  the  attention  of  employers  who  fear  clashes  or  loss 
of  white  workers  by  taking  on  Negro  workers  the  fact  that  in  89  per  cent  of 
the  industries  investigated  by  this  Commission,  Negroes  were  found  working 
in  close  association  with  white  employees,  and  that  friction  between  these 
elements  had  rarely  been  manifested. 

INDUSTRIAL  AND   BUSINESS   OPPORTUNITIES  FOR   NEGROES 

45.  In  view  of  the  limited  field  of  employment  within  which  Negroes  are 
restricted  we  recommend  that  employers  in  all  lines  enlarge  that  field  and  permit 
Negroes  an  equal  chance  with  whites  to  enter  all  positions  for  which  they  are 
qualified  by  efiiciency  and  merit.  In  this  connection  especial  attention  is 
called  to  the  fact  that  opportunity  is  generally  denied  to  Negroes  for  gaining 
experience  in  business  methods  through  service  in  responsible  positions  in 
business  houses.  Such  opportunities,  if  made  available  for  them,  would  not 
only  be  of  benefit  to  Negroes  in  the  development  of  sounder  business  methods 


648  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

among  them  and  the  building  up  of  their  resources,  but  would  also  be  a  gain 
to  the  business  estabhshments  and  the  community  at  large. 

46.  We  have  found  that  Negroes  are  denied  equal  opportunity  with 
whites  for  advancement  and  promotion  where  they  are  employed.  As  a 
measure  of  justice  we  urge  that  Negroes  be  employed,  advanced,  and  promoted 
according  to  their  capacities  and  proved  merit.  We  call  to  the  attention  of 
those  concerned  the  high  qualifications  of  many  Negro  workers  in  sleeping-car 
and  dining-car  service,  and  recommend  that  when  they  deserve  it  and  the 
opportunity  offers,  they  be  made  eligible  for  promotion  to  positions  as  conduc- 
tors and  stewards. 

TEMPORARY  EMPLOYMENT  OF   NEGROES   AS   STRIKE   BREAKERS 

47.  We  point  out  as  an  injustice  and  a  cause  of  racial  antagonism  the 
practice  of  some  employers  who  having  hired  Negroes  as  strike  breakers  dis- 
charge them  when  the  strike  is  settled  to  make  places  for  former  white 
employees. 

NEGRO   WOMEN  WORKERS 

48.  We  find  that  employment  of  Negro  girls  at  a  smaller  wage  than  white 
girls  and  the  denial  to  them  of  apprenticeship  opportunities  are  a  cause  of  racial 
antagonism.  We  therefore  recommend  that  the  employment  of  Negro  girls 
be  based  on  merit,  with  equality  of  wages,  piece  rates,  and  apprenticeship 
opportunities  with  white  girls;  we  also  recommend  that  Negroes  in  domestic 
employment  rendering  the  same  quality  of  service  as  whites  be  paid  at  the  same 
rate  as  white  domestics. 

RACIAL  PEACE   IN  INDUSTRY 

49.  Realizing  that  the  common  welfare  is  involved  in  the  employment  or 
non-employment  of  Negro  workers,  and  seeking  means  to  preserve  racial  peace 
in  industry,  we  recommend:  (a)  that  where  Negro  employees  are  dismissed 
for  unsatisfactory  service  other  Negroes,  recommended  by  reliable  Negro 
organizations,  be  given  an  opportunity  to  replace  them;  (b)  that  in  times  of 
industrial  depression,  employers  reduce  their  forces  in  such  a  manner  that  the 
hardships  of  unemployment  may  not  be  disproportionately  severe  on  Negro 
workers;  (c)  that  where  Negroes  are  employed  with  whites  at  the  same  tasks 
they  be  given  equal  pay  for  equal  work  and  equal  opportunity  for  piecework 
and  overtime  work;  (d)  that  Negro  workers  be  given  opportunity  for  advance- 
ment and  promotion  according  to  merit  and  efficiency  and  without  race 
discrimination;  (e)  that  Negro  workers  be  afforded  the  opportunity  to  learn 
and  engage  in  the  skilled  processes  of  their  employment;  (/)  that  superintend- 
ents closely  supervise  the  relations  of  foremen  with  Negro  workers  and  see 
that  there  is  no  racial  injustice  or  discrimination;  (g)  that  employers  generally 
deal  with  Negroes,  whether  engaged  in,  or  seeking  opportunity  to  engage  in, 


SUMMARY  AND  RECOMMENDATIONS  649 

manual  labor  or  clerical  work,  without  discrimination  as  to  race,  and  apply- 
to  them  the  same  tests  and  conditions  as  to  white  employees. 

SEPARATE   LABOR   UNIONS 

50.  We  strongly  condemn  the  efforts  of  self-seeking  agitators,  Negro  or 
white,  who  use  race  sentiment  to  estabhsh  separate  unions  in  trades  where 
existing  unions  admit  Negroes  to  equal  membership  with  whites. 

To  Negro  Workers: 

RELATIONS   WITH   UNIONS 

51.  We  recommend  that  qualified  Negro  workers  desiring  membership 
in  labor  organizations  join  unions  which  admit  both  races  equally,  instead  of 
organizing  separate  Negro  labor  unions. 

RELATIONS   WITH  EMPLOYERS 

52.  We  recommend  that  Negroes  completely  abandon  the  practice  of 
seeking  petty  advance  pa5anents  on  wages  and  the  practice  of  laying  off  work 
without  good  cause. 

LEARNING   TRADES 

53.  We  recommend  that  Negroes  avail  themselves  wherever  possible  of 
opportunities  in  apprentice  schools  and  classes. 

54.  We  recommend  to  all  Negroes  dependent  on  manual  labor  the  learning 
of  some  skilled  trade  even  though  there  is  no  present  opportunity  to  engage 
in  it. 

To  the  Street-Car  Companies: 

PROTECTION   OF  PASSENGERS 

55.  In  view  of  the  large  number  of  racial  assaults  on  persons  riding  in 
street  cars,  we  recommend  that  conductors  and  motormen  be  specially  in- 
structed concerning  protection  of  passengers,  white  and  Negro,  and  be  rigidly 
held  to  the  discharge  of  this  duty. 

OVERCROWDING 

56.  We  recommend  that  at  all  loading-points  where  whites  and  Negroes 
board  cars  in  large  numbers,  starters  be  employed  and  overcrowding  be  pre- 
vented as  far  as  possible. 

To  Restaurants,  Theaters,  Stores,  and  Other  Places  of  Public  Accommodation: 

EQUAL  RIGHTS   IN  PUBLIC  PLACES 

57.  We  point  out  that  Negroes  are  entitled  by  law  to  the  same  treatment 
as  other  persons  in  restaurants,  theaters,  stores,  and  other  places  of  public 
accommodation,  and  we  urge  that  owners  and  managers  of  such  places  govern 
their  policies  and  actions  and  their  employees  accordingly. 


650  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

To  the  Press: 

HANDLING  OF   NEWS  INVOLVING  NEGROES 

58.  In  view  of  the  recognized  responsibility  of  the  press  in  its  general 
influence  upon  public  opinion  concerning  Negroes — especially  important  as 
related  to  the  suppression  of  race  rioting — we  recommend:  (a)  that  the  news- 
papers generally,  including  the  foreign-language  press,  apply  the  same  standards 
of  accuracy,  fairness,  and  sense  of  proportion,  with  avoidance  of  exaggeration, 
in  publishing  news  about  Negroes  as  about  whites;  in  this  connection  special 
attention  is  called  to  the  fact  that  emphasis,  greatly  out  of  proportion  to  that 
given  their  creditable  acts,  is  frequently  placed  on  the  crimes  and  misdeeds 
of  Negroes,  who,  unlike  other  groups,  are  identified  with  each  incident  and 
thus  constantly  associated  with  discreditable  conduct;  (6)  that  the  manner  of 
news  treatment  be  no  different  in  the  case  of  Negroes  than  in  that  of  whites, 
to  the  end  that  there  shall  always  be  the  unwritten  assumption  that  the  same 
responsibility  for  equal  consideration  of  the  rights  of  the  one  by  the  other 
rests  on  whites  and  Negroes  alike,  in  respect  of  the  matter  involved  in  the 
publication;  (c)  that,  in  consideration  of  the  great  ease  with  which  the  public 
is  influenced  against  the  whole  Negro  group  by  sensational  articles  and  head- 
lines, the  press  should  exercise  great  caution  in  dealing  with  unverified  reports 
of  crimes  of  Negroes  against  white  women,  and  should  avoid  the  designation 
of  trivial  fights  as  race  riots;  (d)  that  in  recognition  of  the  dangers  of  racial 
antagonism  on  the  part  of  the  ignorant,  the  unthinking,  and  the  prejudiced  of 
both  races,  publication  be  made,  as  opportunities  offer,  of  such  matters  as  shall 
in  their  character  tend  to  dispel  prejudice  and  promote  mutual  respect  and 
good  will. 

We  specially  recommend  more  frequent  pubUcations  concerning:  (i)  cred- 
itable achievements  of  consequence  by  Negroes;  (2)  their  efforts  toward  a 
higher  cultural  and  social  life,  and  (3)  their  improvement  of  the  physical 
conditions  of  their  own  communities ;  (4)  the  common  obligation  of  all  citizens 
of  all  races  to  recognize  in  their  interrelations  the  supreme  duty  of  strict  obedi- 
ence to  the  law,  in  spirit  as  well  as  in  deed;  (5)  verification,  so  far  as  practicable, 
of  all  news  concerning  Negroes  and  their  activities  by  reference  to  recognized 
Negro  agencies  or  responsible  representative  Negroes. 

We  further  recommend  the  capitalization  of  the  word  "Negro"  in  racial 
designation,  and  avoidance  of  the  word  "nigger,"  as  contemptuous  and  need- 
lessly provocative. 

HANDLING   OF   NEWS   INVOLVING   NEGROES   AND   WHITES 

59.  To  the  Negro  press  we  recommend  greater  care  and  accuracy  in 
reporting  incidents  involving  whites  and  Negroes,  the  abandonment  of  sensa- 
tional headlines  and  articles  on  racial  questions,  and  more  attention  to  educating 
Negro  readers  as  to  the  available  means  and  opportunities  of  adjusting  them- 
selves and  their  fellows  into  more  harmonious  relations  with   their  white 


SUMMARY  AND  RECOMMENDATIONS 


651 


neighbors  and  fellow-citizens,  and  as  to  the  lines  of  individual  conduct  and 
collective  effort  which  will  tend  to  minimize  interracial  friction,  promote 
their  own  social  and  economic  development,  and  hasten  interracial  adjustment. 

Chicago,  December  6,  192 1 

Robert  S.  Abbott 
Edgar  A.  Bancroft 

Chairman 
William  Scott  Bond 
Edward  Osgood  Brown 
George  C.  Hall 
George  H.  Jackson 
Harry  Eugene  Kelly 
Victor  F.  Lawson 
Adelbert  H.  Roberts 
Julius  Rosenwald 
Francis  W.  Shepardson 

Vice-Chairman 
Lacey  Kirk  Williams 
Graham  Romeyn  Taylor 

Executive  Secretary 
Charles  S.  Johnson 

Associate  Executive  Secretary 


APPENDIX 

A.    BIOGRAPHICAL  DATA  OF  MEMBERS  OF  THE 
COMMISSION 

Robert  S.  Abbott,  Editor. 

Bom,  Savannah,  Georgia;  graduate,  Hampton  Institute;  graduate,  Kent  College  of  Law; 
owner  and  publisher,  the  Chicago  Defender. 

Edgar  Addison  Bancroft,  Chairman,  Lawyer. 

Born,  Galesburg,  Illinois;  graduate,  Knox  College;  graduate,  Coliunbia  Law  School; 
ex-president,  Chicago  Bar  Association,  Illinois  State  Bar  Association;  trustee,  Knox 
College,  Carnegie  Endowment  for  International  Peace,  and  Tuskegee  Institute;  Senator 
of  Phi  Beta  Kappa. 

William  Scott  Bond,  Real  Estate  Dealer, 

Bom,  Chicago,  Illinois;  graduate.  University  of  Chicago;  graduate,  Kent  College  of  Law; 
member,  real  estate  firm  William  A.  Bond  &  Company;  trustee.  University  of  Chicago. 

Edward  Osgood  Brown,  Lawyer. 

Bom,  Salem,  Massachusetts;  graduate.  Brown  University;  graduate,  Harvard  Law  School; 
for  ten  years  judge  of  the  Illinois  Appellate  Court,  First  District;  for  some  years  presi- 
dent, Chicago  Branch  of  National  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Colored  People, 

George  Cleveland  Hall,  Physician  and  Surgeon. 

Bom,  Ypsilanti,  Michigan;  graduate,  Lincoln  University;  graduate,  Bennett  Medical 
College;  trustee.  Provident  Hospital;  vice-president,  Chicago  Urban  League;  orator  at 
dedication  of  Booker  T.  Washington  memorial  moniunent  at  Tuskegee,  1922. 

George  H.  Jackson,  Real  Estate  Dealer. 

Born  in  Canada;  graduate,  Cincinnati  Law  School;  former  member,  Ohio  Legislature; 
president.  Pyramid  Building  and  Loan  Association. 

Harry  Eugene  Kelly,  Lawyer. 

Born,  Des  Moines,  Iowa;  graduate.  State  University  of  Iowa;  former  member,  Colorado 
Legislature;  for  some  years  United  States  district  attorney  for  Colorado;  former  presi- 
dent, Denver  Bar  Association;  attorney  for  Interstate  Commerce  Commission;  regional 
coimsel  at  Chicago  for  Director  General  of  Railroads. 

Victor  F.  Lawson,  Editor. 

Born,  Chicago,  Illinois;  graduate,  Phillips  Academy,  Andover,  Massachusetts;  owner, 
editor,  and  publisher,  Chicago  Daily  News  since  1876;  ex-president  and  now  a  director. 
Associated  Press;  founder.  Daily  News  Fresh  Air  Fund  and  Daily  News  Free  Lectures; 
called  "father  of  postal  savings  bank  in  America." 

Edward  H.  Morris,  Lawyer. 

Born  in  Kentucky;  for  two  terms  representative  in  Illinois  General  Assembly;  member  of 
Illinois  Constitutional  Convention,  1920-21;  for  eleven  years  Grand  Master  of  the 
Colored  Odd  Fellows  of  America. 

Adelbert  H.  Roberts,  Lawyer. 

Bom  in  Michigan;  student.  University  of  Michigan;  graduate.  Northwestern  University 
Law  School;  for  two  terms  representative  in  Illinois  General  Assembly. 

Julius  Rosenwald,  Merchant. 

Born,  Springfield,  Illinois;  president.  Sears,  Roebuck  &  Company;  philanthropist, 
stimulated  construction  and  contributed  $325,000  toward  total  cost  of  Y.M.C.A.  build- 

652 


APPENDIX  653 

ings  for  Negroes  in  thirteen  cities;  contributed  over  $r,ooo,ooo  toward  rural  schools  for 
Negroes  in  fourteen  southern  states;  trustee,  Tuskegee  Institute,  University  of  Chicago, 
Rockefeller  Foundation. 

Francis  Wayland  Shepardson,  Vice-Chairman,  lately  Director  of  Registration  and 
Education,  State  of  Illinois,  under  Governor  Lowden. 

Born,  Cincinnati,  Ohio;  graduate,  Denison  University;  postgraduate,  Yale  University; 
former  professor  of  history,  University  of  Chicago;  Senator  of  Phi  Beta  Kappa. 

Lacey  Kirk  Williams,  Minister. 

Born,  Eufaula,  Alabama;  graduate,  Arkansas  Baptist  College;  pastor,  Olivet  Baptist 
Church,  Chicago,  since  1916  (largest  Protestant  Church  in  America);  president,  Illinois 
General  Baptist  State  Convention;  vice-president.  Colored  National  Baptist  Convention. 

B.     THE  STAFF  OF  THE  COMMISSION 

In  selecting  the  staff  to  assist  in  carrying  through  the  investigation  and  the 
preparation  of  the  report  careful  effort  was  made  to  find  persons  well  qualified  by 
educational  background  and  practical  experience  in  social  work.  The  staff  averaged 
fifteen  in  number  during  the  eighteen  months  of  its  existence.  In  all,  thirty-seven 
people,  twenty-two  white  and  fifteen  Negro,  were  engaged,  some  of  whom  served 
throughout  the  entire  period  and  others  for  varying  briefer  periods.  The  personnel 
was  as  follows: 
Exeutive  Secretary 

Graham  Romeyn  Taylor.  A.B.,  Harvard,  1903;  resident,  Chicago  Commons  Social 
^ettl^emeriJ:  1Q04-12;  member,  editorial  staff,  the^Mr^iey  magazine  1905-16;  special  agent, 
United  States  Census  Bureau,  19 10;  author,  Satmue  Cities,  A  Study  of  Industrial  Suburbs, 
1915,  and  many  magazine  articles;  special  assistant  to  American  ambassador  to  Russia, 
1916-19. 

Associate  Executive  Secretary 

Charles  S.  Johnson.  A.B.,  Virginia  Union  University,  1916;  Ph.B.,  University  of 
Chicago,  1917;  graduate  student  in  social  science  at  the  University  of  Chicago;  special 
investigator  of  migration  of  Negroes  from  the  South  for  the  Carnegie  Foundation  for 
International  Peace;  director  of  the  Department  of  Research  and  Records  of  the  Chicago 
Urban  League. 

INVESTIGATION 

Investigators  with  Supervisory  Duties 

Madge  Headley.  New  York  School  of  PhUaiithrogyigio;  assistant  secretary,  Tene- 
ment House  Committee,  Charity  OrganizatrorrSoaety,~New  York  City,  19 10-15;  made 
studies  of  housing  conditions  in  Providence,  Rhode  Island,  New  York  City,  Sullivan  and 
Ulster  Counties,  New  York;  of  rural  juvenile  delinquency  in  Ulster  County,  New  York, 
for  Federal  Children's  Bureau;  and  of  industrial  and  garden  cities  in  England;  served 
with  American  Red  Cross  in  France  housing  and  feeding  refugees,  191 7-19. 
Albert  E.  Webster.  Ph.B.,  Alfred  University,  1909;  graduate  student.  University 
of  Chicago,  1909-12;  Anti-saloon  League  investigator.  New  York  state,  1906-7;  United 
Charities,  Chicago,  1911-16;  unemployment  study,  Calumet  district,  1914;  supervised 
Red  Cross  relief  work  in  Indiana  flood  disaster,  19 13;  assisted  in  superxising  relief  work 
in  Eastland  disaster,  Chicago;  directed  various  surveys  in  Chicago  1918-20;  assistant 
superintendent  and  field  secretary.  Juvenile  Protective  Association,  Chicago. 

Investigators 

H.  H.  Allen.  Teacher  of  sociology  three  years.  Northern  Texas  Normal  School;  news- 
paper e.xperience;  graduate  student  University  of  Chicago,  studying  for  Ph.D. 


654  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Ruth  Arnett.  University  of  Illinois;  volunteer  girls'  workers,  War  Camp  Community 
Service;  investigator  for  Red  Cross,  East  St.  Louis  riot  relief. 

Elsee  Ball.  Attended  Leander  Clark  College  two  years;  Chicago  School  of  Ci\-ics  and 
Philanthropy  one  year;  resident  director,  District  Neighborhood  House,  1915-17;  Ameri- 
can Red  Cross,  1917-20. 

Elizabeth  Benham.  Teaching  experience;  worked  on  Federal  Census,  1920;  resident, 
University  of  Chicago  Settlement;  secretary.  Inter-racial  Committee,  Chicago  Woman's 
City  Club. 

Ella  G.  Berry.  Enumerator  in  Chicago  for  Federal  Census,  1920;  Chicago  School 
Census,  19 18 

Angeline  Brockmeier.  A.B.,  University  of  Illinois,  191 7;  Chicago  School  of  Civics 
and  Philanthropy,  1918;  Federal  Children's  Bureau,  1918-20;  study  of  infant  mor- 
tality in  Gary,  Indiana;  study  of  courts  and  children's  cases;  statistical  e.xperience. 
Joseph  H.  Collins.  Business  course.  Central  Y.M.C.A.,  Philadelphia,  1904-5;  inspec- 
tor. Railway  Audit  and  Inspection  Company,  Philadelphia,  1907-16;  assistant  industrial 
secretary,  New  York  Urban  League;  welfare  worker.  Bush  Terminal  Company,  New 
York  City,  and  American  International  Shipbuilding  Corporation,  1918-19. 
Esther  Fulks.  Carnegie  Technical  Institute,  Pittsburgh;  special  courses  in  social 
science,  University  of  Chicago,  New  York  University,  and  Hampton  Institute;  National 
Training  School,  Y.W.C.A.,  New  York;  supervisor  of  physical  training,  public  schools, 
Charleston,  W^est  Virginia;  industrial  secretary,  Y.W.C.A.,  East  St.  Louis,  Illinois;  made 
surveys  of  industrial  opportvmities,  educational  and  recreational  facilities,  and  social 
agencies  for  Negroes  in  East  St.  Louis. 

Henry  W.  Hammond.  A.B.,  New  York  University,  1909;  secretary,  Goff  Street  branch, 
Y.M.C.A.,  New  Haven,  Connecticut,  1911-13;  boys'  work  secretary,  Wabash  Avenue 
branch,  Y.M.C. A.,  Chicago,  1914-16;  probation  oflScer,  juvenile  court,  Chicago,  1916-20. 
Dan  H.  Kulp.  Graduate  student.  University  of  Chicago;  investigated  recreation 
facilities.  Providence,  Rhode  Island,  and  prepared  statistics;  investigated  industrial  and 
racial  conditions  in  China;  general  director,  Yangtsepoo  Social  Center,  Shanghai. 
Kate  F.  Markovitz.  Assistant  matron,  Montana  State  Orphan  Asylum,  1911-12; 
Chicago  School  of  Civics  and  Philanthropy,  19 13;  officer,  Chicago  Juvenile  Protective 
Association,  1913-16;  director,  jail  division.  Cook  County  Bureau  of  Social  Service, 
1916-18;  overseas  secretary',  Y.W.C.A.,  1918-19;  volunteer,  Hull-House,  1912-20. 
Lucius  L.  McGee.  Teacher,  four  years,  Virginia  Union  University;  e.xperience  investi- 
gating Negro  conditions,  Richmond,  Virginia;  graduate  student.  University  of  Chicago, 
studying  for  Ph.D. 

Edith  W.  Riddle.  A.B.,  Vassar,  1898;  assistant  superintendent,  Illinois  Children's 
Home  and  Aid  Society,  1905-6;  resident,  Hull-House;  boys'  school  and  farm  work, 
Michigan,  1907-10;  club  organization,  Goodrich  Social  Settlement,  Cleveland,  1913-17; 
Federal  Children's  Bureau,  1918;  Association  for  Crippled  and  Disabled  Children,  Cleve- 
land, 1919. 

Philip  Sherman.  A.B.,  Carleton  College,  1919;  one  year  Harvard  Law  School;  cam- 
paign auditor,  Y.M.C.A.  Building  Fund,  Sioux  Falls,  1919. 

Alonzo  C.  Thayer.  A.B.,  Fisk  University,  1904;  experience  as  reporter,  manager, 
and  editor  of  newspaper,  also  experience  in  real  estate;  assisted  in  industrial  work  of  the 
Chicago  Urban  League. 

Charles  H.  Thompson.  A.B.,  Virginia  Union  University,  1917;  M.A.,  University  of 
Chicago,  1920;  field  work,  neighborhood  study,  Richmond,  Virginia,  191 7;  compara- 
tive educational  study,  Moseley  School,  Chicago,  1920. 


APPENDIX  6ss 

PREPARATION   OF  REPORT 

Assistants  in  Compilation  of  Data 

LuciEN  V.  Alexis.  A.B.,  Harvard,  1917;  assistant  organizer,  colored  work.  War  Camp 
Community  Service,  Trenton,  New  Jersey,  1919-20;  director  of  education.  South  Side 
Division,  Commimity  Service,  Chicago,  1920. 

Henry  A.  Rabe.  University  of  Wisconsin,  1903-5;  business  experience,  Chicago,  1905- 
19;  student.  University  of  Chicago,  specializing  in  economics  and  sociology  and  investi- 
gating industrial  conditions  in  Chicago. 

Olive  H.  Rabe.  Business  experience,  eight  years;  graduate.  Northwestern  University 
Law  School,  19 16;  practiced  law  three  years;  student.  University  of  Chicago,  two  years, 
specializing  in  economics  and  sociology. 

Winifred  Rauschenbush.  A.B.,  Oberlin  College,  1916;  organization  work,  Ohio 
Suffrage  Association,  191 7;  graduate  student,  sociology.  University  of  Chicago,  1918; 
prepared  material  for  book  on  foreign-language  press  by  Professor  Robert  E.  Park, 
University  of  Chicago,  1918-20;  prepared  maps  and  graphs  for  book  by  Professor  W.  I. 
Thomas,  1919. 

Norman  L.  Ritchie.  Newspaper  work,  twenty  years,  New  York,  Chicago,  Cleveland, 
Pittsburgh,  Saratoga,  and  Plattsburg,  New  York;  editorial  writer,  Chicago  Daily  News, 
nine  years;  director  of  education  and  information.  Community  Service,  Chicago,  1920. 
Florence  Taylor.  A.B.,  Vassar  College,  192 1;  publicity,  research,  and  field  studies, 
National  Child  Labor  Committee,  New  York  City,  19 13-18;  personnel-management 
study.  Collegiate  Bureau  of  Occupations,  Chicago,  1920. 

Elizabeth  Wagenet.  A.B.,  University  of  California,  1914;  investigator,  California 
State  Commission  on  Social  Insurance;  investigator,  California  Industrial  Welfare  Com- 
mission, having  charge  of  cannery  investigation;  assistant,  department  of  economics, 
Washington  State  University  under  Professor  Carleton  Parker;  on  stafif  of  War  Labor 
Policies  Board,  Washington,  D.C. 

Clerks 

Geraldine  Dismond.  A.B.,  University  of  Chicago,  1915;  teacher,  Chicago  public 
schools;  special  work  for  Chicago  Urban  League. 

Marcelle  V.  Laval.    A.B.,  University  of  Illinois,  1920;   editor.  State  Water  Survey 
Division,  Department  of  Registration  and  Education,  State  of  Illinois,  1918-19. 
Josephine  Taylor.    A.B.,  Smith  College,  1920;  volunteer,  social  service  department, 
Cook  County  Hospital,  Chicago,  summer  of  19 19. 

C.     EPITOME  OF  FACTS  IN  RIOT  DEATHS 

I.  Deaths  due  to  mob  violence,  and  in  which  the  coroners'  jury  recommended 
members  of  the  imknown  mob  be  apprehended  and  held  to  justice,  and  in  which  none 
of  the  members  were  so  apprehended.  The  cases  listed  in  this  category  do  not 
include  all  those  due  to  mob  violence,  but  only  those  qualified  as  stated: 

I.  Eugene  Williams 

Race  Negro 

Date  of  death  July  27 

Approximate  time  of  death  Probably  4:00  p.m. 

Place  where  death  occurred  Lake  Michigan  at  foot  of  Twenty-ninth 

Street 

Manner  in  which  death  occurred  Drowning 


6s6  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Quarrel  arose  on  beach  between  Negroes  and  whites  in  regard  to  the  use  of  the  beach. 
Many  stones  were  thrown  on  both  sides.  Williams,  in  the  water,  was  prevented  from  landing 
because  of  stone-throwing  and  drowned  as  consequence. 

2.  John  Mills 

Race  Negro 

Date  of  receiving  death  wound  July  28 

Time  of  receiving  death  woimd  5:35  P.M. 

Place  of  receiving  death  woimd  Normal  Avenue,  150  feet  south  of  Forty- 

seventh  Street 

Manner  of  wound  Skull  fracture;  beating 

Mob  of  300  or  400  white  people,  all  ages,  attacked  east-bound  Forty-seventh  Street  car, 
pulled  the  trolley  from  the  wire,  stopped  the  car.  White  passengers  ahghted,  Negro  pas- 
sengers hid  under  seats.  From  twenty-five  to  fifty  white  men  boarded  car  and  beat  the 
Negroes  with  bats,  clubs,  bricks.  Driven  out  from  the  refuge  of  the  car,  they  ran  for  their 
lives,  chased  by  the  mob.  Mills  ran  from  Forty-seventh  Street  into  Normal  Avenue.  A 
brick  hit  him  in  the  back,  halted  him,  and  before  he  covld  run  again  a  young  white  man  hit 
him  on  the  head  with  a  scantling.  He  was  left  unconscious.  Four  other  Negroes  from  this 
car  were  beaten  but  not  fatally.  ' 

3.  Oscar  Dozier 

Race  Negro 

Date  of  receiving  death  wound  July  28 

Time  of  receiving  death  wound  5:55  p.m. 

Place  of  receiving  death  woimd  Thirty-ninth  Street  and  Wallace  Avenue 

Manner  of  wound  Stabbing;  external  violence 

Dozier  worked  for  the  Great  Western  Smelting  and  Refining  Wor^s.  The  foreman 
warned  negroes  not  to  try  to  go  home  till  adequate  protection  could  be  furnished.  In  spite 
of  the  warning  Dozier  was  seen  to  crawl  over  the  fence  around  the  works  at  5 :  45  P.M.  He 
was  next  seen  breaking  away  from  a  mob  of  500  to  1,000  white  men  at  Thirty-ninth  Street  and 
PameU  Avenue.  He  ran  west  on  Thirty-ninth  toward  Wallace,  the  crowd  thro^iving  stones. 
Halfway  down  the  block  he  fell.  WTien  rescued  by  the  police  immediately  aftenvard  he  was 
found  to  have  a  stab  wound  two  inches  long  over  his  heart. 

4.  Henry  Goodman 

Race  Negro 

Date  of  receiving  death  wound  July  28 

Time  of  receiving  death  wound  7 :  30  p.m. 

Place  of  receiving  death  wound  Thirty-ninth  Street  and  Union  Avenue 

Manner  of  woimd  External  violence 

Goodman,  with  other  Negroes  was  returning  from  the  Stock  Yards  on  an  east-bound 
Thirty-ninth  Street  car.  A  truck  stalled  across  the  track  at  Thirty-ninth  Street  and  Union 
Avenue  brought  the  car  to  a  stop  and  allowed  white  men  to  force  an  entrance  through  the  front 
door  and  beat  the  Negroes  off  the  rear  of  the  car.  The  chief  weapon  was  the  iron  lever  used  for 
opening  the  front  door  of  the  car.  The  Negroes  tried  to  run  east  to  Halsted  Street  where 
there  were  police  officers.  The  crowd  pursued,  knocked  Goodman  dowTi,  and  beat  him. 
Apparently  Goodman  recovered  from  the  violence,  but  a  week  later  it  was  necessary-  to  remove 
him  to  the  hospital,  where  a  skull  fracture,  with  a  small  pebble  imbedded  in  the  wound,  was 
discovered.  He  died  of  tetanus  on  August  12.  The  wound  was  first  treated  by  Dr.  William 
W.  Bradley  on  the  evening  the  deceased  was  injured.  The  coroner's  jury  said,  "Tetanus 
would  probably  not  have  developed  had  the  wound  been  thoroughly  examined  and  properly 
cleaned." 


APPENDIX  657 

5.  Louis  Taylor 

Race  Negro 

Date  of  receixing  death  wound  July  28 

Time  of  recei\'ing  death  wound  9 :  40  p.m. 

Place  of  receiving  death  wound  Root  Street  and  Wentworth  Avenue 

Manner  of  wound  Scalp    wounds;     skull    fracture    due    to 

external  violence 
Taylor,  employed  by  the  Chicago  &  Great  Western  Railway  Co.,  had  just  come  off 
his  run  and  was  returning  home  on  a  south-bound  Wentworth  Avenue  car.  Cars,  both  north 
and  south  bound,  were  attacked  at  Root  Street  and  Wentworth  Avenue  by  a  mob  of  100 
white  people  armed  with  clubs  and  bricks.  Taylor  was  found  unconscious  on  the  sidewalk, 
his  watch  and  suitcase  missing,  when  the  police  arrived.     He  died  August  i. 

6.  B.  F.  Hardy 

Race  Negro 

Date  of  receiving  death  wound  July  28 

Time  of  recei\Tng  death  wound  1 1 :  30  p.m. 

Place  of  receiving  death  wound  Forty-sixth  Street  and   Cottage  Grove 

Avenue 

Manner  of  wound  External  violence 

Hardy  was  the  only  Negro  passenger  on  a  north-bound  Cottage  Grove  Avenue  car  crowded 
with  white  people.  At  Fortj^-seventh  Street  some  of  these  alighted.  A  mob  of  whites  in  the 
street  saw  the  Negro  and  jerked  the  trolley  from  the  wire.  The  car  came  to  a  stop  at  Forty- 
sixth  Place.  White  passengers  in  a  panic  demanded  to  be  let  off.  When  the  front  door  was 
opened  Hardy  tried  to  hide  in  their  midst  and  leave  the  car.  He  was  seen  by  the  waiting  mob, 
knocked  down,  and  pounded  with  fists  until  unconscious.     He  died  the  next  day. 

7.  John  Simpson 

Race  Negro 

Date  of  receiving  death  wound  July  28 

Time  of  recei\-ing  death  wound  7 :  30  p.m. 

Place  of  receiving  death  wound  Thirty-first     Street     between     Wabash 

Avenue  and  "L"  alley 

Manner  of  wound  Bullet  woimd 

Several  accounts  have  been  given  of  the  killing  of  Simpson.  The  coroner's  jury  says: 
".  .  .  .  Thirty-first  Street  near  the  said  elevated  station,  being  well  filled  with  a  rioting  and 
disorderly  mob,  mainly  colored  people,  a  white  man  being  pursued  east  on  Thirty-first  Street, 
at  that  time,  and  that  deceased  was  a  police  ofiicer  of  the  City  of  Chicago,  and  was  engaged 
as  a  poUce  officer  in  preserving  the  peace  in  and  about  the  point  indicated,  and  that  a  number 
of  shots  were  fired  from  revolvers  held  in  hands  of  men  unknown  to  this  jur>-."  Another 
account  says  Simpson  was  shot  by  the  Negro  keeper  of  a  poolroom  on  account  of  a  previous 
quarrel.     Simpson  did  not  regain  consciousness  after  being  shot. 

8.  Henry  Baker 

Race  Negro 

Date  of  receiving  death  wound  July  28 

Time  of  receiving  death  wound  10:00  or  11:00  p.m. 

Place  of  receiving  death  woimd  544  East  Thirty-seventh  Street 

Manner  of  wound  Bullet  wound  in  skull 

The  bullet  which  caused  Baker's  death  was  one  of  a  number  fired  on  the  streets  at  the 
time.  Baker  was  not  on  the  street  but  in  a  second-story  window.  It  is  not  known  whether 
this  shot  was  one  fired  by  white  men  from  a  passing  automobile  or  by  one  of  a  crowd  of  Negroes 
at  Thirty-seventh  Street  and  Vincennes  Avenue.  The  majority  of  witnesses  gave  the  time 
of  the  shooting  of  Baker  as  1 1 :  00  p.m.,  but  the  coroner  in  his  report  names  10: 00  p.m.  as  the  hour. 


658  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

9.  David  Marcus 

Race  White 

Date  of  receiving  death  wound  July  28 

Time  of  receiving  death  wound  9:30  or  10:00  p.m. 

Place  of  receiving  death  wound  511  East  Thirty-seventh  Street 

Manner  of  wound  Bullet 

Only  one  eyewitness,  a  white  companion  of  Marcus,  testified.  He  said  a  Negro  walked 
up  to  Marcus  and  shot  him.  The  witness  stopped  to  pick  up  his  friend,  was  advised  by 
Negroes  to  get  out  of  danger,  but  when  he  persisted  in  lifting  the  wounded  man,  he  himself 
received  a  bullet  wound  in  the  arm.  A  bullet  also  pierced  the  window  of  a  laundry  at  this 
time.  The  coroner  gives  the  time  of  shooting  as  8:45,  though  most  of  the  testimony  seems 
to  indicate  that  it  occurred  about  fifteen  or  twenty  minutes  after  the  first  shooting  from 
automobiles  which  occurred  at  approximately  9: 15  to  9:30.  The  police  report  gives  10:45 
as  the  hour. 

10.  Eugene  Temple 

Race  White 

Date  of  receiving  death  wound  July  28 

Time  of  receiving  death  wound  5 :  30  p.m. 

Place  of  receiving  death  woimd  3642  South  State  Street 

Manner  of  woimd  Stab  wound 

Temple,  owner  of  a  laundry  at  the  above  address,  left  his  place  of  business  to  enter  his 
automobUe  which  stood  at  the  curb.  His  wife  and  another  young  woman  accompanied  him 
but  were  the  width  of  the  sidewalk  from  him  when  he  was  attacked  by  three  Negroes,  robbed, 
and  stabbed.  The  murderers  escaped  in  the  crowd  of  Negroes  which  immediately  gathered. 
It  was  testified  that  Temple  employed  both  Negroes  and  whites  and  had  never  had  any 
difficulties  of  a  racial  nature  with  his  workers. 

11.  William  J.  Otterson 

Race  White 

Date  of  receiving  death  woimd  July  28 

Time  of  receiving  death  woimd  7:10  P.M. 

Place  of  receiving  death  wound  Thirty-fifth  Street  and  Wabash  Avenue 

Manner  of  wound  Skull  fracture  due  to  external  violence 

A  mob  of  about  500  Negroes  at  Thirty-fifth  Street  and  Wabash  Avenue  was  stopping 
cars,  beating  white  people,  and  throwing  bricks.  An  automobile  bearing  Otterson  as  a  pas- 
senger turned  from  Thirty-fifth  Street  to  go  south  on  Wabash  Avenue.  One  of  the  stones 
and  bricks  hurled  at  the  motor  car  hit  Otterson  on  the  head,  and  he  immediately  became  un- 
conscious.   He  was  seventy-four  years  old  and  a  plasterer  by  trade. 

12.  Stefan  Horvath 

Race  White 

Date  of  receiving  death  wound  July  28 

Time  of  receiving  wound  9:00  or  9:35  p.m. 

Place  of  receiving  death  wound  Root  and  South  State  streets 

Manner  of  wound  Bullet  wound 

At  the  time  Horvath  was  shot,  there  was  a  crowd  of  fifty  to  seventy-five  Negroes  on  the 
sidewalk,  but  only  about  three  on  the  corner  where  the  shooting  occurred.  The  only  eye- 
witness who  testified  was  a  policeman  who  saw  the  shooting  from  a  distance  of  400  feet.  The 
three  Negroes  ran  after  firing  the  shot,  and  could  not  be  found  later. 

13.  Edward  W.  Jackson 

Race  Negro 

Date  of  receiving  death  wound  July  29 

Time  of  receiving  death  wound  9:00  a.m. 

Place  of  receiving  death  wound  Fortieth  and  Halsted  streets 

Manner  of  wound  Shock  and  hemorrhage  due  to  beating 


APPENDIX  659 

Jackson  had  started  to  walk  to  work.  At  Fortieth  and  Halsted  streets  he  was  attacked  by 
four  or  five  white  men  and  beaten.  He  ran  to  Thirty-ninth  Street,  where  he  was  found  by 
the  police.     No  further  information  could  be  obtained  in  this  case. 

14.  Samuel  Bass 

Race  Negro 

Date  of  receiving  death  wound  July  29 

Time  of  receiving  death  wound  Between  7 :  00  and  9 :  00  p.m. 

Place  of  receiving  death  wound  Twenty-second  and  Halsted  Sts.  or  Union  Ave. 

Manner  of  woimd  External  violence 

Samuel  Bass,  on  account  of  the  street-car  strike,  was  walking  the  five  and  one-half  miles 
from  his  work  to  his  home  when  a  gang  of  white  men  knocked  him  down  three  times,  and 
cut  gashes  in  his  nose  and  cheeks  with  their  shoes.  Bass  hid  behind  freight  cars  till  a  Jewish 
peddler  took  him  in  his  cart  to  State  Street.  A  doctor  was  visited,  but  when  he  learned  that 
Bass  had  no  money,  he  turned  him  away  without  treatment.  He  was  picked  up  by  a  passing 
patrol  and  taken  to  the  hospital,  where  his  treatment  was  cursory.  Apparently  he  recovered, 
but  in  two  weeks  gave  evidence  of  a  hemorrhage  on  the  brain  from  which  he  died  September  5. 

15.  Joseph  Lovings 

Race  Negro 

Date  of  receiving  death  woimd  July  29 

Time  of  receiving  death  wound  About  8:00  p.m. 

Place  of  receiving  death  wound  839  Lytle  Street 

Manner  of  wound  Bullet  wound,  stab  wounds,  skull  fracture 

Lovings,  returning  home  from  work  on  a  bicycle,  rode  through  an  Italian  neighborhood 
whose  residents  were  much  excited  because  it  had  been  said  earlier  in  the  evening  that  a  Negro 
employee  of  a  mattress  factory  near-by  had  shot  a  little  Italian  girl.  A  mob  filled  the  streets 
when  Lovings  was  sighted.  He  tried  to  escape  by  nmning  down  an  alley  between  Taylor  and 
Gilpin  streets,  and  then  jumped  back  fences  and  hid  in  a  basement.  The  mob  dragged  him  out, 
riddled  his  body  with  bullets,  stabbed  him,  and  beat  him.  It  was  afterward  rumored  that  his 
body  had  been  burned  after  being  saturated  with  gasoline.    This  was  proved  not  to  be  true. 

II.  Deaths  due  to  circumstances  creating  no  criminal  responsibility: 
I.  Nicholas  KJeinmark 

Race  White 

Date  of  receiving  death  wound  July  28 

Time  of  receiving  death  woimd  About  6 :  58  p.m. 

Place  of  receiving  death  wound  Thirty-eighth  Place  an^  Ashland  Boulevard 

Manner  of  wound  Stab  woimd 

Scott,  Brown,  and  Simpson,  Negroes,  were  returning  by  street  car  from  work  in  the 
Stock  Yards  when  the  car  was  boarded  by  a  mob  of  white  men  who  attacked  the  Negroes  with 
clubs  and  bricks.  Scott  defended  himself  with  a  pocketknife,  while  Kleinmark  tried  to  beat 
him  with  a  club.  One  of  the  blows  with  the  knife  went  home,  and  Kleinmark  staggered  from 
the  car  mortally  wounded.  Scott  was  jailed  and  charged  with  murder.  The  coroner's  jury 
commented  as  follows:  "It  is  the  sense  of  this  jury  that  the  conduct  of  the  poUce  at  the  time 
of  the  riot  at  this  point,  during  the  subsequent  investigation,  and  at  the  preliminary  hearing 
at  which  Joseph  Scott  was  bound  over  to  the  grand  jury  without  counsel,  was  a  travesty  on 
justice  and  fair  play." 

2.  Clarence  Metz 

Race  White 

Date  of  receiving  death  wound  July  28 

Time  of  receiving  death  wound  1 1 : 3°  P-M. 

Place  of  receiving  death  wound  Forty-third  Street  between  Forrestville 

and  Vincennes  avenues 

Manner  of  wound  Stab  wound 


^ 


66o  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

Metz  was  one  of  an  assaulting  party  of  whites  which  roamed  the  streets  from  Forty-third 
to  Forty-seventh  streets  and  from  Grand  Boulevard  to  Cottage  Grove  Avenue  on  the  night 
of  the  twenty-eighth.  Three  Negroes,  one  of  them  Lieutenant  Washington,  U.S.A.,  were 
returning  from  a  theater  with  three  Negro  women  by  way  of  Forty-third  Street.  At  the 
place  mentioned  they  were  attacked  by  a  mob  of  whites  and  beaten  with  fists  and  clubs. 
One  of  the  Negroes  was  shot  in  the  leg.  Lieutenant  Washington,  threatened  with  an  ax 
handle,  defended  himself  with  his  pocketknife.  Metz  was  stabbed  as  a  result.  The  coroner's 
jury  said:  "We  find  that  the  group  of  colored  people,  en  route  to  their  home,  were  acting  in  an 
orderly  and  inoffensive  manner,  and  were  justified  in  their  acts  and  conduct  during  said  affray." 

3.  Berger  Odman 

Race  White 

Date  of  receiving  death  wound  July  29 

Time  of  receiving  death  wound  8: 30  p.m. 

Place  of  receiving  death  wound  Sixtieth  and  Ada  streets 

Manner  of  woxmd  Bullet  wound 

This  shooting  occurred  just  inside  the  Negro  neighborhood  near  Ogden  Park.  One  of  the 
numerous  mobs  threatening  this  neighborhood  began  to  move  into  it  from  Fifty-ninth  and 
Sixtieth  streets  and  Racine  Avenue.  The  vanguard,  composed  of  young  boys,  went  a  few 
feet  inside  the  Negro  area  and  fired  directly  at  a  Negro  named  Samuel  Johnson.  He  returned 
the  fire  with  a  rifle.  Other  Negroes  also  fired  in  the  direction  of  the  boys.  One  of  the  latter, 
Odman,  was  fatally  wounded.  The  coroner's  jury  said:  "We  believe  and  find  that  the  action 
of  Samuel  R.  Johnson  was  fully  justified  and  recommend  his  discharge  from  police  custody." 

4.  James  Crawford 

Race  Negro 

Date  of  receiving  death  wound  July  27 

Time  of  receiving  death  wound  6:00  p.m. 

Place  of  receiving  death  wound  Twenty-ninth  Street  and  Cottage  Grove 

Avenue 

Manner  of  wound  Bullet  wound 

A  mob  of  about  1,000  Negroes  congregated  at  Twenty-ninth  Street  and  Cottage  Grove 
Avenue,  whence  they  had  chased  Officer  Callahan,  supposed  to  have  refused  to  arrest  the 
alleged  slayer  of  Eugene  Williams.  Other  policemen  attempting  to  disperse  the  mob  were 
assaulted.  James  Crawford,  Negro,  fired  a  revolver  directly  into  the  group  of  policemen. 
They  retaliated  and  Crawford  ran.  A  Negro  policeman  followed  Crawford,  attempting  to 
stop  him  by  firing.  Crawford  was  wounded  and  died  on  July  29.  The  coroner's  jury  asserted : 
"We  further  find  that  the  shooting  was  justifiable  on  the  part  of  the  police  oflacer." 

5.  Thomas  Joshua 

Race  Negro 

Date  of  receiving  death  wound  July  29 

Time  of  receiving  death  wound  7:00  or  7:30  a.m. 

Place  of  receiving  death  wound  Fifty-first  Street  and  Wabash  Avenue 

Manner  of  wound  Bullet  wound 

About  7:30  A.M.,  July  29,  Lieutenant  Day  of  the  Police  Department,  his  son  and  daugh- 
ter, and  Policeman  Mitchell  rode  down  Fifty-first  Street  in  an  automobile.  As  the  automobile 
reached  Wabash  Avenue  a  colored  boy  pointed  a  gun  toward  it.  Day  sprang  out,  drawing  his 
pistol.  It  is  said  that  the  boy  fired  and  Day  returned  a  shot.  The  boy  ran,  and  Day  fired 
two  more  shots.  A  crowd  of  Negroes  running  from  State  Street  came  upon  the  scene.  The 
police  escaped  in  a  Yellow  ta.xicab.  Joshua  was  shot  by  Lieutenant  Day.  While  the  testimony 
was  a  mass  of  contradictions,  the  coroner's  jury  said:  "We  are  of  the  opinion  that  Thomas 
Joshua  came  to  his  death  from  revolver  shots  fired  by  the  police  oflicer  in  the  discharge  of 
his  duty." 


APPENDIX 


66i 


6.  Ira  Henry 
Race 

Date  of  receiving  death  wound 
Time  of  receiving  death  wound 
Place  of  receiving  death  wound 
Manner  of  wound 


Negro 
July  30 

1:30  A.M. 

4957  South  State  Street 
Bullet  wound 


Policeman  Keal  and  Sullivan  were  accompanying  three  Jewish  families  from  their  resi- 
dence on  South  State  Street  to  the  Fourth  Precinct  police  station.  As  the  party  passed  4957 
Officer  Sullivan  saw  a  Negro  in  an  alley.  He  ran  back  to  search  him  and  received  a  bullet 
wound.  He  returned  fire.  Keal  ran  to  his  assistance  and  fired  other  shots.  Henry  was  killed 
instantly.  A  Negro  woman  who  was  with  Henry  testified  that  the  first  shot  was  fired  by 
Sullivan,  but  this  was  not  substantiated.  The  coroner's  jury  said:  "We  are  of  the  opinion 
that  the  officers  were  fully  justified,  owing  to  the  circumstances,  in  shooting  the  deceased." 

III.  Deaths  due  to  the  Angelus  riot  as  to  which  no  recommendations  were  made 
by  the  coroner's  jury: 

1.  Joseph  Sanford 

Race 

Date  of  receiving  death  wound 
Time  of  receiving  death  wound 
Place  of  receiving  death  wound 
Manner  of  wound 

2.  Hymes  Taylor 

Race 

Date  of  receiving  death  wound 
Time  of  receiving  death  wound 
Place  of  receiving  death  wound 
Manner  of  wound 

3.  John  Walter  Humphrey 

Race 

Date  of  receiving  death  wound 
Time  of  receiving  death  wound 
Place  of  receixdng  death  wound 

Manner  of  wound 

4.  Edward  Lee 
Race 

Date  of  receiving  death  wound 
Time  of  receiving  death  wound 
Place  of  recei\ing  death  wound 
Manner  of  wound 

The  Angelus  riot  centered  at  the  intersection  of  Thirty-fifth  Street  and  Wabash  Avenue, 
the  location  of  the  Angelus  apartment  house,  occupied  at  the  time  by  whites;  Thirty-fifth 
Street  was  crowded  all  the  way  to  State  Street.  It  was  at  Thirty-fifth  and  State  streets  that 
a  secondary  riot  occurred,  an  aftermath  of  the  Angelus  riot,  yet  almost  simultaneous  with  it. 
The  crowd  of  Negroes  on  these  corners  had  been  growing  during  the  afternoon,  and  stone- 
throwing  had  been  prevalent.  The  rumor  which  raised  the  mob  to  riot  pitch  was  that  a  Negro 
boy  had  been  shot  by  a  white  tenant  of  the  Angelus  building.  A  search  by  the  police  failed  to 
produce  a  culprit.  By  eight  o'clock  a  mob  of  about  1,000  to  1,500  Negroes  massed  on  the 
streets.  To  cope  with  the  mob  were  between  sixty  to  100  policemen  on  foot  and  about  twelve 
mounted  officers. 


Negro 
July  28 

8:00  P.M. 

Thirty-fifth  Street  and  Wabash  Avenue 
Bullet  wound 

Negro 

July  28 

8 :  00  P.M. 

Thirty-fifth  Street  and  Wabash  Avenue 

Bullet  wound 


Negro 
July  28 

8:00  P.M. 

Thirty-fifth     Street     between 

Avenue  and  the  "L" 
Bullet  wound 


Wabash 


Negro 
July  28 

8:00  P.M. 

Thirty-fifth  and  State  streets 
Bullet  wound 


662  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

About  eight  o'clock  a  Negro  either  threw  some  missiles  or  fired  a  shot  at  a  policeman. 
Immediately  there  followed  a  massing  of  the  police  at  the  north  of  the  intersection  of  the 
two  streets.  E\'idence  of  an  order  to  fire  was  not  produced,  but  simultaneously  with  the  mass- 
ing came  a  volley.  During  this  fire  Sanford  and  Taylor  were  killed  while  trj'ing  to  escape 
into  the  entrance  of  the  Angelus  building.  Shots  followed  at  Thirty-fifth  Street  and  the  "L," 
where  a  large  number  of  the  Negroes  ran  for  protection.  Several  were  wounded,  and  Humph- 
rey was  killed.  Almost  at  the  same  time  shots  were  fired  at  Thirty-fifth  and  State  streets, 
where  Lee  received  his  death  wound. 

The  Lee  case  is  the  only  one  in  which  suspicion  of  deliberate  shooting  rested  upon  anyone. 
Atrus  Lee,  brother  of  the  deceased,  accused  Mounted  Policeman  Brooks  of  firing  directly  at 
his  brother.  Brooks  said  that  shots  were  fired  at  him  from  north  of  the  intersection,  and  that 
he  fired  in  the  air  and  ran  east.  Drs.  Anderson  and  Teffner,  white,  who  saw  the  shooting  from 
Dr.  Anderson's  office  windows,  bore  him  out.  The  corner's  jury  concluded:  "We  find  that 
deceased  was  wounded  by  one  of  the  shots  fired  at  Officer  Brooks." 

IV.  Deaths  in  circiunstances  which  seemed  to  involve  specific  persons  named  by 
the  coroner's  jury  for  further  investigation,  but  as  to  which  no  indictments  followed: 

1.  Joseph  Schoff 

Race  White 

Date  of  receiving  death  wound  July  30 

Time  of  receiving  death  wound  5 :  00  or  5 :  30  p.m. 

Place  of  receiving  death  wound  4228  South  Ashland  Avenue 

Manner  of  wound  Stab  woimd 

Schoff,  walking  on  Ashland  Avenue,  accosted  Jose  Blanco  repeatedly, "  Are  you  a  Negro  ?" 
Receiving  no  response  he  swung  at  Blanco  with  his  fist.  The  latter  stabbed  Schoff  under  the 
heart,  then  walked  on.  As  he  was  about  to  enter  the  house  of  a  friend  the  police  arrested  him. 
He  admitted  that  he  had  stabbed  a  man,  but  said  he  had  done  it  in  self-defense.  The  coroner's 
jury  reported:   "We,  the  jury,  are  unable  to  agree  as  to  whether  the  accused,  Jose  Blanco, 

should  be  held  to  the  grand  jury  upon  a  charge  of  manslaughter W'e  recommend 

that  the  coroner  present  this  evidence  to  the  grand  jury  for  consideration  and  determination." 

2.  Samuel  Banks 

Race  Negro 

Date  of  receiving  death  wound  July  30 

Time  of  receiving  death  wound  1 1 :  00  p.m. 

Place  of  receiving  death  wound  2729  Dearborn  Street 

Manner  of  woimd  Bullet  wound 

At  11:00  P.M.,  July  30,  three  policemen  patrolling  State  Street  at  Twenty-eighth  Street, 
heard  a  shot  on  Dearborn  Street.  At  Twenty-sixth  Place  they  met  about  a  dozen  Negro  ex- 
soldiers  acting  as  police  reserves  under  doubtful  orders  and  asked  them  to  accompany  them. 
They  all  went  into  Dearborn  Street.  Sixteen-year-old  Sam  Banks  saw  them  and  ran  for  refuge, 
dodging  under  the  house  steps  at  2729.  His  running  was  taken  as  CNndence  of  guilt.  The 
officers  halted  in  front  of  the  house.  One  Francis,  a  Negro,  also  believing  that  because  the 
boy  ran  he  was  guilty,  opened  his  door  and  pointed  out  the  hiding-place  of  young  Banks. 
The  boy  ran  into  the  passageway  between  the  houses.  A  shot  fired  by  one  of  the  officers 
took  effect.  Suspicion  rested  upon  Patrolman  O'Connor  of  the  PoUce  Department  and  two 
of  the  ex-soldiers,  Adams  and  Douglas.  The  coroner's  jury  stated:  "The  jur>'  is  unable  to 
determine  whether  one  or  more  individuals  of  the  group  was  acting  criminally  and  is  not  able 

to  determine  which  individual  fired  the  shot We  find  that  two  of  said  volunteers, 

Ed.  Douglas  and  Charles  Adams,  are  held  on  a  charge  of  murder  in  connection  with  the  death 
of  deceased.  We  find  there  is  evidence  of  the  presence  of  Ed.  Douglas,  but  no  satisfactory 
evidence  of  the  presence  of  Charles  Adams  at  the  scene  of  the  shooting.  We  recommend 
the  discharge  of  Charles  Adams  from  police  custody  on  the  charge  of  murder." 


APPENDIX  663 

3.  Theodore  Copling 

Race  Negro 

Date  of  receivTng  death  wound  July  30 

Time  of  receiving  death  wound  10:00  p.m. 

Place  of  receiving  death  wound  2934  South  State  Street 

Manner  of  wound  Bullet  wound 

A  gang  of  Negro  boys  passing  2920  South  State  Street  saw  the  white  man  and  came  back. 
A  Negro,  one  Partee,  was  sitting  outside  the  store.  He  warned  the  watchman  to  get  inside. 
Almost  immediately  shots  were  fired.  The  only  person  injured  was  young  Copling,  who 
apparently  was  not  in  the  crowd  but  on  the  outskirts  as  a  sightseer.  Suspicion  rested  upon 
four  persons — Baker,  Negro,  leader  of  the  gang;  Partee,  Negro,  who  warned  the  watchman 
and  was  opposed  to  the  gang;  Torcello,  white  watchman;  and  Graise,  Negro,  step-father  of 
Copling,  who  had  on  previous  occasions  threatened  to  kill  the  boy  because  of  disagreements 
between  them.  The  coroner's  jury  said:  "We  recommend  that  the  said  Hanson  Baker,  and 
the  said  Norman  Partee,  and  the  said  Dan  Torcello,  and  the  said  Louis  Graise  be  held  to  the 
grand  jury  on  a  charge  of  murder  until  discharged  by  due  process  of  law." 

4.  George  Flemming 

Race  White 

Date  of  receiving  death  wound  August  5 

Time  of  receiving  death  wound  9 :  00  or  9 :  30  p.m. 

Place  of  receiving  death  wound  549  East  Forty-seventh  Street 

Manner  of  wound  Wound  (inflicted  by  bayonet) 

The  coroner's  jury  report  said:  "We  find  that  deceased,  in  company  with  several  other 
young  men,  was  at  Forty-seventh  Street  and  Forrestville  Avenue  when  they  were  ordered  to 
move  away  by  a  police  officer  and  that  they  obeyed  and  were  walking  east;  that  the  group 
were  followed  by  one  Edgar  D.  Mohan,  a  soldier,  armed  with  a  rifle,  bayonet  fixed;  that  said 
Mohan  commanded  the  young  men  to  move  faster,  accompanying  the  command  by  twice 
stabbing  and  woimding  one  Thomas  J.  Fennessey  in  the  right  hip  and  scrotum;  and  that  he 
immediately  after  plunged  the  bayonet  into  the  back  of  deceased,  the  bayonet  penetrating 
through  the  body.  We  recommend  that  the  said  Edgar  D.  Mohan  be  held  to  the  grand 
jury  upon  a  charge  of  manslaughter,  until  discharged  by  due  process  of  law. 

"Being  informed  by  the  attorney  general  of  Illinois  that  the  military  authorities  of  the 
state  of  Illinois  have  jurisdiction  over  acts  of  the  said  Edgar  D.  Mohan  while  in  the  miUtary 
service,  and  have  in  fact  assumed  jurisdiction,  a  court  martial  being  now  in  progress,  we,  the 
jury,  hereby  amend  the  last  paragraph  of  our  verdict  of  September  12,  1919,  to  read  that 
'Edgar  D.  Mohan  be  held  to  a  court  martial'  instead  of  'Edgar  D.  Mohan  be  held  to  the 
grand  jury.'"    The  court  martial  exonerated  Mohan. 

Statements  made  in  the  office  of  the  state's  attorney  show  that  Flemming  was  implicated 
in  attacks  in  the  neighborhood  upon  Negroes  earlier  in  the  riot  period  and  was  known  as  the 
leader  of  an  unruly  group  who  made  a  certain  poolroom  their  hangout. 

V.  Deaths  for  which  specific  persons  were  subsequently  indicted  by  the  grand 
jury: 

I.  Casmere  Lazzeroni 

Race  White 

Date  of  receiving  death  wound  July  28 

Time  of  receiving  death  wound  4: 50  p.m. 

Place  of  receiving  death  wound  3618  South  State  Street 

Manner  of  wound  Stab  wound 

The  defendants  were  four  Negro  boys,  Charles  Johnson,  eighteen;  Frank  Coachman, 
sixteen;  John  Green,  fourteen;  and  Walter  Colvin,  sixteen.  Lazzeroni,  a  sixty-year-old 
Italian  peddler,  driving  a  banana  wagon  on  State  Street,  was  pursued  by  boys  throwing  stones 


664  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

who  overtook  him,  jumped  on  his  wagon,  and  stabbed  him  with  pocketknives.  All  except 
Johnson  were  alleged  to  have  confessed,  and  the  confessions  were  given  before  the  grand  jury 
by  Policeman  Deliege  as  he  remembered  them.  They  were  not  read.  The  boys  who  con- 
fessed tmphcated  the  one  who  did  not,  Johnson.  Mrs.  Dolly  Herrmann  identified  all  of  the 
boys  as  being  implicated. 

The  four  boys  were  indicted  and  tried  and  on  September  19,  1919,  a  verdict  of  guilty 
was  rendered  against  Colvin  and  Johnson.  They  were  sentenced  to  the  penitentiary  for 
life  on  December  17,  1919;  the  cases  of  Green  and  Coachman  were  stricken  off  with  leave  to 
reinstate. 

2.  Joseph  Powers 

Race  White 

Date  of  receiving  death  wound  July  29 

Time  of  receiving  death  wound  6 :  00  a.m. 

Place  of  receiving  death  wound  Root  and  Emerald  streets 

Manner  of  wound  Stab  wound 

A  Negro,  William  Henderson,  was  walking  west  on  Root  Street  on  the  morning  of  July  29 
going  to  work  at  the  Stock  Yards.  He  was  overtaken  by  another  Negro  whom  he  did  not 
know,  but  who  accompanied  him  down  the  street.  As  they  crossed  Emerald  Avenue  they 
were  met  by  two  white  men  walking  east.  One  of  these  was  Joseph  Powers.  He  walked 
slightly  behind  the  other  white  man,  whose  identity  was  never  discovered.  It  was  not  known 
whether  Powers  was  with  this  man  or  not.  As  the  unknown  white  man  passed  the  two 
Negroes  he  struck  out  at  them.  The  unknown  Negro  walking  with  Henderson  struck  back, 
evidently  with  a  knife  in  his  hand,  and  hit  Powers,  who  was  then  abreast  of  the  group,  mortally 
woimding  him.  All  the  participants  ran  except  Powers.  Henderson  was  the  only  one  over- 
taken. He  was  chased  through  alleys  and  brought  down  with  stones  and  bricks  and  severely 
beaten.  From  the  description  of  the  second  Negro  given  by  Henderson,  and  the  fact  that 
another  had  been  found  wounded  near  this  spot,  it  was  supposed  at  first  that  the  second  man 
was  one  Henry  Renfroe.  The  coroner's  jury  said:  "We  believe  that  William  Henderson  was 
guUty  of  no  wrong  doing,  and  that  if  the  unknown  colored  man  should  prove  to  be  Henry 
Renfroe,  that  he  was  acting  in  self-defense.  We  recommend  their  immediate  discharge  from 
police  custody.  We  further  recommend  that  the  white  men  guilty  of  assault  on  William  Hen- 
derson and  his  companion  be  apprehended  and  punished." 

Later  Judge  Tate,  Negro,  was  identified  as  the  companion  of  Henderson.  Both  Negroes 
were  indicted  by  the  grand  jury.  On  December  13,  1919,  a  verdict  of  not  guilty  was  returned 
against  Tate  and  the  case  of  Henderson  was  noUe  prossed. 

3.  Walter  Parejko 

Race  White 

Date  of  receiving  death  wound  July  29 

Time  of  receiving  death  wound  7:30  A.M. 

Place  of  receiving  death  wound  Fifty-first  Street  near  Dearborn  Street 

Manner  of  wound  Bullet  wound 

4.  Morris  I.  Perel 

Race  White 

Date  of  receiving  death  wound  July  29 

Time  of  receiving  death  wound  8: 15  a.m. 

Place  of  receiving  death  wound  Fifty-first  and  Dearborn  streets 

Manner  of  wound  Stab  wound 

The  same  three  defendants  appear  in  both  these  cases,  three  young  Negro  boys,  Ben 
Walker,  William  Stinson,  and  Charles  Davis. 

There  were  no  eyewitnesses  in  either  case  except  the  defendants  involved,  and  they  did 
not  appear  in  person  before  the  coroner's  jury,  but  statements  by  them  were  either  read  or 


APPENDIX  665 

repeated  by  oflScials  in  charge.  Davis  and  Stinson  declared  that  Walker  shot  Parejko. 
When  the  statements  were  read  to  Walker,  who  had  so  far  refused  to  make  a  confession,  he 
said  Stinson  stabbed  Perel. 

Parejko  and  his  friend  Josef  Maminaki,  laborers  on  the  Grand  Trunk  Railway,  were 
going  to  work.  According  to  Stinson  the  boys  were  sitting  on  a  bread  box  in  front  of  a  store 
when  they  saw  the  two  white  men.  Walker  said,  "Let's  get  this  guy."  Stinson  answered, 
"Not  me."  Walker  said,  "  Stand  aside  now,  boys;  I  will  do  my  stuff."  He  fired  and  Parejko 
was  mortally  wounded  and  Maminaki  slightly  wounded.  Walker  denied  the  shooting. 
However,  he  told  where  the  weapon  could  be  found,  and  it  was  brought  before  the  coroner 
as  evidence. 

Perel  was  walking  to  his  place  of  business  going  west  on  Fifty-first  Street.  Near  Dear- 
born Street  four  or  five  Negro  men  or  boys  jumped  on  him  and  stabbed  him.  When  he 
was  found,  it  was  discovered  that  his  gold  watch  had  been  forcibly  severed  from  the  chain 
and  was  missing.  Someone  said  a  crowd  of  boys  had  been  seen  running  south.  According 
to  the  statement  of  Ben  Walker,  "Fat  Stinson  jumped  on  him  and  stabbed  him  and  hit  him 

with  a  club  at  the  same  time After  he  stabbed  and  hit  him  the  whole  gang  jumped  on 

him."  Afterward  Stinson  is  reported  by  Walker  to  have  said,  "  I  surely  hit  that  guy,"  and  to 
have  displayed  a  pearl-handled  knife. 

The  coroner's  jury  said  in  the  Perejko  case:  "We  recommend  that  the  said  Ben  Walker, 
the  said  William  Stinson,  and  the  said  Charles  Davis  be  held  to  the  grand  jury  upon  a  charge 
of  murder  untU  discharged  by  due  process  of  law."  In  the  Perel  case  the  jury  said:  "We 
recommend  that  the  said  William  Stinson  be  held  to  the  grand  jury  upon  a  charge  of  murder 
until  discharged  by  due  process  of  law." 

They  were  indicted  by  the  grand  jury,  and  on  January  9,  1920,  a  verdict  of  not  guilty 
was  returned  in  each  case. 

5.  Harold  Brignadello  (see  p.  27) 

Race  White 

Date  of  receiving  death  wound  July  29 

Time  of  receiving  death  wound  10:30  a.m. 

Place  of  receiving  death  wound  102 1  South  State  Street 

Manner  of  wound  Bullet  woimd 

Harold  Brignadello  was  one  of  a  crowd  of  white  men  who  wandered  south  on  State  Street 
and  halted  at  No.  102 1  and  stoned  the  house.  It  was  not  brought  out  whether  the  stone- 
throwing  was  done  because  Negroes  lived  in  the  house,  or  was  provoked  by  taunts  from  Negroes 
in  the  second-story  window.  A  Negro  woman  and  two  men  appeared  at  the  window,  and  when 
the  throwing  did  not  stop,  the  woman  raised  her  arm.  A  shot  was  fired  into  the  crowd, 
fatally  wounding  Brignadello.  Police  oflScers  found  in  the  flat  and  arrested  Emma  Jackson, 
Kate  Elder,  John  Webb,  Ed  Robinson,  and  Clarence  Jones.  The  coroner's  jury  recommended 
that  they  be  held  to  the  grand  jury  upon  a  charge  of  murder  until  discharged  by  due  process 
of  law,  and  that  members  of  the  unknown  white  mob  be  apprehended.  The  fi\-e  Negroes 
named  were  indicted,  and  on  September  20,  1919,  a  verdict  of  not  guilty  was  returned  as  to 
each. 

6.  G.  L.  Wilkins 

Race  White 

Date  of  receiving  death  wound  July  30 

Time  of  receiving  death  wound  i  :30  p.m. 

Place  of  receiving  death  wound  3825  Rhodes  Avenue 

Manner  of  wound  Bullet  wound 

Wilkins,  an  agent  for  the  MetropoHtan  Life  Insurance  Company,  on  his  rounds  collecting, 

entered  the  house  at  3825  Rliodes  Avenue  where  several  Negro  families  live.     W'hile  he  was 

inside  three  young  Negro  men  approached  one  of  the  tenants  who  was  sitting  on  the  front 

porch,  and  one  of  them  asked  who  the  white  man  was.     This  youth  is  alleged  to  have  said, 


666  THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 

"We  don't  want  no  damned  insurance  man  here.  What  money  we  have  got  we  want  to  keep 
it."  When  Wilkins  appeared,  two  of  the  youths  stood  on  the  curb,  and  one  went  between  two 
houses  which  Wilkins  had  to  pass.  As  he  went  by  he  was  shot.  It  was  said  that  Spurgeon 
Anthony  and  Willis  Powell  were  the  two  who  stood  at  the  curb,  and  John  Washington  was  the 
one  who  went  between  the  houses.  The  coroner's  jury  recommended  that  the  three  be  held 
to  the  grand  jury  upon  a  charge  of  murder,  and  the  grand  jury  indicted  them.  On  December 
1 6,  19 19,  a  verdict  of  not  guilty  was  returned  as  to  Powell,  and  Washington  was  found  guilty 
and  sentenced  to  twenty  years  in  the  penitentiary. 

7.  Paul  Hard  wick 

Race  Negro 

Date  of  receiving  death  wound  July  29 

Time  of  receiving  death  woimd  5 :  00  a.m. 

Place  of  receiving  death  wound  Wabash  Avenue  and  Adams  Street 

Manner  of  wound  Bullet  wound 

A  mob  of  white  civilians,  soldiers,  and  sailors,  who  had  been  chasing  Negroes  through  the 
"Loop"  district  for  the  previous  two  or  three  hours,  beating  and  robbing  them,  and  destroying 
property  where  Negroes  were  not  found,  entered  one  of  Thompson's  restaurants  where  Hard- 
wick  was  breakfasting.  Another  Negro,  one  King,  was  also  in  the  restaurant.  The  mob  set 
upon  them,  throwing  food  and  dishes.  Hardwick  dodged  into  the  street  and  King  hid  behind 
a  dish  counter,  where  he  was  wounded  with  a  knife.  Failing  to  catch  Hardwick  as  he  fled  down 
Adams  Street,  one  of  the  rioters  stepped  to  the  curb  and  fired  a  revolver  at  him,  bringing  him 
down.  Several  of  the  crowd  robbed  the  corpse.  At  the  time  of  the  coroner's  jury  hearing 
the  only  one  of  the  mob  identified  was  Ray  Freedman,  aged  seventeen.  He  was  apprehended 
and  charged  with  murder,  malicious  mischief,  and  inciting  to  riot,  but  was  not  indicted 
Later  Edward  Haines  was  connected  with  the  case,  indicted,  and  on  February  21,  1920,  sent 
to  Pontiac. 

8.  Robert  Williams 

Race  Negro 

Date  of  receiving  death  wound  July  29 

Time  of  receiving  death  wound  6:15  a.m. 

Place  of  receiving  death  wound  At  or  near  State  and  Van  Buren  streets 

Manner  of  wound  Stab  wound 

The  murder  of  Williams  was  the  second  riot  killing  in  the  heart  of  Chicago's  business 
district  on  the  morning  of  July  29.  Before  Wilhams  died  he  said  he  had  been  assaulted  by 
white  men  at  State  and  Van  Buren  streets.  An  eyewitness,  a  Negro,  said  he  saw  Williams 
rurming  west  on  the  car  track  on  Van  Buren  Street,  followed  by  a  mob  of  about  200  white 
men.  One  of  them,  whom  he  positively  identified  as  Frank  Biga,  stabbed  the  deceased  twice, 
but  Williams  continued  to  run  for  a  distance  after  that.  A  white  man  who  saw  WUliams 
picked  up  at  Harrison  and  State  streets  also  identified  Biga  as  a  man  who  all  during  the 
morning  had  led  gangs  chasing  Negroes.  A  woman  went  to  a  poUceman  and  pointed  out 
Biga  as  the  leader  of  riot  mobs.  The  coroner's  jury  recommended  that  Biga  be  held  to  the 
grand  jury  upon  a  charge  of  murder.  At  the  time  of  the  identification  of  Biga  by  the  woman 
the  pohceman  arrested  him,  found  a  broken  razor  in  his  possession,  and  had  him  booked  for 
disorderly  conduct,  for  which  he  was  fined  $5  and  costs  in  the  boys'  court  and  sent  to  the 
House  of  Correction.  The  next  day  he  broke  out  of  the  House  of  Correction  and  was  not 
again  apprehended  until  he  was  implicated  in  the  murder  of  a  shoe  merchant,  Fred  Bender,  on 
August  8,  19 19.  He  killed  Bender  with  a  blow  on  the  head  from  an  iron  pipe.  On  Feb- 
ruary 18,  1920,  Biga  was  sent  to  the  penitentiary  for  life. 


APPENDIX 


667 


9.  William  Dozier 
Race 

Date  of  receiving  death  wound 
Time  of  receiving  death  wound 
Place  of  receiving  death  wound 

IVIanner  of  wound 


Negro 
July  31 

7:15  A.M. 

Stock  Yards,   Exchange  Avenue  about 

Cook  Street 
External  violence 


Dozier,  Negro,  approached  a  meat  curer  employed  in  the  superintendent's  oflfice  of  Swift 
&  Co.  to  ask  if  the  Negroes  were  not  going  to  have  protection  in  the  Yards  that  morning.  A 
white  worker  stepped  out  of  the  crowd  and  struck  at  Dozier  with  a  hammer.  Dozier  dodged 
and  caught  the  blow  on  the  neck.  He  started  to  rim  east  on  Exchange  Avenue.  As  he  ran 
he  was  struck  with  a  street  broom  and  shovel  and  other  missiles;  near  the  sheep  pens  a  brick 
felled  him.  The  meat  curer  above  mentioned  and  an  assistant  identified  one  Zarka  as  the 
man  who  wielded  the  hammer.  Joseph  Scezak  was  identified  as  the  man  who  used  the  broom. 
The  coroner's  Jury  recommended  that  these  two  be  held  to  the  grand  jury  on  a  charge  of  man- 
slaughter and  also  that  the  unknown  participants  be  held  upon  the  same  charge.  Zarka 
and  Scezak  were  indicted  for  murder,  and  on  May  6, 1920,  a  verdict  of  not  guilty  was  returned 
as  to  each. 

D.    TABLE  SHOWING  NUMBER  OF  PERSONS  INJURED  IN 
CHICAGO  RIOT,  BY  DATE  AND  BY  RACE 


Race 

Total 

Date 

White 

Negro 

Unknown 

Tulv  27 

10 

71 

55 

20 

10 

0 

I 

I 

I 

I 

I 

2 

0 

I 

4 

31 

152 

80 

20 

9 

I 

3 

I 
0 
0 
0 
0 
I 
0 
44 

5 
6 

4 

2 

0 
0 
0 
0 
0 
0 
0 
0 
0 
0 
0 

46 

28 

229 

20 

139 

■20 

42 

21 

19 

Aug.   I 

I 

2 

4 

3 

3 

4 

I 

c 

I 

.6 

I 

7 

2 

8 

I 

0 

I 

Date  unknown 

48 

Total 

178 

342 

17 

537 

INDEX 


Abraham  Lincoln  Center,  150 

"Abyssinians,"  murders  by,  59;  group,  60, 
480,  537 

Addams,  Jane,  19,  55 

Adler,  Herman  M.,  35 

Aftermath  of  riot,  46 

Ages  of  rioters,  13,  22 

American  Federation  of  Labor,  405 

American  Red  Cross,  45,  150 

Appreciation  of  property,  211 

Arms  and  ammunition,  21 

Arrests  in  riots,  328 

Associated  Negro  Presses,  521 

Associated  Press,  553 

"Athletic"  clubs,  11,  55;  grand  jury  recom- 
mendation on,  16 

Athletic  teams,  253 

Atlanta  Constitution,  84 

Atlanta  Independent,  81 

Attitudes,  in  public  opinion,  457 

Automobile  raids,  6,  18 

"Back  of  the  Yards"  fire,  7,  20;  newspaper 

handling  of,  539 
Barrett  murder,  64 
Bathing-beaches,  274 
Beliefs  concerning  Negroes,  437;  background 

of,  445,  451;  of  fifteen  Negroes,  493;  held 

by  fifteen  white  men,  459;   primary,  438; 

secondary,  443 
Biographical  notes  of  Commissioners,  625 
Black  Belt,  6,  8;    "cleaning  up  the,"  567; 

concentration  of  police  in,   36;    housing 

in,   184. 
"Black  and  tan"  resorts,  323 
Board  of  Education,  239,  256;   Quincy,  235; 

recommendations  to,  643 
Boaz,  Franz,  450 

Bombings,  117,  122;  newspapers  on,  532 
Bubbly  Creek  rumor,  32 

Cabarets,  344 

Chicago  American,  548,  554 

Chicago    Commission    on    Race    Relations: 

appointments  by  Governor  Lowden,  xvi; 

biographical  sketches,  652;   plan  of  work, 

xvii;  staff,  653 
Chicago  Daily  News,  116,  202,  212,  524,  548 


Chicago  Defender,  87,  492,  557 
Chicago  Evening  Post,  553 
Chicago  Federation  of  Labor,  406 
Chicago  Herald-Examiner,  524,  550 
Chicago  newspapers,  an  intensive  study  of, 

531 
Chicago  Real  Estate  Board,  216,  219 
Chicago  Riot,  1,595;  background,  2;  begin- 
ning, 4;   clashes  before,  53;  coroner's  jury 
recommendations  on,  49;  factors  of,  9,  25; 
Negro  press  on,  488;  outstanding  features 
of,  48;  police  orders,  37 
Chicago  School  of  Civics  and  Philanthropy, 

184,  218 

Chicago  Searchlight,  557 

Chicago  Tribune,  453,  476,  524,  551 

Chicago  Urban  League,  45,  104,  135,  146, 

185,  193,  365,  368 
Chicago  Whip,  557 
Chief  of  Police,  36 
Children  of  immigrants,  256 
Children,  participation  in  riot,  22 
Chronological  story  of  riot,  5 

Churches,  142;  pastors,  140;  property,  145; 
relief  work  by,  144 

City  Council,  recommendations  to,  642 

Civil  Rights  Act,  232 

Clashes,  9;  minor,  53;  in  parks,  288;  types 
of,  17 

Commercial  enterprises,  140 

Conclusions,  594 

Contacts;  in  public  place,  309;  racial,  231 

Contested  neighborhoods,  117 

Convictions  in  riot,  48 

Co-operative  racial  efforts,  326 

Coroner's  jury,  47;  recommendations  of,  49 

Courts:  injustice  in,  85;  Negro  in,  332 

Crime,  327;  authorities  on,  345;  beliefs  con- 
cerning Negro,  440;  and  environment,  341, 
621;  impressions  of  Negro,  328;  the  press 
on,  524 

Criminal  statistics,  328 

Crisis,  515,  518 

Crowds,  22 

Cultural  contacts,  325 


Death  of  riot,  i ;  epitome  of  facts,  655 
Defensive  philosophy,  508 


669 


670 


THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 


Defensive  policies,  484 

Depreciation  of  property,  194;  after  com- 
ing of  Negroes,  200;  general  factors  in, 
196;  in  Hyde  Park,  205;  in  a  Prairie 
Avenue  block,  212 

Deputy  sheriffs,  43 

Deterioration  of  property,  196 

Discrimination:  in  arrests,  35;  in  courts, 
352;  in  public  places,  310;  in  public 
schools,  234;  in  recreation,  277;  in  wages, 
365;  in  work,  391,  419 

Domestic  workers,  370 

Duke,  Charles,  34,  201 

East  St.  Louis  Riots,  71;  Congressional  Com- 
mittee report  on,  72 
Efficiency,  of  Negro  labor,  374 
Elementary  schools,  246 
EmotionaUty,  beUefs  concerning  Negro,  442 
Employers,  recommendations  to,  647 
Employment  agencies,  431 
EstabHshments  employing  Negroes,  361 
Exclusive  neighborhoods,  115  '. 
Experiments  with  Negro  women  workers,  380 

Factors  influencing  growth  of  riot,  9,  25 
Family  histories,  group  of,  170 
Financial  resources  of  Negroes,  227 
Financial  support  of  Commission,  xvii 
Fire  "back  of  the  Yards,"  539 
Fitzpatrick,  John,  415,  426 
Fraternal  organizations,  141 

Gambling,  344 

Gangs,  3,  7,  11;  murders  by,  55 

Garvey,  Marcus,  60,  493 

Gompers,  Samuel,  364 

Grand  Jur>'  Recommendations,  51 

Growth  of  riot,  7 

High  schools,  252 

Home  ownership  by  Negroes,  215 

Hotel  employees,  368 

Housing  of  Negroes,  152;  financial  aspects  of, 

215;     newspaper  handling   of,    528,    542; 

physical  aspects  of,  184;  types,  186 
Hyde  Park,  117;    depreciation  of  property 

in,  205 

Identification,  Bureau  of,  335 

Illinois  Children's  Home  and  Aid  Society,  150 

Illiteracy,  and  race  problems,  497 

Immigrant  children,  256 

Incendiary  fires,  20 

Indictments  in  riot,  48 


Industries:  attitude  of  Negroes  toward,  385; 
excluding  Negroes,  391;  Negroes  in  Chi- 
cago, 357,  623;  relations  of  whites  with,  393 

Industry,  recommendations,  647 

Infective  environment,  342 

Injuries  and  deaths  of  riot,  10 

Interracial  efforts,  326 

Investigators  of  Commission,  653 

Italians,  19 

Jones,  Thomas  Jesse,  82 
Judges,  testimony  of,  345 
Juvenile  delinquency,  333 

Kenwood  and  Hyde  Park  Property  Owners' 
Association,  118,  132,  204,  210,  589 

Labor  turnover,  377 

Labor  Unions  and  Negroes,  403;  attitude  of 
locals  toward  Negroes,  412-20;  attitude 
of  Negroes,  420;  opinions  of  labor  leaders, 
432;  and  race  prejudice,  435;  recom- 
mendations to,  643,  647 

Lake  Park  Avenue,  107,  159 

Legal  status  of  Negroes,  232 

Lithuanians,  8,  21,  160 

Loans  to  Negroes  on  property,  220 

Lodgers,  162 

"Loop"  rioting,  8,  20 

Lynchings,  582 

McDowell,  Mary,  20,  55,  415 
Membership  in  unions,  411 
Mencken,  H.  L.,  443 
Mental  complexes,  of  Negroes,  502 
Mentahty,  beliefs  concerning,  430,  445,  459 
Messenger  magazine,  489,  490 
Migrants  in  Chicago,  93,  97,  117,  169 
Migration  from  South,  79,  602;    efforts  to 

check,  103;   the  press  on,  529 
Militia,  conduct  of,  40;   distribution  of,  41; 

recommendations  to,  640 
Minor  clashes,  53 

Misrepresentation  of  Negroes  in  press,  521 
Mississippi,    appropriations   for   white   and 

colored  schools,  82 
Mob,  a  Negro  and  a,  481 
Mobs,  22,  ^^ 

Morality,  beliefs  concerning,  439,  447,  459 
Morgan  Park,  107,  137 
Myths,    577;    concerning  Negro  mentality 

579;  rape,  582;  sex,  584 

National  Association  for  the  Advancement  of 
Colored  People,  148,  575 


INDEX 


671 


'National  Urban  League,  575 
^egro  children,  scholarship  of,  256 

Negro  community,  139-52 

Negro  families,  152;  histories,  170;  housing, 
152-230;  living,  165 

Negro  labor:  classification  of  workers,  364; 
compared  with  white  labor,  374;  domestic, 
370;  employers'  experience  with,  372; 
future  in  industry,  400;  increase  in,  362; 
organized,  403,429;  southern,  363;  use  of , 
to  reduce  wages,  398 

Negro  and  a  mob,  481 

Negro  population  of  Chicago,  106;  trend,  135 

Negro  press,  132,  304;  and  crime  publicity, 
557;  handling  of  news,  556;  policy,  563; 
on  race  riot,  4S8;  recommendations  to, 
650;  sources  of  news,  567 

Negro  problems,  505;  radicals,  574;  revolt, 
540 

Negro  soldiers,  newspaper  handling  of,  524 

Negro  teachers,  247,  251 

Negro  women  in  industry,  367,  378 

Negroes:  in  Chicago  industries,  358;  dis- 
criminations against,  234;  in  labor  unions, 
412;  and  leaders,  505;  legal  status  in 
Ilhnois,  232;  and  pubhc  opinion,  475; 
recommendations  to,  645 

Neighborhood  improvement  associations,  192 

Neighborhoods  of  Negro  residence,  108,  113, 
IIS 

Newspapers,  60;  attitude  of  Negroes  toward, 
521;  on  bombing,  532;  handling  of  Negro 
news,  523;  intensive  study  of,  531;  on 
migration,  529;  on  Negro  crime,  524; 
on  Negro  housing,  528;  on  Negro  in 
politics,  527;  policy,  547,  563;  and  the 
riot,  26,  44 

North  migration  to,  29 

North  Side,  108,  112 

Occupations  of  Negroes,  263,  358 

Ogden  Park,  107 

Opinion-making:       instruments     of,      635; 

among  Negroes,  514 
Opinions:    of   Negroes,   475,   493,   630;    of 

whites,  459,  630 
Opportunities  for  Negroes,  in  industry,  357; 

training  for  recreation  directors,  296 
Organizations,  of  Negroes,  141 
Other  outbreaks,  53 
Outlying  neighborhoods,  136 
Overage  in  public  schools,  239 
Overcrowding,  156 

Parents,  attitudes  of,  250 

Park  boards,  recommendations  to,  642 

Parks  and  playgrounds,  275 


Parole  and  probation,  335 

Penal  institutions,  338 

Philosophy,  racial,  508 

PhyUis  Wheatley  Home,  149 

Police:  conduct  of,  4,  5,  21,  33,  38,  66;  dis- 
tribution of,  in  riot  area,  37;  distrust  of, 
by  Negroes,  35;  raids  on  Negro  clubs,  16; 
recommendations  to,  640 

PoUtics,  3,  39;   the  press  on  Negroes  in,  527 

Population:  Negro  and  white  in  Chicago, 
106,  605;  working,  357 

Press:  of  Chicago,  520,  523;  handling  of 
Negro  news,  524;  opinions  of  Negroes 
regarding,  485,  514,  521;  recommendations 
to,  650 

Propaganda:  charges  of,  by  Negroes,  492; 
defensive,  592;  malicious,  589;  and  pubhc 
opinion,  587;   racial  educational,  587 

Property:  appreciation  of,  211;  depreciation 
of,  194 

Property  Owners^  Journal,  121,  590 

Prostitution,  houses  of  in  Negro  area,  344 

Protective  Circle,  130,  593 

Proxddent  Hospital,  150 

Psychological  basis  of  Negro  crime,  342 

Public,  the,  recommendations  to,  644 

Public  opinion,  436,  630;  expressed  by 
Negroes,  475;  and  propaganda,  587;  and 
rumor,  568 

PubUc  schools,  238;   contact  problems,  244; 

elementary,  246;  physical  equipment,  241; 

social     activities,   254;      technical     high 

schools,  256 
Pullman  porters,  369,  390 

Race  consciousness,  487 

Race  friction  among  workers,  393 

Race  prejudice,  503 

Race  problems,  478;  and  acquisition  of 
wealth,  495;  and  illiteracy,  497;  opinions 
of  Negroes  on,  493;  opinions  on  solution 
of,  495;  and  religion,  500;  and  sufifrage, 
499 

Race  relations,  436,  494;  in  industr>%  392 

Racial  contacts,  231,  613;  newspapers  on, 
530 

Racial  solidarity,  509 

Radical  propaganda,  587 

"Ragen's  Colts,"  12,  14,  55,  482 

Raids  on  Negro  clubs,  15 

Railroad  Men's  International  Benevolent 
Industrial  Association,  409 

Railroad  workers,  369 

Ravenswood,  108 

Recommendations  of  Chicago  Commission 
on  Race  Relations,  639;  to  Board  of 
Education,  642;  to  city  council  and  admin- 


672 


THE  NEGRO  IN  CHICAGO 


istration  boards,   642;    to  Negroes,   646; 

to  places  of  public  accommodation,  649; 

to   police,   miUtia,   state's   attorney,   and 

courts,  640;   to  the  press,  650;   to  public, 

644;  to  social  and  civic  organizations,  643; 

to    street-car  companies,   649;     to   white 

members  of  public,  645 
Recreation,  271;   centers,  273;   contacts  in, 

of  school  children,  266;    faciUties  for,  272 
Religion:    beUefs  concerning  Negroes',  449; 

and  race  problems,  499 
Religious  organizations,  142 
Rents,  162 

Restoration  of  order,  43 
Retardation,  239,  256;    causes  of,  258;    of 

Negro  children,  261,  439 
Ridicule,  by  press,  545 
Riot  area,  8 

Riot  deaths,  epitome  of  facts  concerning,  655 
Riot  injuries,  667 
Robbins,  lUinois,  138 
Rumor,    5,   6,    19,    21;    of  atrocities,    576; 

"Bubbly  Creek,"  570;    in  East  St.  Louis 

Riot,   572;    and  migration,   576;    within 

Negro  group,  575;  and  the  press,  25;  and 

public  opinion,  568 

Scholarship,  256 

Schools:  contacts  in  238;  physical  equip- 
ment of,  241 

Segregation:  opinions  of  Negroes,  509; 
opinions  of  whites,  459,  473 

Sentiment:  group,  456;  of  Negroes,  478; 
types  of,  437,  451 

Sex  crimes,  332 

Social  agencies,  146,  193 

Social  and  civic  organizations,  recommenda- 
tions to,  643 

Social  waste  in  Negro  employment,  392 

South:  educational  facilities  for  Negroes  in, 
239;  injustice  in  courts  in,  85;  migration 
from,  79;  traditions  of,  456 

South  Side,  107, 156, 184;  property  deprecia- 
tion on, 198 

Springfield  riot,  67 


Staff  of  Chicago  Commission  on  Race  Rela- 
tions, 653 

State's  attorney,  8,  34;   recommendations  to, 
640 

Stock  Yards,  44,  66;  Negro  workers  in,  389; 

strike  of  1904,  430;  unions,  412 
"Store  Front"  churches,  144 
Street-car  clashes,  7,  10,  17 

Street-car  companies,  recommendations  to, 

649 
Strike-breaking,  412,  427 
Strikes,  participation  of  Negroes  in,  430 
Suffrage  and  race  problems,  499 
Summary  of  findings  by  Commission,  595 

Thompson,  Mayor  William  Hale,  40 
Traffic:    concentration  of  Negro,  298;    dis- 
tribution, 300 
Transportation  contacts,  297;  attitudes  on, 
452;  recommendations  on,  649 

Unions,  403,  439;  Negro  membership  in,  411 
Union  League  Club,  46 
United  Charities,  150 

Vice,  342 

Vice  Commission  report,  343 
Voluntary  grouping,  249,  285 
Volunteers,  42 

Wages,  365 

War,  opportunities  created  by,  357 
Waukegan,  racial  outbreak,  57;    newspaper 
handling  of,  541 

Wealth  of  Negroes,  495 

West  Side,  108,  in,  156,  191 

Williams,  Eugene,  4 

Women  in  industry,  367,  378 

Women  and  riot,  17 

Women's  Trade  Union  League,  402,  414 

Woodlawn,  107,  in 

Y.M.C.A.,  46,  147 

Y.W.C.A.  (Indiana  Avenue  Branch),  149 


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